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UDK 911.002.23:323.38 + 711.28:914.971.2
Mirko Pak*
GEOGRAFSKI ELEMENTI SOCIALNEGA RAZLIKOVANJA V MESTNEM
PROSTORU
Mesto je prostor najmočnejše koncentracije človekovih dejavnosti
in kot tako je tudi prostor najhitrejših kvalitetnih in prostorskih
spre-memb. Ne samo, da na primer starejši mestni predeli hitro
izgubljajo na kvaliteti stanovanjskega prostora, temveč marsikdaj
že novogradnje raz-ličnih struktur močno zaostajajo za poprečnim
standardom stanovanjske strukture in stanovanjskega okolja mesta.
Podobno se dogaja ob gradnji različnih infrastrukturnih objektov.
Značilen primer za to je Amster-dam, katerega so še leta 1935
načrtovali kot mesto kolesarjev in je de-loma tudi zato danes
avtomobilski promet v njegovem središču skoraj nerešljiv
problem.
Vrednost mestnega prostora je bila že v preteklosti močno
hetero-gena, odvisna od prirodnih dejavnikov, položaja do mestnega
središča, obstoječe srednjeveške zazidave in podobno. Ekonomski
razvoj je vred-nost nekaterih dejavnikov iz preteklosti še
potenciral, druge pa je raz-vrednotil. Bivanje v mestnem središču
in ob glavnih mestnih ulicah se je spremenilo iz ugodnosti v
neugodnost zaradi onesnaženosti okolja, hrupa, težkega pristopa z
avtomobilom in pomanjkanja zelenih površin. Večja oddaljenost od
mestnega središča pa pridobiva na vrednosti. Tudi Burgess je pri
svojem modelu razdelitve mesta na koncentrične kroge, postavil slum
v mestno središče, oziroma poslovno središče mesta.1 Ob tem pa je v
večjih slovenskih mestih relativno težko omejiti predele enake
vrednosti stanovanjskega prostora in okolja. Prvič zato, ker se
strukturno različni predeli marsikje močno prepletajo in so
homogena področja zelo majhna in drugič zato, ker je zunanja
struktura v tesni korelaciji s strukturo prebivalcev. Eno ali drugo
je nemogoče izločiti pri strukturnem vrednotenju mestnega prostora.
Občutno večja homogenost posameznih predelov je v manjših
mestih.
Na osnovi naših dosedanjih raziskav tridesetih mestnih predelov,
lahko naštejemo področja s slabšim stanovanjskim standardom in
oko-ljem:2
* Dr., doc., Oddelek za geogr. Fil. fak., 61000 Ljubljana,
Aškerčeva 12, glej izvleček na koncu zbornika.
1 Ernest W. Burgess: The Growth of the City. An Introduction to
a Re-search Project. Studies in Human Ecology, New York 1961, str.
37—44.
2 Mirko Pak: Socijalno geografska diferenciacija u gradovima
Slovenije. Geographica Slovenica 1, Jugoslovanski simpozij o urbani
geografiji, Ljub-ljana 5—7. oktobra 1970, Ljubljana 1971, str.
147—162.
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— v središčih mest, — skupine starejših večstanovanjskih hiš, —
ob industriji, — v novih predmestjih priseljencev, na cenejšem
zemljišču, — nekateri predeli novih blokov, — nekateri predeli
predvojnih vil, — predvojne delavske kolonije. Korelacija med
zazidalno strukturo in poklicno strukturo nosilcev
gospodinjskih listov, je izmed vseh 30 raziskanih mestnih
predelov, izločila kar 18 ali 60 °/o takšnih, ki po teh dveh
pokazateljih izstopajo v negativnem smislu. To pomeni, da imajo
prevelik delež starega prebi-valstva ali preveč homogeno nizko
socialno strukturo prebivalcev na eni strani in na drugi strani
slabo stanovanjsko strukturo — živijo v starih večstanovanjskih
hišah, starih enodružinskih delavskih hišah in podobno.
Glede na poklicno strukturo lahko predele razdelimo v tri
skupine: z več kot 40 °/o gospodinjstev upokojencev, s 30—40 %
gospodinjstev upokojencev, z nad 50 % gospodinjstev delavcev vseh
vrst kvalifikacij in z večjim deležem gospodinjstev nižjih
uslužbencev. Od skupno 18 predelov spadajo v prvo skupino 3 ali
10,0 °/o, v drugo
skupino 8 ali 26,7 °/o in v tret jo skupino 7 ali 23,3 %.
