Food pedagogies in Japan: From the implementation … pedagogies in Japan: From the implementation of the Basic Law on Food ... deal with the food safety problems that Japanese consumers

Australian Journal of Adult Learning Volume 52, Number 3, November 2012

Food pedagogies in Japan:From the implementation of the Basic Law on Food Education to

Fukushima

Cornelia ReiherUniversity of Halle, Germany

Japan’s Basic Law on Food Education (Shokuiku kihonhō) was enacted in June 2005 as a response to various concerns related to food and nutrition, such as food scandals, an increase in obesity and lifestyle-related diseases and an assumed loss of traditional food culture. The Law defines food education (shokuiku) rather vaguely as the acquisition of knowledge about food and the ability to make appropriate food choices. In this paper, my focus is the impact of shokuiku on discourses about food safety in relation to the nuclear disaster. I will address the following problems: Firstly, the assumption that ‘domestic food products are the safest in the world’; secondly, the power relations between municipal authorities, producers and consumers in Japan; and thirdly, the question of whether food pedagogies can adequately address food safety concerns after the Fukushima nuclear disaster. I argue that, although the Basic Law offers a holistic approach to food in theory,

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with its focus on nutrition and the emphasis on domestic food, food pedagogies, practiced according to the Basic Law cannot adequately deal with the food safety problems that Japanese consumers face after the Fukushima nuclear accident. Because of the ignorance regarding food safety issues from official sides, Japanese consumers are left with a lack of awareness for these issues. Therefore, stakeholders who are not included in the state’s shokuiku campaign, such as consumer co-ops and Civil Radioactivity Measurement Stations try to provide knowledge about food to enable Japanese consumers to make appropriate food choices.

Introduction

InMarch2011,NorthernJapanwashitbyatripledisaster–earthquake,tsunamiandnuclearcatastrophe–thatkilledalmost19.000 people and left Japan with the worst nuclear catastrophe since Chernobyl.Theaftermathofthisnuclearcrisisespeciallythreatensthesafetyofdomesticfoodproducts.WhenthenucleardisasteratthepowerplantFukushimaDaiichioccurredinMarch2011,largeamountsofradioactivematerialswerereleasedintotheatmosphereandintotheseaandgroundwater.Onlyafewdaysaftertheaccident,radioactiveiodinewasdiscoveredinvegetablesandmilk.Today,caesiuminfoodposesthelargestproblemtofarmersfromFukushimaanditsneighbouringprefectures,aswellastoconsumersintheentirecountry.TheJapanesegovernmentsetprovisionalsafetylevelsinlateMarch2011,whichwererevisedandloweredinApril2012.Theexposurelimitsforcaesiuminnormalfood,suchasvegetables,grainormeat,wereloweredfrom500Becquerelperkilogramto100Bq/kg(MHLW,2012).Morethanoneyearafterthenucleardisaster,irradiatedfooddetectedstillexceedsoldandnewsafetystandards(Mainichi Shinbun29.03.2012).

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InApril2005,theBasicLawonFoodEducation(shokuiku kihonhō)wasenacted.Thiswasagainstthebackgroundofvariousconcernsrelatedtofoodandnutrition,suchasnumerousfoodsafetyscandals,anincreaseinobesityandlifestyle-relateddiseases,andthefearofthelossoftraditionalfoodculture.ItwasdevelopedbytheCabinetOffice(Naikakufu)inco-operationwiththeMinistryofEducation,Culture,Sports,ScienceandTechnology(MEXT),theMinistryofAgriculture,ForestryandFisheries(MAFF)andtheMinistryofHealth,LabourandWelfare(MHLW).In2006,theDietpassedafive-yearBasicPlanforthePromotionofFoodEducation(shokuiku suishin kihon keikaku).In2011,thesecondBasicPlanwasreleased.

ShokuikuisdefinedintheBasicLawas‘theacquisitionofknowledgeaboutfoodandoftheabilitytomakeappropriatefoodchoices’(Naikakufu,2005).Thetermshokuiku is usually translated into Englishas‘foodeducation’,althoughalternativetermssuchas‘nurturingthrougheating’(Takeda,2008)existaswell.Butevenauthors(Kojima2011,Kimura2011,Mah2010)whousethetranslation food education point out that ‘shokuikuisnotlimitedtojustafoodeducationornutritionalguidelines’(Kojima2011:50).SincetheEnglish-languagetermfood educationistooreminiscentoftheratherlimitednutritionalanddietaryeducationinAnglo-Americancountries,IprefertousethetermfoodpedagogieswhenIrefertotheverybroadapproachtoshokuikuenvisionedwithintheBasicLaw,asfoodandnutrition(shoku)arebroadlydefinedinArticle6ofthelawas‘allkindsofprocessesrangingfromfoodproductiontofoodconsumption’(Naikakufu,2005).

