* * * * * * * * it: * ..... H rt t/1 0 t-2 0 111 0' +I 0 H. 00 to IC 0 1:1 0 14) D./ 11 10 t Pt W LA H WWI* LC 0) 11 0 0 gr 0 0 Di 0 tr H tli CD Ili 0 (t) tr o tit* U) 11 C 0 11 ,+ IS * 7.1 tn 0 0 e+ In DJ ko tn 1-i 14 0 (+ Di (t) C1 n poll Utit to 0 et iti ID of, ki elt e l W i-a tit it co t j ) -1 I a* 0 (0 1.. Hi di 0 Di * . M Eft 13 1.a. Di +1 its 1-6 (1) SJ 81 IC i+ IA tr I-I 8 0 r) to ix! O tin -1 t,, U1*to CA P. MI et. * ...... tu b nt I-a 114 of m to to H. o o. CA tti !II t*1 'ti in I-I "RI 0*to V ti.z11 0 tO * Hi F-0 1-1 I- M th 0 0 el e+ 01 LL H 14,11. id , H r) Do 1-1 0 tti* I-, 0 cf 0' 0 tr. H Li * 11 0 t...4 0 0 0' rt. VI tii re is n o to w w r) it W 1,,i Do et* + 0 tr tD 0, rt 14. 0 * al or AA hi ID H(D MOC)0b0i H 1-3 1-1 tit ,...it C1 H* (U Cl) (D 0 0) 0 0 * Cl) i st n, tr, 1, r rI 171 t+ M Cl) 0 (-)* to t-- 8 C) k. i--% 0 * 0 41 Hi tr' Hi D., W. LI IA 0 1:3' 4 14. III Hi 14 W

0 11411 10-1

* C P W 14. 14. 0 C A / 3 * CD MN H, o n ua ro to ts a) o m o l k tn. ti tm*tr1-1WO tr CD* 0 W. ID < 0 11 IA 1., (1) (1) W to 1-1 0 IC 0 0 +.441-4 (D I-1 11 14 .1. 0 0 * e+ 0 11 (0 11 0 tr n n ,0 to ta Ig .4* 00 H0.0 t+* kJ n to En ti 0 P. 0 0 M t 0 o to II CD* ro i-ti 1-* W. it) H to 4t ' 14 0 0 111 I-I to 0 rl Cat tr 0 tA 0 P. ( 44 tA* 1-1 0 ti 14. eh *44. hi 1-1 ci 0 1-4 0 DJ Di * et' g 2 : = " Vs: fna' 2 0. -)1' ' '4' rt'

fliAu (1

t 1'1-1.11-1 .1 t1 it * is .-% NI LA 0 it (A it MI tit* tit n tr a% ki n * tr th a m n H. o tr IC (0 (1 11 (1) (D .0 b H IA. cu r) ht ..1 m le t-t, to o H ru m* f+ = (u a t i l P) 0 1 * 0 V Di M rr o 2 ot to 0 0 41 1.1 0 (1)4: 0 te ri H eh H. 0 * 0 1.-011 Cu Pi 14 J $.4 11 r+ hi (ti le (31 la. ti

010 C14 re: IrisCl)I 10 rr t.41:0 1111 IT pi. 11.11 41 IA

* H a) M 0 ID .1-4 1.4. 1+ 0) 0 H = CD cr (1) 0 KPH. tA Di M 0 tit CD ID 1-1 0 sr) I n o 0' m \ co* tii 0 0 0 0 1 - 1 * t o n a r t C o 0 0 ef tn a) r : l i 0 u t o is t o t n hti 0 I1 o, W 4-1 (D I1 NC til GI Li* Xi 0. Cu 0 0 tir IU * H. Pc' 0 1-4 11 Ih 0" 0 H. 0 VI 0 uCt Pu Cu (1) 0 el 0 CO 14 (IMMO%* (4 0 11141:1 H 01 au VI 1:, tD M ID H 11 to 1-1 10* 0' 0 hi te (.4..c (D * tft tt) ,A) et. 0 el. il In It Pr 0 ,0 tta el. 13 tt 0 Hta .uplog,i. alt-% to^ ull 110i tr (lIth IS " 111* M 1--, 031 0 M e * '', t.i' 0 0 0' b' H. M r1 M Hi fu 0 0 H. Ili 0 30 rn I 0 0 P. 0* 1-1.41:3 11 0 0 1-h1 * 1-J 0' 0 PV'M 0 0 Cu Hi 0 CU et iD ou et. r+ *1.-4 %la ri .1 11,1 0 W (0 0 tl* 0' 0' 41 0/ 4 H * 0 0 CA to r+ CO cl hi 11 0 P. Cl) CD Cu 0, a 14. to 01 0 I C) Cu at (1) H (li

tiC)* M4-4 0 0 M DI 0 ttl * n o 'A o to a ts tic 0 et ri. 4) ti 1././ 1-J (1) 0' 00011/0 I 0 1.0 et 11* VI Cu 0 0 H. El 10 * 7V 1*-1 0 0 1+ n 0 ci 0 0 rl. 0 1-.1. lig M 0 0 n .0 .0 ..A W n LI Pt 10 13/1 el,Cl