Analogno velikemu deležu gospodinjstev z nižjo socialno strukturo
je v teh predelih nizek delež gospodinjstev uslužbencev s srednjo
in visoko izobrazbeno struk-turo. V področjih z nad 40 °/o
gospodinjstev upokojencev je popreček gospodinjstev uslužbencev na
eno področje samo 4,5 %, v področjih s 30 do 4 0 % gospodinjstev
upokojencev znaša ta povpreček že 11,9% in v področjih z več kot 50
% delavskih gospodinjstev, znaša ta popreček 18,2%. V vseh ostalih
12 raziskanih predelih, ki ne sodijo v zgornje tr i skupine, je
poprečen delež gospodinjstev uslužbencev kar 42,8%.
Pri drugem elementu, strukturi zazidave, smo izločili samo dve
sku-pini. V prvo skupino spadajo predeli, kjer živi nad 8 0 %
gospodinjstev v starih večstanovanjskih hišah in še slabši
stanovanjski strukturi; ter drugo skupino, kjer živi 60—80 %
gospodinjstev v takšnih hišah. V prvo skupino spada 11 ali 36,7%
vseh raziskanih predelov, v drugo skupino pa 7 ali 23,3 %.
Predelov, ki sodijo istočasno po poklicni strukturi
gospodinjstev in po strukturi zazidave v zgoraj navedene skupine je
12, med temi so vsi tr i je predeli z nad 40 % gospodinjstev
upokojencev, 5 predelov od skupno 8 iz skupine z deležem 30—40'%
gospodinjstev upokojencev in iz skupine nad 50 % gospodinjstev
delavcev 3 od skupno 7. Ostali 6 pre-deli, kjer povezave v okviru
zgoraj navedenih meril ni, pa so izključno robni predeli starih
mestnih središč, kjer sta ugodna stanovanjska in populacijska
struktura v preteklosti obdržali relativno ugodno socialno
strukturo prebivalstva do danes. Hkrati so to predeli stanovanjske
struk-ture, ki dopušča adaptacijo in modernizacijo.
Posebna raziskava šestih socialno deformiranih predelov v
Ljub-ljani, Mariboru, Celju, na Jesenicah in v Kopru, je potrdila
izhodišča,
Mirko Pak, Gojmir Bervar: Geografski učinki socialne deformacije
v ne-katerih predelih slovenskih mest. Geografski vestnik XLIII
1971, Ljubljana 1972, str. 122—133.
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ki so nas vodila pri njihovi izbiri.' To so področja najstarejše
zazidave v mestnih središčih s prevladujočim deležem gospodinjstev
upokojencev in torej področja koncentracije starega prebivalstva,
potem področja, katerih nastanek je direktno povezan z industrijo
in področja na pri-rodno najslabših tleh v okviru mesta. Vsem tem
področjem je skupna pomanjkljiva komunalna opremljenost in
neprimerno stanovanjsko oko-lje. Zaradi hitrejšega razvoja drugih
mestnih predelov ta področja rela-tivno še nadalje nazadujejo, v
njih tudi struktura prebivalstva konstant-no nazaduje, kar je
ponekod že pripeljalo, drugod pa se že kažejo znaki prehoda v to,
kar imenujejo v Ameriki slum, v nemški in nizozemski literaturi pa
z manj drastičnim imenom Sanierungsgebiet.
Naše raziskave so razkrile v slovenskih mestih še več področij s
podpoprečno socialna in starostno strukturo prebivalstva ter
stanovanj-skega standarda. Pokazale so se velike razlike med
posameznimi deli mest, te razlike še nadalje rastejo in se kažejo
tudi v komunalni oprem-ljenosti prostora, okolju itd. Konkretnih
posegov za izenačevanje teh pogojev in za zmanjšanje strukturnih
razlik pri nas nimamo. Nekaj takega je na primer predvideno v
urbanističnem načrtu Sarajeva, kjer naj bi bile najemnine tudi v
boljših družbenih stanovanjih regulator zmanjševanja strukturnih
razlik.