However,Iarguethat,althoughtheBasicLawoffersaholisticapproachtofoodintheory,withitsfocusonnutritionandtheemphasisondomesticfood,foodpedagogies,practicedaccordingtotheBasicLawcannotadequatelydealwiththefoodsafetyproblemsthatJapaneseconsumersface.Onthecontrary,withthelaw’semphasisonfirstly,domesticfood,andsecondly,theurgetosupport


thefarmersintheTōhokuareaafterthetripledisaster(Naikakufu,2012);shokuikuactuallyendangersthehealthofJapanesecitizens.Thispro-producerstancehasalongtraditioninJapaneseagriculturalandconsumerpolitics(MacLachlan2002,Mulgan2005a,b).Inaddition,thelongheldassumptionthatJapanesefoodissaferthanimportedfoodmakesitdifficulttosensitiseJapaneseconsumerstoalternatives.ThepaperconcludesthatinthecontextofthenucleardisastertheJapanesegovernmentisunabletoachievethegoalithasformulatedintheBasicLawanditsrelatedactionplans:toprovideadequateknowledgeaboutfoodtoenabletheJapanesecitizentomakeappropriatefoodchoices.Thispaperisbasedontheanalysisofvariousmaterialsincludinglaws,nationalandlocalplansfortheimprovementoffoodpedagogies,articlesbysocialscientistscriticallycommentingonfoodpedagogies,aswellasinsightsfromarecentqualitativeconsumersurveyIconductedinSummer2011,andqualitativeinterviewswithlocalnutritionists,fooddistributionnetworks’membersandfarmersIcarriedoutinFebruary2012inJapan.

Principles of the Basic Law

Foodpedagogies(shokuiku)compriseintellectual(chiiku),moral(tokuiku),andphysical(taiiku)education.Thephysicalaspectofeducationinvolvestheconceptofhealthynutrition.AccordingtotheBasicLaw,thismeansaregularandwell-balanceddietthatconsistsofatleastthreemealsadayaswellassufficientexercise.Onthemorallevel,theBasicLawfocusesonteachingchildrentolearngratitudetowardsfood,nature,andeverybodyinvolvedinfoodproduction. The intellectual aspect of these food pedagogies includes theacquisitionoffood-relatedknowledge(Shimomura,2007).Thewideperspectiveonfood,however,doesnotmeanthattheBasicLawanditsrelatedcampaignsaimatempoweringconsumersbyprovidingknowledgeabouttheillsofthemodernfoodsystem,asKimura(2010:477)pointsout.Shokuikuratherfocuseson‘creatingconsumers’who

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maketherightpurchasingdecisionsbutdoesnotnameandaddressactuallyexistingneoliberalisingprocessesofthefoodsystemthatarealsoresponsibleforfoodsafetyproblems.Thisbecomesespeciallyevidentwhenprivatefoodcorporationssuchassupermarketsorfast-foodchainssuchasAeonorMosBurgerparticipateinshokuiku activities(ibid).

TheaimsoftheBasicLaware:

1. theestablishmentofanationalcampaignforthepromotionof food pedagogies

2. theimplementationofastate-supportedsystemforthepro-tectionof‘traditionalJapanesefoodculture’

3. theenforcementofmeasurestoensurefoodsecurity4. thepromotionofhealthynutrition(KobeToshiMondai

Kenkyūsho,2006).

Theseaimsaretobeimplementedthroughco-operationbetweenthestate,thelocalauthorities,food-relatedbusinesses,farmers,educators,andfamilies(Naikakufu2005:Article9-13).TheJapanesegovernmentclaimsthat,fromaninternationalperspective,thelawisauniqueconcepttoJapan,becauseofitswideapproachtofoodpedagogiescomparedtotheWest(MAFF2006:4).

Criticism of the Basic Law

TheBasicLawhasbeencriticisedonanumberofcounts.First,forattemptingtointerveneintheprivatesphereofJapanesecitizens;secondly,foritsanachronisticimageofJapanesesociety,family,andgenderrelations(Kojima2011,Kimura2011)andthirdly,foritsneoliberalapproach(Sasaki,2006).Thisneoliberalapproach,accordingtoShimomura(2008),becomesevident,becausethelawmainlysetsonlyresponsibilitiesforlocalauthoritiesandcitizens.AccordingtoKojima(2011)shokuikuismerelyunderstoodasaresponsibilityforcitizens,butnotasacivilright.Thismeansthat,forinstance,Japanesecitizensareheldresponsibleforconsumingmore


domesticallygrownfoodsinordertoraisetheself-sufficiencyratiooutofa‘senseofresponsibilityforthenation’,althoughdomesticfoodismoreexpensive,buttheJapanesegovernmentdoesnotofferassistancetocompensatecitizensfortheirexpenses(Kojima2011:54).Inaddition,theseneoliberaltendenciesarealsometbyasometimesacrimoniousnationalism,asTakeda(2008)hasdetectedin the law.

Inthispaper,myfocusistheimpactofshokuiku on discourses about foodsafetyinrelationtothenucleardisaster.Overall,theJapanesegovernmenthasbeenharshlycriticisedforactingtoolate;fordenyingthedangersemittingfromirradiatedfood;andfortheirweakattitudetowardstestingduringthelastyear(Foodwatch,2011).Moreover,governmentofficialsencouragedJapaneseconsumerstobuyfarmproductsfromFukushimaandtheneighbouringprefecturestosupportdisaster-strickenfarmers.Thegovernment’sstanceonthefoodsafetyproblemtendedtofavourproducersandnottoconsiderconsumers’interests.ThefollowingstatementbyaMAFFofficialillustratesthis:‘Wehearthecallsformoredisclosure,butrevealingmoredetaileddatawouldjusthurttoomanyfarmers’(Fackler,2012).