* et, o Cron kJ, hl * ononrroo, a% so o n IA 41 P. 0 CD,* ./.1 la1 M 0 to /0 t.0 1:11

CI* HI a 1c o to o el * n k 0 Cr M til 01 H fzu b" (+ kJ 14. 14.1q IDID H CD IA e+ 0 CD Hs CD tU (1) LA

01 ..JGI rit i3) u cm t+ 41 0 40

el* eh tl .0 17' tt ** 0' rt. la. H 0 1--I 0' H. * ti. 0 0 01 H. 0 H. M

IA. UT rh t-% r,r. -i is cr re to it n n ai 2 lip HI IA .-4 0 H 1r, 11 10IXH* 0 0' 0 ID eh M M ki * 1--I (1) di i,.4 al 14 lo et. 11 a) n cs. co la 0 n m to ..1 40 0 0 (ti* et 0) ti it (0 H 0 * Cu 01 tzu 0 (t) 0 1-i 11 IC 0 0 0 El b 3.1* 1-1 l i H * I-1 0 rl) PI 4 1(:;' t3 0 01 14 la Pi 04 1-1 (0 .0

11 1J. lat (1) 1-10) Ili M II 0 ././.. If 51 : ofto

ro* n o tn o (D Z Di G* * (I PC1 ICLIWM 20 n tn tr ri ilti e+ 0 0 rt. I-, DI M tit kV M tr 6 re ta* 0 H C) pu 01 (D 0 Cu * 0 M 1-10) 1-1 ii. M Hi tD 12' 0 0 P. 0 Hi rt. I M M 0 MI 0 0 CI* 0 H. I-1 0 43 0 M * I-1 r 114.40 1.11 CD 1.11 0 1-4 IA rh li 0 la* to < 0 0 M 1-1 * M M fc.1 at

* tr. H. H. eh kJ H n 0 * 14. to 0' Do 0* 0) el Cti H Cr Ina , url I-I 116 to X41 0 Fu rh tr1

= t. 0 Ili hiW o b hi. H ral 121 di H.0 I-1. 0 ID LO 0M t+ 11 0 0

tn n II tn et.* a ) 0 0 H. al t+ (1) CU * 0 t+ te 01 z GI 04-41 et' c- 0 00* tal 00 tx. tn* I11-1 Wt+M 143 * H. 0 es o ts et. n o H. tn. I-14e le ,g 0 0 0 01

8 1 0 I-I tr (1) 0 0 C.1 H. 0 Pi 0 Hi 0 A' 1-1 0' H .6 IIIO * 0.14 al 0° 611 tati* C In tr I- * 010 re ro 0 to Ai 0 A> so to te m n rt 4 NI VI * CuMII ch H 0 s

' 1:1/* al t11 t r l 14. ( D L t 1-i * C u is m 0 o 0 ) H o 0 H 4 k. tn o re 1:0 tD t DT Do 1-11 OH* al 0 t-1 tl IA IA 441 0 * 1-1 er H 0' to (1) D/ a0 O. Hob moon h. er i-t o4 4 . 0 t0 MI VI 1-I Hi * M m' H.10 0/ 0' 1-I HIO M 0' 1-1 0 cutO H." DI p, to* 141 = V I H f p t l 0 * 11 ad I-1 0 Cii 1-1 0 11 0 (1) 0, 0

H 0 0 0141/ X/ ,:rt. .0 IS u* 1-1 El '- CI Hi 11 * P. M Cu rt. ri, o o tn 2 a tn n to so tn te el, 0) 0 Pi1.1 0 0

, .0 Pi 11 ta* 0 (0 1-h 1-i. lei tt * 0 11) 11 H H. M 1-1 .4 32' a n ir en n 1-1. ti. ri. cal* E l 0 a M r t . 0 0 * 0 01 M M 0 H III al tr 0 0 Ia. 11 P. (1) 1-1, 0 x Cluul 0* r4 tO DI n to 1-1 ** er. to pr er LI (D * 0 11 CI n cn

%I nt 3.1 0 eh 0 1/1/01 al 11.1 Hi M 0/ MH. t+ 41 Hi M H eh In 0 n

ov ro . U)o .. .t0

LI in n iJ* re to ta tn tn tn G* tot000= t 0 r.1 ,,I owl-loot-4 o to ci * 4 .