V vseh raziskanih predelih predvojnih večstanovanjskih hiš je
social-na struktura prebivalstva pod poprečkom, še zlasti močno v
tistih predelih, ki so bili namensko zgrajeni za delavce. Takšne
skupine hiš so gradili neposredno ob industrijskih obratih ali na
cenejšem zemljišču, ki je bilo takrat predvsem na robu mesta in v
slabšem prirodnem okolju. Kompleks večstanovanjskih hiš ob Nasipni
ulici na Pobrežju v Mari-boru ima kar 61,1 % gospodinjstev
kvalificiranih delavcev, 18,2 °/o go-spodinjstev upokojencev, 7,2 %
gospodinjstev nekvalificiranih delavcev itd. V Mostah je delavskih
gospodinjstev 44,8 %>, upokojenskih 21 °/o, v središču starega
Tabora na desnem bregu Drave v Mariboru je de-lavskih gospodinjstev
28,1 %, nekvalificiranih delavcev pa še nadaljnjih 10,9 %>,
medtem ko je gospodinjstev upokojencev kar 32,8 %>. Podobno je v
starem središču na Ravnah, kjer je delavskih gospodinjstev 58,5 %,
nekvalificiranih delavcev 8,5 °/o in gospodinjstev upokojencev 16,7
%>. V to skupino mestnih predelov moramo šteti tudi središči
Kamnika in Škofje Loke, ki izkazujeta v neugodni zazidalni
strukturi tudi neugodno socialno in starostno strukturo
prebivalstva. Čim močneje je bila že pred vojno razvita industrija,
tem večji kompleksi takšne stanovanjske strukture so izven starega
mestnega središča.
V takšnih hišah živi pretežno starejše avtohtono prebivalstvo,
ki predstavlja stabilen element, medtem ko je labilen element
priseljeno mlado prebivalstvo najnižjih socialnih skupin, v veliki
meri predvsem samske žene z otroki. Stanovanjski standard je v
takšnih zgradbah močno pod poprečjem, možnosti za izboljšavo pa
skoraj ni. Te predele naših mest je sedaj zajel enak proces,
kakršen je zajel najstarejša mestna jedra že pred 15 leti. V to
kategorijo mestnih predelov spadajo zlasti predvojne delavske
kolonije. Najbolj tipičen primer je železničarska kolonija v
Mariboru, od koder se je avtohtono prebivalstvo kvalifici-
3 Mirko Pak: Socialne deformacije v nekaterih predelih
slovenskih mest. Inštitut za geografijo univerze v Ljubljani
1969.
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ranih železničarjev odselilo v bloke, na njihovo mesto pa so se
naselili večinoma nekvalificirani delavci iz Dravske doline.
Prav posebno kategorijo predstavljajo skoraj v celoti
srednjeveška jedra v naših mestih. Poleg Gornjega trga v Ljubljani,
ki smo ga že uvrstili med šest raziskanih predelov z najnižjo
socialno strukturo, je raziskava Starega trga pokazala nizko
socialno strukturo in veliko sta-rega prebivalstva, enako v
Mariboru, Škofji Loki, Kamniku in Kopru. Povsod so ti predeli
izredno gosto poseljeni na dvoriščni strani, k je r je tudi veliko
raznih nestanovanjskih dejavnosti. To so tipična področja sanacije,
ne samo kot stanovanjski, temveč v veliki meri tudi kot
gospo-darski prostor.
Med osemnajstimi raziskanimi mestnimi predeli, ki izkazujejo
pod-poprečno socialno in zgradbeno strukturo so tudi stara
predmestja, v glavnem že močno deformirana in pozidana (Nova vas v
Mariboru, južni del Kamnika). V teh predelih prav tako izstopa
visok delež delavskih gospodinjstev, 65,3 °/o v Kamniku in 47,1 % v
Novi vasi v Mariboru. Vendar se ta predmestja hitro transformirajo
in zboljšujejo svoje struk-ture, še zlasti v večjih mestih, kjer
močno pritiskajo na proste gradbene parcele tudi višje socialne
skupine.
Nasprotno pa nastajajo na robovih mesta nova predmestja na
pri-rodno in psihološko manj vrednem zemljišču. V Ljubljani je to
raziskani predel na Viču ob cesti na Rakovo jelšo, v Mariboru pa na
robu in delo-ma že v samem Tezenskem gozdu. Glede na splošne
razlike v gospo-darski in poklicni strukturi obeh mest, je tako
struktura zazidave kakor poklicna struktura boljša v Ljubljani, v
obeh raziskanih predelih pa je močno pod poprečkom obeh mest. V
predelu ob Rakovi jelši, k jer je bilo 73,2% vseh hiš zgrajenih po
letu 1960 je od skupno 261 gospo-dinjstev kar 20,2 % gospodinjstev
nekvalificiranih delavcev in nadaljnj ih 47,6 °/o gospodinjstev
kvalificiranih delavcev. Če dodamo temu še 6,5 °/o gospodinjstev
nižjih uslužbencev in 6 ,9% gospodinjstev upokojencev, znaša skupno
število gospodinjstev nižje socialne strukture kar 81,2%. Značilno
za ta predel je, da imajo vse družine skupaj kar 203 podna-jemnike.