AcolumnistfromtheKyūshūnewspaperSaga Shinbun gets at these issues in June 2011:

Foodsafetyandthecarefreeconsumptionoffoodareimportanttopics of shokuiku.However,duetoradiationreleasedfromthedamagedFukushimaDaiichinuclearpowerplantwenowlookatourdomesticfoodproductsthatwethoughtofasthesafestintheworld,withincreasingconcern.[…]Attheendoflastmonth,theBoardofeducation[BOE]inKashimacityinIbarakiprefecturepublishedthefollowinginformationconcerningschoollunch:‘weareobligedtouselocalfood,butatthemomentweprefertoorderingredientsfromWestJapan.’HereupontheBOEwascriticizedbylocalfarmersforsupportingharmfulrumours(fuhyō higai).Shortlyafter,thecontentoftheBOE’swebsitewasrevisedasfollows:‘Wecannotguaranteealllocalfoodproducts’compliance

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withsafetystandards,soweusefoodfromWestJapaninsteadof those local food products. We use those local products as ingredientswhosesafetyisensured’[…]AccordingtothesecondBasicPlanonFoodPedagogies,thefocusoffoodpedagogiesinthenextfiveyearslieson‘thetransferofknowledgeaboutfoodandtheabilitytochoosefood,andtopromotefoodpedagogiesthatenablepeopletopracticeahealthydiet.Tasks[offoodpedagogies]includethediscussionofthetiesbetweenfamiliesandtheregions,withcomplextopicssuchasthefoodself-sufficiencyratio,butthemosturgentproblematthemomentistheradioactivecontaminationoffood.(Taira,2011)

ThisquotereferstothreerelatedproblemsIwilladdressinthefollowing:Firstly,theassumptionthat‘domesticfoodproductsarethesafestintheworld’;secondly,thepowerrelationsbetweenmunicipalauthorities,producersandconsumersinJapan;andthirdly,thequestionofwhetherfoodpedagogiescanadequatelyaddressfoodsafetyconcernsaftertheFukushimanucleardisaster.TheBasicLawonFoodEducation(shokuiku kihonhō),definesitsshokuiku as ‘the acquisition of knowledge about food and of the abilitytomakeappropriatefoodchoices’(Naikakufu,2005).Butacriticalquestionis:whoissupposedtoprovidethisknowledge?Pedagogyhasbeendefinedbysociologistofeducation,BasilBernstein(2000:78)as:a‘processwherebysomebody(s)acquiresnewformsordevelopsexistingformsofconduct,knowledge,practiceandcriteriafromsomebody(s)orsomethingdeemedtobeanappropriateproviderandevaluator’.Butweneedtoask:whoaretheseappropriateprovidersandevaluatorsintheJapanesecase?Inparticular,whoseinterestsaretheyservinginrelationtothethreatsposedbyirradiatedfood?Toanswerthesequestions,Iwillexaminethree different groups of stakeholders at the centre of food pedagogies inJapan:municipalities,foodproducersandconsumerco-operatives.IwillcomparetheircurrentpracticeswiththegoalsenvisagedbytheJapanesegovernmentintheBasicLaw.


The Basic Law on Food Pedagogies

Food pedagogies, food safety and food security

Beforecomparingtheapproachesoftheaforementionedthreegroupsofstakeholders,Iwillprovideabriefoutlineofhowideasabout‘foodsafety’arepresentedasinterconnectedwith‘foodsecurity’intheBasicLaw.ThisisvitaltoanunderstandingofthedifficultiesmostofthesestakeholdersandtheJapanesegovernmenthavehadwithtakingaclearstanceagainstirradiatedfoodfromtheaffectedareasintheaftermathofthedisaster.AccordingtoFAO(2003:29)‘foodsecurityexistswhenallpeople,atalltimes,havephysical,socialandeconomicaccesstosufficient,safeandnutritiousfoodwhichmeetstheirdietaryneedsandfoodpreferencesforanactiveandhealthylife’.Foodsafetyreferstoanaspiredabsenceofhealthrisksinrelationwiththeconsumptionoffood(Busch,2004).

Inessence,theLawanditsrelatedplanspromotetheimageofdomesticfoodassafe.Inaddition,theymakeittheresponsibilityoftheindividualconsumertoeatmoredomesticfoodproducts,especiallyrice.Theydothisasasolutiontothelowfoodself-supplycapacity.LetmequotefromArticles7and8(Naikakufu,2005)thatdealwiththefoodself-sufficiencyratioandfoodsafety:

Contribution to an increase of the food self-sufficiency ratio

Article 7:Foodpedagogieshavetopromoteourcountry’soutstandingtraditionalfoodculture,nutritionthatrevitalisesregionalcharacteristics,andfoodproductionandconsumptionthattakesintoaccountitsbalancewiththeenvironment;ithastofurtherthecitizens’understandingofthesituationofourcountry’sfooddemandandsupply,andthroughtheplanningofexchangebetweenfoodproducersandconsumers,itcontributestotherevitalisationoffarmandfishingcommunitiesandtotheincreaseofourcountry’sfoodself-sufficiencyratio.

The role of food pedagogies for securing food safety

Article 8:Foodpedagogiesmean,giventhatsecuringfoodsafetyandacarefreeconsumptionarethebaseofahealthynutrition,toofferawidearrayofinformationaboutfoodandinthefirst

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placeonfoodsafetyandtoexchangeviewsontheseissues.Byfurtheringcitizens’knowledgeandtheirunderstandingaboutfood,[foodpedagogies]aimforcitizenswhorealiseanappropriatenutritionandwhoapproachthisaimbyapositivestancetowardsinternationalco-operation.