et. n* CD !..0 th in rs * ird e+ 1-11 /1 ut) e+ 0'14.10 H (1) tr HI 0 tO Cli 0 Cl) L.4 e.1 r) 14 YV* (D e+ 0 (0 It * 0) (D CD I-1 173 1:1) 0 0 M PO ti LI CA Il A' 0 PI al 0* Oro F.,. P) W Hi .4 0 * I-1 L ' 1 C u 2 3 M 1 : 1 1 I A 1.-I W I A eh C S 1-1 14. r + 0 r u C U A CU*1-1 H VI 4 al (D ti. * CD e+ tr 1-I Cit M 11) Cai CD 2 I+ 0 st XI 0' Du Cu 1-J 0 M kti i pi eta,n 1-0,. o Cl

* k. o a el H 1-1 * a a tn CD a) n tn II n m 0 to 0 tp el, = M!-' Ia.*tea 0/ 0 Hiti 0 1-4 H. * tn EN () 41 (D IN ?t' rt. er tl M H M tO 1 ID to fuW*

1-1 CI 0 H = H tn * 0 Cr (0 ig I-I IJ4 14 Cu 01 CD to 11 (1 41.0 11)1 0 n et- to a us (I) tr * 0 14 1r 1t1 fl ti o n*a ( - 4 0' 1-1 H. H i t b * C r 1-JtO tD 4 1 0 0 0 Du rh Cl) tr) grn 1Dt:3

H* 1-1 kJ. 1-J P. 0 Hi OA * au 0 I-1 ID 0 0 0 M In 0 & .

tota) (.0Z M(1

M utl CI* 0 (1) t+ 0 0 * .41 rt. M 1-1 tr 0 .0 11 Cu 0 (1) H* '"gi 1 1,4 11-1 11 * di .., m H tD ,ct:D, I-, o* 'In 0 = 0 (A**P *

, * * * * * * * * * t.

p

Se

z

to

O S CEPAIITANCOITOf OSEALTOL1E047LITOON exEt.f.taf0.411.004. OUSTATUIE OF

EDUC.117$041

s- *Lis 'LEEK sEfslo.s.$ dED !CROW

.riost PLIV.7414;. "A.. ..rr Eat T3P T.:47

seErr`TAP1.' REPPE-44.*

"IPS

SW'I'RL EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENTProfessional Paper 22

February 1973

,,

HA7,=.TC0-1'

31c7-a.r:

OF :t.:-.4=LO An BLACK CHILDREN-

ABSTRACT

Thy use of dAVZ:COT and its alternate surface realizations werein..stig:Ited in the speech of-Anglo and Black grade-school children fretslower and mid:le in,cme neighborhoods. Techniques were devised to elicitmultiple ocLurr,_nces cf the construction in a range of diagnostic envirtan-ments,jncluding questions and negatives. The use of have got by Anglochildren is silo -n-1 to result fn.= a transformational Got-Insertion rule.

::o such rule exists for the Black children; HAVE and GOT are independentlexical items. Sc m._ of thZ forms used by yOunger children appear torepresent de7elopmental stages, rather than ethnic dialects.

HAVE/GOT.p THE SPEECH OF ANGLO AND BLACK CHILDREN*

Robit,.. Pierian Z1-

For the past century HAVEIGOT, as used in (1); has been the sub-of considerable contention.

(1) He's got long hair.

Writers df grammar handbooks and teachers alike have damned the col-location have _got with such epithets as "reaundant," "pleonastic,"and "nonsensical" (Cro=well, 1955, p.2). Many iould agree with-RichardWhite, who in 1870 condemned it as "not only wrong, but if right,superfluous" (Rice, 1932, p. 284).' these prescriptivists would allow-7only

(2) He has long hair.

A. C. Bartlett `(1949, p. 280) described this-proscription as

coring from tile "New Rich English speakers and writers, those who havelearned enough about their language to be self-conscious but not enoughto bebertain of anything." Actually use_of possessive have got datesback to at least 1516; it was used by Samuel Johnson in his dictionary. 0

The list of authors who have used it in their writings reads like abibliography foran English literature_ course..

Not surprpingly, such arguments have &ittle to,dowiih whatpeople, children in particular, actually say. Among children, atleast, (1) and (2) are only two of a laiger set of alternatives usedfor the possessive verb. ,,,All of the forms in (3) may also occur:

(3) a. He have long hair.b. He haves long hair.c. He got long hair.d. He gots long hair,

Data. for this paper are from studies done at SWRL EducationalResearch and Development with Anglo and Black children ranging -in agefrom kindergarten to sixth grade, in schoqls ranging from law,to middleincome neighborhoods in Los Angeles.