Celotni predel ob Rakovi jelši je v glavnem črna gradnja in zato
brez ustrezne komunalne ureditve. Tako tukaj na robu strnjeno
zazidanega prostora Ljubljane nastaja homogena četrt z nižjim
stano-vanjskim standardom in socialno strukturo prebivalstva.
Dalje na periferiji mesta poteka kvalitetno podobna
urbanizacija. V naselju Skoke pri Mariboru je bilo po letu 1960
zgrajenih 48 hiš, največ v zadnjih letih, saj jih je še 23 v
gradnji. Ta urbanizacija je izšla pred-vsem iz delavske strukture,
saj je 8 9 % gospodinjstev delavskih. Pri tem pa je močno zastopan
najnovejši dejavnik urbanizacije — zapo-slovanje v tujini. Kar 10
ali 20,8% vseh hiš je bilo zgrajenih z denar-jem zdomcev.
Omeniti je še potrebno, da tudi gradnja nekaterih četrti blokov
ne pomeni povsod dviga stanovanjskega standarda in oblikovanja
kvali-tetno enakovrednih mestnih predelov. To se pokaže že v
zunanji podobi teh predelov, še močneje pa v strukturi
prebivalstva. Ta je ob naselitvi marsikje še ugodna, čez nekaj let
pa se izredno poslabša. Takšne pri-mere najdemo v Mariboru v
Stražunu in na južnem delu mesta ob Bet-navskem gozdu. Tukaj so
sredi te blokovske četrti postavili novo pivo-varno, ki še poslabša
stanovanjsko okolje. Hitra rast naših mest socialne razlike še
poglablja, načrtna sanacija pa je v njih komajda prisotna.
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Mirko Pak
GEOGRAPHICAL ELEMENTS OF THE SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION IN URBAN
AREAS
The city is territory of the strongest concentration of Man's
acti-vities and, as such, the area of most rapid qualitative and
spatial changes. Not only is the quality of residential space in
older parts of the city rapidly deteriorating but even some newly
built residential struc-tures are lagging behind the average
standards of housing and urban residential environment. The same is
true of various infrastructural projects. A characteristical
example for such a development is Amster-dam that was planned, as
early as in the year 1935, as a city for cy-clists but where motor
traffic is now — partly for that reason — almost insoluble problem
in the core area of the city.
The value of the urban space in cities was very heterogenous
even in the past and was related to natural conditions, to the
situation of particular section in relation to the city centre, to
the structure of the remaining medieval parts of the built-up area
and to other fac-tors. The economic development has increased the
value of some factors from the past while a decline in value of
other factors has set in. The place of residence in the city
centre, along the main streets, has changed from being a favourable
location and has turned into its opposite be-cause of the polluted
environment, noise, difficult access by the auto-mobile and by the
lack of green spaces. Residences at a greater distance from the
city centre, however, have gained in value. Thus Burgess in his
model of the concentric spatial pattern of the city has put the
slums into the core area adjacent to the business centre of the
city lieate areas of the equal value of residences and of the
environment in the case of the larger towns and cities is, however,
a rather difficult task.1 There are several reasons for that.
First, because areas that have a similar structure are in many
cases very much intertwined and really homogenous precintes are
very small. Second, because the outer struc-ture is very highly
correlated to the population structure. It is impos-sible to
separate both components in an evaluation of the structure of the
urban space. In the smaller towns, particular areas are
considerably more homogenous.
It is nevertheless possible to single out areas in towns with
worse residential standards and environment on the basis of the
research done until now on thirty urban precincts in various towns
of Slovenia.
These areas are: — in the centres of the cities, — in older
premises of multistorey apartment houses,
1 E. W. Burgess: The Growth of the City. An Introduction to a
Research Project. Studies in Human Ecology. New York, 1961, pp.
37—44.
2 Mirko Pak: Social Geographical Differentiation in the Towns of
Slo-venia (English summary). In »Geografica Slovenica«, voll. (The
Yugoslav Sym-posium on urban geography). Ljubljana, 1971, pp.
147—162.
Mirko Pak, Gojmir Bervar: Geographical Effects of Social
Deformation in some areas of Slovenian Towns. Geografski vestnik
XLIII (1971), Ljub-ljana, pp. 122—133.