Interestingly,foodpedagogies,accordingtothelaw,onlypromoteknowledge about food safety. The law does not address the need for bettercontrols,highersafetystandardsorlabelling.Sincethe1990s,MAFF,oneoftheinitiatingministriesinvolvedinthelaw,promotesthepreservationofJapan’sfoodself-supplycapacity.Itclaimsthatthisisnecessary,inordertoensurethestablesupplyoffoodatstablepricesandmaintainingfoodsafety(Mulgan2005b:165).Japan’sfoodself-sufficiencyratehasdecreasedsteadilyfrom73%(basedoncalories)in1965to40%in1998.Sincethen,ithasstabilisedonaround40%asaveragelevel(MAFF,2011).

AccordingtoKojima(2011:51),thetermshokuiku itself was introducedtoNationalDietProceedingsin2003byTakebeTsutomu,thenheadoftheMAFF.HehadlearnedthetermfromjournalistSunadaToshiko,whohadusedthewordtorefertonutritionalanddietaryeducationinforeigncountries.Fromthattime,thetermappearedinMAFFpublicationsasoneofitspolicyobjectives.Beforethis,duetoagriculturalprotectionismandhighfoodprices,theinterestsoffarmersandconsumerswereperceivedasconflicting.Politically,thediscursivecombinationofproducers’interestsandconsumers’interests,accordingtoMulgan(2005b:165),becamenecessaryinordertojustifyMAFF’srejectionofagriculturaltradeliberalisation.Duetothelackofcompetitiononthefoodmarketthatthisrejectioncaused,foodpricesinJapanstayedhigh.Consequently,tojustifyhighfoodpricesfordomesticfoodproduce,consumershadtobelievethattheseproductsweresaferthanimportedfoods.However,since2000,Japaneseconsumerswerefacedwithsuccessivefoodscandalsarounddomesticfoodsafety.MostoftheminvolvedJapaneseproducerssuchasSnowbrand,Meathope


orFujiya(Kawagishi2008:17).Nevertheless,whenin2008theso-calledgyōza jikenoccurredandfrozendumplingsfilledwithmeatfromChinacausedfoodpoisoningtoseveralJapaneseconsumers,theblamewaslaidonChineseproducersonly,althoughsafetyinspectionsbytheirJapanesetradingpartnerswerealsoinsufficient,becausetheyvaluedlowcostsoversafetyissues(ibid.104).InaqualitativesurveyIconductedamong60consumersfromKyūshū,KansaiandKantōin2011,51%stillrespondedtothequestion‘WhatdoyouthinkaboutimportedfoodfromChina?’with‘Iwouldrathernotbuy/eatit’.

Takeda(2008)alsopointsoutthisformofnationalisminherent within the Basic Law on Food Pedagogies. Despite the acknowledgmentofthehybridnatureofJapanesefoodwithinJapanesesociety,itsparticularJapaneseelementsaresingledoutandpositivelyopposedtothenon-Japaneseelements.ThisbecomesevidentwhenWestern-stylefoodisconsideredunhealthy,whileJapanese-stylefoodisreferredtoasa‘dietarypatternthat[…]suitsJapan’sclimateandculture’(MAFF,2006).Ohnuki-Thierney(1995:232)elaboratesonhow“amidafloodofWesternfoods,theJapanesecontinuetoreaffirmtheirsenseofselfbyreconstructingtheirown‘traditional’food.Riceisthedefiningfeatureofthe‘traditionalJapanesecuisine’.”However,the‘purity’ofJapanesewhitericehasbeenthreatened–fromtheperspectiveofMAFFofficialsandfarmers–bytradederegulationsincethe1990swhen,forthefirsttime,ricefromSoutheastAsiaenteredJapanandwassometimesevenmixedwith Japanese rice.

However,morethanhalfofthefoodJapaneseconsumersbuyandeatisimported.AccordingtoJETRO(2010),thisparticularlyconcernsseafood,meat,grainsandvegetables.AboutaquarterofallimportedfreshandprocessedfoodsoriginatefromtheUS,while20%isimportedfromChina.Thisproblemisalsoaddressedas‘theproblemofthedependenceonfoodfromoverseas’(Naikakufu,2005)

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intheintroductionoftheBasicLaw,whereitismentionedasoneoftheproblemsthathavetobesolvedbyshokuiku. It therefore is quite surprisingwhenthemassmediaascribeproblemsrelatedtofoodsafetysolelytoimportedfoods,astheexampleofthegyōzaincidentdemonstrates.

Shokuiku practitioners

HavingprovidedabriefintroductiontosomeofthekeytermsandpoliticsintheLaw,Inowprovideasummaryofeachofthethree‘deliverers’or‘pedagogues’.

Municipalities

ThetwokeytermsIamusingaremunicipalitiesandprefectures.Bytheseterms,Imeandifferentlevelsofgovernmentonlocalandmoreregionallevels.Japanisdividedinto47prefectureswhicheachconsistofcities,townsandvillages–themunicipalities.InArticle10,theBasicLawdefinestheroleofthemunicipalitiesandprefectures(Naikakufu,2005).Theyareexpectedtoco-operatewiththecentralgovernmenttoplantheirownshokuikuactivitiesandtoimplementthemonthebasisoftheunderstandingofshokuikudefinedintheBasic Law. Prefectures are requested to design their own plans for thepromotionofshokuiku,basedonwhichthemunicipalitiesineachprefectureshoulddrawupindividualprograms.AlthoughgovernmentsincountriesliketheUSorGermanylaunchednutritionprogramssuchas“FiveADay”topromotetheconsumptionoffruitsandvegetables,therearenoconcreteexpectationsforlocalauthorities connected with food education. This difference can beexplainedbythecentralisedstatestructureandthetop-downstructureofpolicyimplementationprocesses.AlthoughlocalautonomyinJapanwasstrengthenedsincethe1990s,theattempttoset responsibilities for local authorities in the Basic Law is strongly reminiscentofthesystemscalledkikan inin jimu,accordingto


whichthecentralgovernmentcouldutiliselocalgovernmentsasitsadministrativeagencies(Hüstebeck,2009).

However,decentralisationhascontributedtoacertainlackofenthusiasmforshokuikuonthelocallevel.Thisisbecausevariousplans touching upon issues of nutrition and food were already in placebeforethecentralgovernmentpassedtheBasicLawonFoodPedagogies. While the shokuiku kihonhō commitslocalauthoritiestodraftingindividualsupportplans,itfailstoexplainwhetherandhowolderplanscanbelinkedtothenewplanandtoprovidefinancialresources(Shimomura,2007).

Regardingtheircontent,mostlocalplansdefineshokuiku in accordancewiththeBasicLaw.However,manyaddlocalissues,emphasisingtheuniquenessoflocalagricultureandoftheprefecturesthemselves.Foodpedagogiesinmanyruralmunicipalitiesareanimportantformofsupportforlocalagriculture(Shimomura,2007),communityplanning,andregionalrevitalisation(Reiher,2009).

Generallyspeaking,shokuikubymunicipalitiescomprisescookingclasses,lecturesonnutrition,gardeninginschools,andthepromotionoflocalfood.Manymunicipalitieshaverecentlyhirednutritionists(CabinetOffice2010:20).Theyoftenco-operatewithlocalcivicgroupsandneighbourhoodassociations.

Becauseoftheeconomicdifficultiesinmanyruralareas(Kitano,2009),thepromotionofdomesticfood,respectivelylocalfood,isofutmostimportanceforlocaleconomies.Therefore,oneoftheobjectivesofthemanylocalplansforthepromotionoffoodpedagogiesisthepromotionoflocalfoodby,forexample,increasingtheuseoflocalproduceinschoollunches(Arita-chō,2008).OnenutritionistfromKyūshūstatesthatshethinksdomesticfoodsareprobablysaferthanimportedfoods(InterviewMs.A.,2012).AnothernutritionistfromKyūshūbelievesthatlocalfoodisbestforthelocals’health,becauseitisfresh.This,combinedwithaspectsofshipment,

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costs,andlocalrevitalisationweremanygoodreasonstobuylocalfarmproducts,becauseeveryonewouldprofit(InterviewMs.H.,2012).

Producers

Havingprovidedasummaryofthemunicipalities’responsetotheBasicLaw,Inowturntoproducers.TheLawonFoodPedagogiescallsonfarmers,fishermen,andthefoodprocessingindustryto‘offeropportunitiesforpeopletoexperienceavarietyoffarming-,fishery-andforestry-relatedactivities.Thisis,inordertoenhancetheirunderstandingofnature’sbenefitsandtheimportanceofhumanactivitiesinfoodproductionanddistribution’(MAFF2006:4).PolicymakersinTōkyōexpectfarmerstoco-operatewithschoolsandmunicipalities.Theyexpectfarmerstoincreasethedirectselling(chisan chishō)oftheirproductstoenhancecommunicationwiththeircustomers.TheLawexpectsthemtocatertolocalschools,andinvitechildrenandcustomerstoofferthemagriculturalexperiences.ThedirectsellingoflocalproduceisexpectedtoboosttheJapaneseself-sufficiencyrateandtoassistlocalfarmers(Hirata-Kimura&Nishiyama,2007).

Nonetheless,agriculturalexperience(nōgyō taiken)isnothingnew(Shimomura,2007).Particularlyinruralareas,farmershavealwaysofferedopportunitiesforagriculturalexperiencetopeoplewhowantedtohelpduringtherice-harvest,forexample.Inthe1970sand1980s,itwasquitecommonthatmunicipalitiesfromtheTōkyōareawouldchooseruralpartnercommunitiestowheretheywouldsendmunicipalemployeesandschoolchildrenforagriculturalexperienceandrecreationinnature(Kitano,2009).Today,farmersprovideallkindsofagriculturalactivities.InArita,asmallmunicipalityinNorthernKyūshū,localfarmersletfieldstopeoplefromurbanareaswheretheycangrowtheirownvegetables.However,sincethecity


dwellersonlyvisitoccasionally,alargepartoftheworkremainswiththefarmers:

Theybasicallycometoplantthecropsandthentoharvest.Meanwhile,meandmywife,wewatertheplantsandcareforit.Personally,Idon’tthinkthattheylearnmuchaboutfarmingthroughthis.ButtheyareproudofthevegetablestheyeventuallybringhomeandIearnalittle(extra)money.(InterviewMr.S.,2012)

Manyfarmershavealsostartedtoselltheirproducedirectlytocustomers.Butthisdoesnotnecessarilyhavethepedagogicimpactthatcustomerslearnmoreaboutcropgrowingorfoodsafety.Especiallywhenitcomestofoodsafety,theaveragefarmers,whoarenotinvolvedinorganicfarming,donotreflecttoomuchonagriculturalpesticides(InterviewsMr.S.,Mr.O.,Mr.U.,2012).