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— close to industrial plants, — in the neuwer suburban precints
on cheaper land, where the im-
migrants to towns use to settle, — in some areas of the pre-war
detached houses, — in the precints of the pre-war workers apartment
houses. A correlation analysis between the structure of the
built-up areas
(precincts) and the structure of population (or rather, bearers
of the households certificates) by professions has revealed that in
18 out of 30 precints covered by surveys (or 60 per cent of all)
both indicators stand out in the negative sense. This means the
high share of the old population, the homogenous low social status
of the resident population, etc. on the one hand and the poor
structure of the housing (multistorey apartments, old workers'
cottages, and similar) on the other hand. With regard to the
structure of population by profession three groups of precincts
were included among those with worse residential and environmental
standards, i. e.:
— precincts with more than 30 per cent of the pensioners'
house-holds,
— precincts with 30 to 40 per cent of the pensioners'
households, — precincts with more than 50 per cent of the workers
households
and with a considerable share of the lower rank officials. The
first group includes 3 precinct (10 per cent), the second 8
pre-
cincts (26,7 per cent) and the third group 7 precincts (23,3 per
cent). The large share of the households of a low social status in
these pre-cincts is paralel to a low share of the heads of
households with secon-dary or higher education. The share of the
latter category of the house-holds in precincts with over 40 per
cent of the pensioners' households is only 4,5 per cent and in
those with 30—40 per cent of the persioners' households is 11,9 per
cent and in those with over 50 per cent of the workers' households
the average is 18,2 per cent. In the other twelve precincts which
were not included into the three groups under disscu-ssion, the
average share of the officials' households was as high as 42,8 per
cent.
In dealing with the second element, the structure of the
built-up areas, two groups were singled out. The first includes
precincts where over 80 per cent of all households live in old
multistorey apartment houses or in even worse kind of housing
accomodation. The second group includes precincts where 60 to 80
per cent of households live in such a type of accomodation. Eleven
precincts (36,7 per cent) were found to belong to the first group
and 7 (23,3 per cent) to the second group.
Twelve among eighteen precincts were found to belong to the two
groups just mentioned not only with regard to the structure of the
built-up areas but also with regard to the structure of population
(households) by profession. Among them are all three precincts with
over 40 per cent of the pensioners' households, five precincts (out
of 8) from the group with 30 to 40 per cent of the pensioners'
households and three precincts (out of 7) where workers' households
make up more than 50 per cent of all households. The remaining
precincts, where no such corre-lations were found to exist, are
located entirely on the fringes of the old city cores. There, both
the fairly good housing conditions and the favourable population
structure of the past period have maintained also
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a relatively favourable social structure of population until the
present day. These are, at the same time, precincts of such a type
of housing that makes possible both recondition and
modernisation.
A special analysis of the six »deformed« precincts in Ljubljana,
Celje, Jesenice and Koper has confirmed that the starting points
applied in their selection were justified.3 The selected precincts
represent the oldest central built-up areas of these towns, where
the pensioners' house-holds are predominant. These are, therefore,
precincts of the concen-tration of the old population, precincts
that have been originally di-rectly linked to the emerging
industries and also precincts built on the worst building sites
with regard to natural conditions. A common fea-ture of all these
precincts is that the provision of public utilities is bad or
inadequate and that the residential environment is substandard.
Be-cause of a more rapid development in other parts of the towns
these precincts are continuing to lag behind, at least in relative
terms. The structure of population by age is steadily deteriorating
which has led to the formation (or is on the brink of becoming) a
phenomenon called the »slum« in the English literature or (in a
less drastic connotation) »Sanierungsgebiet« in the German or Dutch
literature.
The research carried out until now has detected in Slovenian
towns many more areas where the social and the age structures of
population and the housing standards are below the average. It has
also revealed great differences between particular parts of towns
which also tend to increase and are also reflected in the provision
with public utilities, in the environmental conditions in general,
etc. Concrete measures for the equality with regard to these
conditions and for a decrease in the structural differences are not
in operation in Slovenia. Something like that is enwisaged in the
Master plan for Sarajevo, where rents even in the better dwellings
in public ownership should play the role of a re-gulator in the
process of the decrease of the structural differences.
The social structure of population is below the average in all
pre-cincts of the pre-war multistorey apartment houses, in
particular in those precints which were built to house workers.