Inthesamemanner,Japanesefarmersselldirectlytolocalsfordifferentreasons,butthereislittleevidencesofarthatitisbecausetheycareaboutorhaveevenheardofshokuiku.OneolderfarmerfromSagaprefecturewholivesbyhimselfconsidersmovingaroundtownwithhistruckandsellingvegetablestohousewivesachancetomeetpeople,and,ashesmilinglysaid,youngwomeninparticular(InterviewMr.O.,2012).Thus,farmersareinvolvedinshokuiku activitiessometimesonrequestbylocalauthoritiesandschools,sometimesbylocalJA,andsometimesontheirowninitiative.However,mostofthefarmersIhaveinterviewedinSagaprefectureandtheTōhokuareain2012havenotevenheardofthetermshokuiku.Youngerfarmers,however,suchasoneorganicfarmerIvisitedinChibaprefecture,communicatewithcustomersandawiderpublicviatheinternet:theywriteblogsaboutorganicfarmingandmakemoviestheypublishonYouTubeandotherchannels.Astheyneedtoattractcustomers,theypromotetheirown/domesticagricultural products as safe and delicious.

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Consumer co-operatives

InthisfinalsectionIlookattheroleofconsumerco-operatives.Japanhasoneofthelargestandmostinfluentialconsumerco-operativenetworksintheworld.Inthe1970s,consumerco-operativeswerefoundedinJapantoprovideconsumerswithcheaperandsafemilk.Bycollectivelyorderingfood,housewivesinthesameneighbourhoodnotonlysavedmoney,butthedifferentlocalcommunitygroupsalsodevelopedcloserelationshipswithlocalandregionalfarmers(Gelb&Estevez-Abe1998:265).Duringthe1970sand1980s,withalargenumberofmorethanseveral100,000members,consumerco-operativescontributedtothespreadofawarenessoffoodsafetyissuesamongJapaneseconsumers.Atthistime,safefoodbasicallymeanttheproductionofdomesticfoodandtheuseofonlylittlepesticidesornoneatall.Someconsumerco-operativesexclusivelycontractedwithproducerstoensurethattheseecologicalstandardsforsafefoodwerefollowed.Brandnameproducts were established to publicise that those products were guaranteedtohavebeenlocallyandorganicallygrown(Jussaumeetal.,2001).SeikatsuKurabu,forexample,isaretailco-opthattodaycatersto350,000householdsinmanypartsofJapan.Theco-opofferslow-pesticide,additive-free,non-genetically-modifiedfood.Customersofconsumerco-operativesaremostlyhealth-consciousandecologicallyminded,andorderfoodfromcatalogueseveryweek(Interview,SeikatsuKurabu,2012).Duringthe1970s,especiallyyoungmothersjoinedtheco-operatives,andthelocalgroupsalreadyofferedonaregularbasiswhatisnowcalled‘agriculturalexperience’by the shokuiku kihonhō (Interview,EsukōpuŌsaka,2012).Sincemanyoftheconsumerco-operativesadvocatetheideathatbuildingalong-termrelationshipwithdomesticfarmersensuresfoodsafety,familiesoftenspendweekendsatfarmsandhelpwithfarmwork.Bydoingso,theyarepromotingwhattheshokuiku kihonhō calls ‘understandingof[…]theimportanceofhumanactivitiesinfoodproduction’(MAFF,2006).


Theseco-operativesalsodootherimportantpedagogicalworkonfoodissues.Forexample,manylocalconsumergroupsandconsumerco-operativestodayaremembersofthenationalSeikyō-Network,whichorganisesmeetings,spreadsinformation,andsupportsfinanciallyweakgroups.Besidesorganisingtripstothecountrysideinordertogetintouchwithfarmersandtohelpthem,localgroupsalsooffercookingclassesandlectures(Interview,Hiromerukai,Kobe,2012).However,thecontentofthelecturesgoesbeyondmerenutritionalissues,asisthecasewithmostmunicipalshokuiku activities,andfurtheraddressesfoodsafetyissues,suchasgeneticallymodifiedorganisms,foodlabelling,ortheglobalagri-foodsystem.Moreover,mostofthegroupsarepoliticallyactiveandtrytolobbybureaucracyandpoliticalparties(Interview,EsukōpuŌsaka,2012).Whilesomegroupswriteprotestletterstogovernmentofficialsandorganiseorparticipateindemonstrations,membersoftheso-calledseikatsushanetworksthatarosefromtheSeikyōnetworksuccessfullyrunforlocalcouncilelectionsinurbanareas(Tsubogo,2010).

Inanutshell,consumerco-operativesnotonlyfulfiltherequirementsbytheBasicLawtoprovideanunderstandingaboutfoodbyofferingagriculturalexperienceandcookingclasses,butexceedtheBasicLaw’sobjectiveswithactivitiesattemptingtochangetheexistingfoodsystemandfoodlegislation.However,theassumptionofdomesticfoodbeingbetter,althoughnotnecessarilysaferthanimportedfood,issharedbymostconsumerco-operativesalike.

Challenges to food pedagogies in Post-Fukushima Japan

Inthissection,IwillelaborateonhowtheJapanesestatefailedsofartoprovideadequateknowledgeonirradiatedfoodtoJapaneseconsumers,although,accordingtotheBasicLaw,citizensarerequiredtoacquire‘knowledgeaboutfoodandoftheabilitytomakeappropriatefoodchoices’.Iwillshowhowotheractorsreplacethestate as food pedagogue in this critical situation.

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Today,manyconsumersaredissatisfiedwiththeinformationonirradiatedfoodsandinsufficienttesting.Althoughthegovernmentassuresconsumersthatonlyfoodbelowthesafetylimitissold,thereexistsnoobligationtosufficientlylabelfoodswithinformationonradiation.Sincemonitoringbymunicipalities,prefecturesandstate-runfacilitiesisinsufficient,producers,consumersandretailerstaketheinitiativeandundertaketheirownmeasuring.Municipalitiesoftenlackthemoneytobuymeasuringdevices,astheydependonstatesubsidiestoimplementasufficientmeasuringsystemforfood(Nakamura&Koizumi,2011).Atthesametime,astheaforementionedquotefromtheSaga Shinbunillustrates,theytrytosupportlocalfarmersandareexpectedtodoso,evenattheexpenseofconsumers.

EspeciallyinFukushimaprefectureandintheTōkyōarea,CivilRadioactivityMonitoringStations(shimin hōshanō sokuteisho)werefounded.Forasmallfee,consumersandproducerscanbringinfoodstuffandletthemgetmeasured.Theresultsofthemonitoringarepublishedontheinternet(CRMS,2012).Someco-opssuchasDaichiomamorukaihaveestablishedtheirownsafetystandardsandofferanextensivemonitoringsystem(Daichiomamorukai,2012b).AccordingtoMAFF,alternativesafetystandardsareconfusingconsumers.MAFFcallsonfoodproducersandretailerstostickwiththeofficiallimitsandtoabandontheirownstandards(Asahi Shinbun online,21April,2012).AsthisappealbyMAFFillustrates,theJapanesegovernmentisafraidoflosingthepowertodefinewhatsafefoodis.ThisindicatesthataftertheFukushimanuclearcatastrophe,thepowerrelationsbetweenthestate,consumerco-operatives,producers and retailers are contested.

Sinceconsumerco-opsprincipallyhaveaverycloserelationshiptotheircontractingproducers,ithasbecomeverydifficultforthemtoprovideinformationonirradiatedfood.Ontheonehandtheydonotwanttosellirradiatedfoodtotheirhealth-consciouscustomers;on


theothertheywanttosupporttheproducersintheFukushimaarea.InthecaseofDaichiomamorukai,thisdilemmahasresultedintheparadoxsituationthattheysellvegetablesetsforchildrenwhichdonotcontainfoodfromNorthernJapan,butatthesametimealsosell“SupportTōhokusets”(Tōhoku fukkō ōen setto)withfoodfromthedisaster-strickenareas(Daichiomamorukai,2012a).EspeciallyinTōkyō,manyshopsandstallsofferfarmproductsfromTōhoku.TheirinitiatorsarguethatitistheirpatrioticdutytosupportthefarmersinFukushima.However,inFukushimaprefectureandTōkyō,othergroups,mostlyinitiatedbyparents,haveinstalledshopswhereonlyfoodproductsfromWesternJapanaresold(Fackler,2012).

Asshownabove,theproblemofirradiatedfoodisnotlimitedtotheprefecturesclosetotheFukushimaDaiichipowerplant.Sinceprocessedfoodsaresoldinthewholecountry,itwasnosurprisewheninDecember2011irradiatedinfantmilkpowderwasdiscoveredinJapanesesupermarketsalloverthecountry(InterviewMr.K.,2012).Therefore,consumersnotonlyinTōkyōandNorthernJapanareconcernedwithfoodsafetynow.Somenutritionistsinchargeofshokuikuinthemunicipalitiesreportthatinthefirstmonthsafterthenucleardisaster,manyconsumerscalledforinformationonwhichkindsoffoodweresafetoeatandtofeedtotheirchildren.Someprefecturesstartedresearchonthetopicandprovidedmunicipalitieswithinformationorinvitedthemtolectures.OnenutritionistfromKyūshūstated:

Itisdifficult,becauseinmypositionIamnotallowedtotellpeople‘don’teatirradiatedfood’.Ifeelthatitisthetaskofeachindividualtotakecareofhisorherownhealthandtocultivateskillstomakejudgmentsaboutit.Iamexpectedtotellpeople:‘please try to increase the knowledge you need to protect yourself onyourown’.[…]Sincetheyareontheirown,theyneedtounderstandthattheymustnotbeindifferentaboutwhattheyareeating.Theymustthinkaboutnutrition,butalsoaboutfoodsafety.Thatisofutmostimportance.(InterviewMs.H.2012).

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Thisquoteshowsthat,whileshokuikuinthemunicipalitiesisusuallyexertedinaccordancewithnationalshokuikupolicies,notalllocalofficialsinchargeofshokuiku agree with the national handling of foodsafetyissuesaftertheFukushimanucleardisaster.Somecallforlowersafetylimitsonradioactivityinfood,demandfoodlabelsthatgiveinformationonradioactivityinfood,andcallformoreinformationonthetopicingeneral.ThissituationnotonlyraisesgraveconcernsaboutwhatconstitutesfoodpedagogiesatthismomentinJapan,butalsoexpressestheambivalenceofthepowerrelationsbetweenthepolicymakersatthenationallevelandtheactualpedagogues–nutritionists–atthelocallevelwhocannotspeakfreelyabouthowirradiatedfoodposesriskstoconsumer’shealth.