Such groups of apartment houses are built on sites directily
adjacent to factories or on cheap land which usually was then on
the fringes of towns and of poor quality with regard to the natural
environment. In a precinct along the Nasipna street in the Maribor
suburb of Pobrezje the share of the skilled workers' households is
as high as 61,9 per cent where as that of the pensioners'
households is 18,2 per cent and that of unskilled workers'
households 7,2 per cent. In the Moste suburb of Ljubljana the share
of the workers' households was 44,8 per cent and that of the
persioners' households 21,0 per cent. In the central part of the
old Tabor quarter in Maribor the share of the workers' households
was 28,1 per cent, that of the unskilled workers' households 10,9
per cent in addition and the share of the persioners' households
was as much as 32,8 per cent. A similar situation was found to
exist in the old central part of the industrial town of Ravne. The
share of the workers' households was 58,5 per cent that for the
unskilled workers' households 8,5 per cent and that of the
3 Mirko Pak: Social Deformation in Some precincts in Slovenian
Towns. Institute of Geography at the university of Ljubljana;
Research paper. Un-published. Ljubljana, 1969.
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pensioners' households 16,7 per cent. The old central parts of
Kamnik and Skofja Loka, where the unfavourable structure of the
built-up areas is mirrored in the equally unfavourable social and
age structures of population must also be included into this group
of urban precincts. The most developed were the manufacturing
industries before the last war, the larger are such housing zones
outside the old historical cores of these towns. Houses in such
areas are inhabited mostly by an autochto-nous population which is
static while the mobile element is represented by the youg
population of the lowest social strata (most numerous among them
are single women with children). The housing standard in old houses
is far below the average and hardly any improvements are pos-sible.
These precincts in Slovenian towns are now exposed to the same
process which has already affected the very oldest parts of towns
some fifteen years ago. This category of urban areas includes, in
particular, the workers housing estates built before World War II.
The most typical example is the railwaymens' housing estate in
Maribor, from which the autochtonous skilled workers have moved out
to dwellings provided in modern blocks of flats elsewhere and their
quarters have been taken over mostly by unskilled workers who have
emigrated from rural areas along the Drava river valley.
A rather special category is represented by almost entirely old
medieval core areas of the towns. The analysis has proved that — a
part from the precinct of Gornji trg in Ljubljana, which has
already been mentioned as one among the six surveyed precincts of
the lowest social structure — five more such precincts can be
singled out as areas with a lot of the old people and a low social
status. These are: Stari trg in Ljubljana as well as four more
precincts in Maribor, Skofja Loka, Kamnik and Koper. These
precincts are everywhere very densely po-pulated and include a
large share of people whose dwellings are in the backyard sites
which have also been taken over in many cases by non-residential
activities. Such precincts are typical areas in need of
reha-bilitation of both the dwelling space and of the economic
activities even-tually going on in them.
The older suburbs which are already deformed and fully built-up
(e. g. Nova vas in Maribor, the southern quarter of old Kamnik)
should also be included among the eighteen urban precincts where
the social structure and the structure of the built-up areas are
below the respective averages. In such quarters a high share of the
workers' households stands out: 65,3 per cent in the Kamnik
precinct and 47,1 per cent in Nova vas. But the fact is that these
suburbs are being rapidly transformed and the structures are
improving, in particular in the suburbs of the larger towns where
there is a great demand for the still vacant building lots on the
part of the persons from higher social layers.
New substandard suburban precincts, however, are also appearing
now on sites which — because of the natural conditions and of
psycho-logical reasons — are considered as less valuable. Two such
areas were surveyed, one in Ljubljana (along the Rakova Jelsa road
in the marshy plain to the south of the city) and another in
Maribor (on the fringe and partly inside the Tezno forest). Because
of the general differences in the socioeconomic structure of both
cities the above mentioned precinct in Ljubljana has a better
structure of professions and also a better structure of the
built-up area; in both cities, however, it is still very much
below
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the average for each city. The precintct along Rakova Jelša,
where 73,2 per cent of all houses were built af ter the year 1960,
was settled (at the time the survey was taken) by 261 households.
As much as 20,2 per cent of them were unskilled workers' households
and another 47,6 per cent were skilled workers' households. If the
6,5 per cent of the lower offi-cials' households and the 6,0 per
cents of the persioners' households are added the total share of
households of the lower social structure amounts to as much as 81,2
per cent. It is characteristic of this precinct that the
householders sub-let rooms to as many as 202 persons. The entire
pre-cinct along Rakova Jelša is mainly an area of the »wild cat«
construc-tion and, therefore, without adequate public utilities.
Thus, on the very fringe of the built-up area of the city of
Ljubljana, a homogenous urban quarter with low standards of
residential environment and with a low social structure is
emerging.
Urbanisation of a similar quality of environment is in course in
the wider peripheries of towns as well. In the settlement of Skoke
near Maribor 48 houses were built since the year 1960, mostly
during the last few years (23 among them are still in
construction!). The households are almost entirely workers'
households (89 per cent). A new factor in the urbanisation process
— money gained in the seasonal employment abroad — is reflected in
the fact that 20,8 per cent of all houses at Skoke were built out
of such savings.