Conclusions

ThroughtheimplementationoftheBasicLawonFoodPedagogies,theJapanesegovernmentattemptedtoreacttochallengesintherealmoffoodandnutrition.Inordertoboostthefoodself-sufficiencyrate,thelawpromotesthatdomesticproduceissafer,betterforthehealthofJapanesecitizens,andtobepreferredtoimportedfoods.Nutritionistsemployedatthemunicipalitiesteachchildrenandmothersabout‘balanced’Japanese-stylemealsandhowtocooklocalfood.Municipalitiesoftencooperatewithlocalfarmerswhoselllocalfoodtolocalconsumersandtourists,andinviteurbanconsumerstotheirfarmstoexperienceJapaneseagriculture.Someconsumerco-opswhoarecloselyrelatedtotheirsuppliersalsostressthefactthat(organic)farmproductsfromdomesticfarmersaresaferthanimportedfoods.Thereexistsadiscursiveinterconnectednessbetweenthelowfoodself-sufficiencyrateandthreatstofoodsafetythroughimportedfoods,whichisalsoevidentinthelegislature,andthroughactivitiesconcerningshokuiku.Thedependenceonimportedfoodsandthethreatstheyposetofoodsafetyareoftenconsideredfarmore


dangerous than the dangers irradiated foods pose to public health (Otake,2011).

Withitsfocusonnutrition,cookingandgratefulnesstowardsdomesticfoodproducers,shokuikuinJapan,aspracticedaccordingtotheBasicLawbymunicipalities,schools,andnationalorganisations,isnotanadequateconcepttodealwiththeproblemsJapaneseconsumersfaceafterthenuclearcatastropheatFukushima.Thisratherprovestheoppositetobetrue:withthelaw’semphasisondomesticfoodandtheproliferationoftheassumptionthatJapanesefoodissaferthanimportedfood,itfurtherendangersthehealthoftheJapanesecitizens.However,thepreferentialtreatmentof(food)producersisnotsurprisingwhentakingintoaccountthepost-warhistoryofconsumerpolitics(MacLachlan,2002)andthehandlingoffoodpoisoningcausedbyenvironmentalpollutionbytheindustry.Victimsofthe1950smercurypoisoninginMinamata,forexample,stillfightlawsuitsagainstChisso,whosechemicalplantinKumamotoprefecturereleaseditssewageintotheseaandcontaminatedthefishpopulationinthesurroundingwaters(George,2012).

Consequently,manyestablishedfoodeducationpractitionersstillhavenotchangedtheirassumptionof‘domesticfood=healthyandsafefood’aftertheFukushimanuclearaccident.However,foodeducationfacesahugechallengeduetothissituation,becausetheignoranceregardingfoodsafetyissuesfromofficialsidesleavesJapaneseconsumerswithalackofawarenessfortheseissues.Therefore,theJapanesestateisnotanappropriateproviderofadequateknowledgeonfoodsafety.Instead,stakeholderswhoarenotincludedinthestate’sshokuikucampaign,suchasconsumerco-ops,trytoprovidetheirmemberswithinformationonradiationinfood.Mostinterestinglyperhapsistheappearanceofnewactorsinthefieldoffoodpedagogies,suchastheCivilRadioactivityMeasurementStationsthattrytotrulyachievetheobjectiveoftheshokuiku kihonhō:‘theacquisitionofknowledgeaboutfood’andits

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disseminationtoenableJapaneseconsumers‘tomakeappropriatefoodchoices’(Naikakufu,2005).

AsIhaveshowninthebeginningofthisessay,foodsafetyhasalwaysbeenasubordinateaspectofJapanesegovernment’sfoodpedagogies.However,onewouldhaveexpectedpolicymakerstochangetheirfocusmoretowardstheissueofirradiatedfoodafterthenuclearcatastrophe.ButastheShokuikuWhitePaperfrom2012(Naikakufu,2012)makesclear,thisisnotthecase.Theemergenceofother,mostlycommunity-basedandcivic,stakeholdersshowsthatthereisaneedforthiskindoffoodpedagogiesamongJapaneseconsumers.Therefore,inthesetimesofcrisisitisofutmostimportancetofurtherchallengeandcomplementtheJapanesestate’sapproachtoshokuiku.

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About the author

Cornelia Reiher is a Lecturer in the Institute of Political Science and Japanese Studies at Halle University, Germany. Her research focuses on globalization, food politics and identities and Japan. Cornelia received her PhD from Leipzig University in 2012 for a thesis about ‘Discourses on local identity in rural Japan. Arita’s ceramic industry in global contexts’. She has published articles about food education, municipal amalgamations, rural tourism and local identity in Japan.

Contact details

Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Philosophische Fakultät I, Institut für Politikwissenschaft und Japanologie, Hoher Weg 4, 06120 Halle, Germany.

Email: [email protected]

Documents

Food pedagogies in Japan: From the implementation … pedagogies in Japan: From the implementation of the Basic Law on Food ... deal with the food safety problems that Japanese consumers