It should also be mentioned that the construction of certain
housing estates with blocks of flats does not always mean a rise in
standards of a housing area environment. This is illustrated in the
outer appea-rence of such precincts but even more so from the
structure of popula-tion. When people move in, the structure was
often still a favourable one. But after some years a very marked
deterioration sets in. Such examples exist in Maribor at Stražun
and, on the southern fringe of the city, along the Betnava forest.
In the latter case a new brewery was located in the middle of the
group of blocks of flats which has caused a further deterioration
of the environment. The rapid development of towns in Slovenia is
causing great social differences where as a planned rehabilitation
is hardly present.
Diskusija o referatu M. Paka
I. Vrišer Dr. Pak se je več let intenzivno ukvarjal s problemi
notranje zgradbe,
socialne strukture in gradbene strukture mest. To so problemi,
ki jih urba-nizem ne najbolje ali pa sploh ne rešuje. Vem samo za
en takšen aktiven doprinos jugoslovanskega urbanizma tej
problematiki pod naslovom »rekon-strukcija mest«. Pri tem so se
urbanisti osredotočili na problematiko starih mestnih jeder, docela
pa so puščali ob strani te slabše predele v predmestjih ali pa, kar
je še posebej pomembno t. i. delavske kolonije v naših
industrij-skih središčih. To problematiko bi bilo potrebno
razdeliti na dva dela. Re-konstrukcija starih mestnih jeder je
problem, ki ni tako silno težak.
V Ljubljani je mestno središče izgubljalo prebivalstvo do zadnje
vojne. Po vojni je zaradi pritiska prebivalstva mesto ponovno
začelo naraščati in je ta del mesta prenaseljen. Vendar je ta del
mesta vabljiv za podjetja, za po-slovne urade, gostinske lokale
itd. Torej tukaj se vedno lahko dobi denar za obnovo. Docela
drugače je z obmestji in predmestji, kadar gre za njihovo
rekonstrukcijo. Tukaj se ponavadi postavlja v ospredje samo še
rušenje, ki je pri naši stanovanjski stiski nezaželeno. Kadar se v
urbanističnih krogih
9 Simpozi j IOQ
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diskutira o tej rekonstrukciji mest, se ponavadi malo ali pa
čisto nič ne ve o socialni strukturi teh naselij. Menim, da je ena
od odlik Zavoda za regio-nalno planiranje bila ta, da je dal pobudo
in omogočil dr. Paku, da se je lotil tega problema. Naši urbanisti
v glavnem raje rešujejo stari Split, stari Rab, Dubrovnik, torej
tiste ambiente, ki so urbanistično zelo vabljivi.
M. Pak V referatu je bilo govora predvsem o stanovanjskih
predelih mest, o pro-
blemu stanovanjskega okolja, torej ne o predelih z drugimi
funkcijami. Nor-malno so bili vključeni tudi funkcijsko mešani
predeli. Sanacija starih mestnih središč je tesno povezana s
sanacijo tega prostora v nestanovanjske namene. To je bilo marsikje
prisotno tudi v slovenskih mestih, vendar pomanjkanje kapitala
največkrat ni pripeljalo do realizacije. V Budimpešti so
stanovanjsko okolje izboljšali tako, da so dvorišča lepo preuredili
v travne nasade. V nem-ških mestih je v ospredju sanacija s
spremembo funkcije iz stanovanjske v nestanovanjsko. To spremljajo
obsežna rušenja, kar zahteva seveda veliko kapitala. Zato pri nas
ali sploh ne pride do sanacij, ali pa so te omejene na pritličje
starih stavb. Sem pridejo potem dejavnosti, ki morajo biti
koncen-trirane, zaradi svojega značaja so atraktivne in privabljajo
potrošnike za obdobne nakupe. Takšne inovacije zasledimo v stari
Ljubljani. Tudi v Ma-riboru predvideva urbanistični načrt sanacijo
starega predela med Glavnim trgom, Koroško cesto in Dravo. Vendar
zahteva to ogromna sredstva in do danes ni skoraj nič
narejenega.
V. Kokole Ta študija je čisto nov korak naprej pri raziskavah
prebivalstva pri nas,
ki so pokazale več stvari, pri katerih grešimo in jih naši
planerji nič ali pa skoraj nič ne upoštevajo. Tudi pri nas imamo
nekaj kar se dogaja po svetu, namreč, da se ob starem mestu in v
starem mestu začenja oblikovati slum. Tudi prebivalstvo, ki se je
naselilo v blokih, se po 10 ali 15 letih odseli in v njih pridejo
nižje socialne strukture. Ta proces je bil pospešen s sprostitvijo
individualnih gradenj in z večjimi možnostmi. Treba bo s strani
planerjev to upoštevati. Arhitekt namreč napravi načrt, kakšno bo
področje čez 20 let, kaj se pa po 20 letih dogaja, ne ve. Zdi se
mi, da bi bilo zelo potrebno posredo-vati rezultate teh raziskav,
ki so silno važne. Odpira se tudi problem mož-nosti adaptacij, kako
to vpliva na vrednost stanovanjskega okolja. Pre-bivalstvo se v
takšnih predelih bolj drži kot pa tam, kjer so ljudje utesnjeni in
ne morejo v zgradbi okrog sebe prav nič spremeniti. Od tam bežijo
kakor hitro dosežejo višji standard, ki zahteva tudi večje
prostorske potrebe in možnosti za realizacijo povečave. To se
dogaja tudi v socialnih gradnjah. Če jih bomo skoncentrirali na
večjih kompleksih ali na enem mestu, bo to postalo socialni problem
bodočnosti. Na to bo potrebno naše planerje opozoriti. Študije dr.
Paka jasno kažejo, kam lahko pridemo, če tega ne upoštevamo.
V. Klemenčič To, kar je povedal dr. Kokole, povsem drži. V
Miinchnu so gradili ele-
gantne nove četrti, ki so zaradi neustreznega načina gradnje za
življenje člo-veka danes že slumi. To so naselja z več 10 tisoč
prebivalci.
Mislim, da delitev aktivnega prebivalstva na uslužbence in
delavce ni ustrezna. Visokokvalificirani delavci imajo lahko visoke
dohodke in usluž-benci nizke. Geografi smo bili doslej večkrat
navezani na sociološko deli-tev prebivalstva. Zakaj govorim o
problemu delitve prebivalstva po skupinah. Zato ker lahko pri nas v
Sloveniji v zadnjih 15 letih sledimo nastajanju dveh tipov četrti.
To so četrti redkejše zazidave, z asfaltiranimi cestami, v katerih
živi prebivalstvo vodilne strukture, to so uslužbenci regionalnih
služb, poli-tičnih in upravnih organov. Na drugi strani so četrti,
ki so si jih šilom prilik oblikovali delavci, priseljeni iz drugih
območij. To je neintegrirano prebival-stvo, ki živi v četrtih z
gosto zazidavo in neustrezno infrastrukturo, zlasti ve-liko je
neasfaltiranih cest. Ce bi pregledali mala mesta, bi točno
ugotovili, kje je nastala mestna četrt pod vplivom vodilnih
struktur in kje se je nase-ljevalo prebivalstvo, ki si je iz
zadrege moralo poiskati prostor, za katerega vodilna struktura in
urbanistične službe niso imele posebnega razumevanja.
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Ta delitev na dva dela je vtisnjena v fiziognomiji naših mest.
Na južnem delu Kamnika na vzhodni strani železnice so vodilne
strukture iz Kamnika, na drugi strani železnice pa so doseljenci.
Ko sklasificiramo prebivalstvo, bi mo-rali izhajati iz prostorskih
vidikov. To se pravi iz vidika reagiranja človeka v prostoru. Tako
bomo lahko mnogo doprinesli k nadaljnjemu razvoju mest. Kajti
socialna gradnja za določeno strukturo prebivalstva, kar kaže v
pro-storu določene poteze in ni funkcionalna, je slum že preden jo
zgradiš. Geo-grafi s svojim sedanjim znanjem to lahko odkrivamo in
opozarjamo, k čemur je že do sedaj veliko prispeval dr. Pak,
ogromno gradiva pa se je zbralo tudi pri diplomskih nalogah. Vsega
seveda še nismo sistematično proučili, za to tudi nismo dobili
toliko milijonov, kot jih imajo sedaj nekateri za raziskave na
nekaterih območjih, ki na te stvari sploh ne mislijo in zanje
nimajo občutka.
M. Pak O socialnih skupinah smo govorili ze na urbanem
simpoziju. Poskušali
smo torej poklicno in šolsko strukturo združevati. Dohodki bi
bili seveda zelo dobro merilo, katerih pa ni možno dobiti. Na drugi
strani pa je posredno že prof. Klemenčič nakazal, da so ljudje
določenih socialnih skupin različno mobilni. Nekvalificirani
delavec ima lahko večje dohodke od gimnazijskega profesorja, ki ima
samo plačo. Tu je še cela vrsta dejavnikov.