Several elicitation procedures were employed to obtain HAVE/GOTdata. The first was adapted from the Baldlp and Garvey's (1970) con-vergent communication studies in Baltimore. In this procedure twochildren are seated at opposite sides of.a table. An opaque screen

-

3

11

*Paper presented to the Annual ..meting of the Linguistic Societyof America, December 27, 1972, Atlanta, Georgia.

V.

:.etl.een t7,.=7 so t-21t they mi:t see e.7leh other, 1,ur can

.orr--,,niote freely- I a typizal our child is given a set cif

pi.:tres, and the _ether child is 4ieh cne picture from the set. To

7erfor.-:- the task suceessfu!ly tte children r.ust determine which pic-

r:re in the set `is i:!enti,ol to the sin;;le picture.

Tasks of tijis type have 1.,ean found to generate constructions of thekind in (1-3) at relatively high frequency; much higher than casual con-ers:ation. They occur in affirmative statements, in questions, and with

7.e,-;atian. Analysis protEcols showed that certain kinds of des-

statemepts-tended formed with the copula while others

were formed with .some realizatiOn cf TIAVE. For example, when the child

described attributes of e:.e-whole zbject, e,g., its size on color, 'the

typical statement employed some form-of the copula:

4 ) At-'s big and green.

rut 1.7h en the description involy.e2 sciie part of the object, it typically

,mp:cled some realization of.HAVE..

(3) re has a pointy hat and big feet.

!'sing this. information in subsequent interviews, sets., of tasks

construeted pictures of pairs of objects, with members of a

pain differing in fcme cne prep:arty (Berdan & Pfaff, 1972). The chil-

dren were asked to descrdbe the difference between the two objects. It

was possible to develop a fair degree of control over the syntactic

ccnstructions enploea in the children's responses, without biasingthe response by g..ving them any =del to repeat. For example, when

two objects differed by the presence or absence of some part, if the

o'::ject with the part -:as sham before the dbject without the part, the

aas:er took the form

6) a. This one has a hat and this one doesn't.

b. This one have a hat idd this one don't.

!f tive order of the objects was reversed so that the object with tile

'art -,7as shown last, the response took the form of (7) with a negated

ver"c, and reduced form of the affirmative:

(7) a. This-one doesn't have a hat and this one does.

b. This one don't-have a hat and this one do.

iTANDABD ENGLISH HAVE/G6T

Zwicky (1.9.70)uses two critPria--susceptibility to contraction

tnd,tag question formationto establish three classes of HAVE. Thefirst class may be called Alr'iliary HAVE.s It allows contraction (8a9

and forms tag questions with HAVE (80 rather than DD (8c).

I.

4

b

3

t8)" a. John's eaten his sandwich.b. John's eated his sandwich, hasn't he?c. *John's eaten his sandwich, doesn't he?

The second class of HAVE includes the main verb HAVE "in its central senses of possession, location, availability, and the like" (Zwicky,1970; p. 329)--.7-11alaCvirib HAVE does notonormally allow contraction (9a) .

and forms tag questions with aither HAVE (9b) or DO (9c), The terms

"auxiliary" and "main verb" are used here in a traditional sense,

(9) a. *John's a salami sandwich.b. John has a salami sandwich, hasn't he?C. John has a salaL sandwich, doesn't he?-

Zwicky's (p. 329) third class includes the main verb HAVE "invarious restricted, idiomatic, or detived usages." These do not allowcontliction !10a) and form tag questions only with DO (10c), not wishHAVE (10b).

(10) 2. *John's a drink. every-night, -

b. *John has a drink every night, hasn't he?c. John has a drink every night, doesn't he?

these three classes, oat, main verb HAVE meaning possess maybe substituted by HAVE GOT without change of meaning. The sentencesof (11) paraphrase (9), but (12) is ungrammatical; and (13), if gram-matical, does not mean the same as (10): g,

(11) a.' John's got a salami sandwich.'b. John's got,a salami sandwich, hasn't he?c. JOhn's got a salami sandwich, doesn't he?

(12) *John's got eaten his sandwich.

(13) John's got a drink every night.

HAVE, GOT, and HAVE GOT all occur in a variety-of constructions''.here the meaning is not that of sentences (1-3). In (14) GOT has themeaning obtain or receive, rather than possess. Some American speakers,like the British, also ust got, rather than _otten, as the past parti-ciple- of get (13b).

(14) a. Mary gets a lot of mail.b. Mary-got a letter yesterday. -

N13) a. Mary has gotten a lot of mail this week.b. Mary has got a 1ot.of mail this week.

b

7

web

Besides the possessive sentences in (11) and the possible perfectiv esense of obtain in .(15b) HAVE GOT is used as a quasi-modalof obliga-tion (16):

(16) He's got to finish before midnight.

ttrrsRap-er;-11-1.1.T.71 consi.aer in detail only .the possessive LiSeS-6f HAVE, GOT, and gAVE GOT, as in sentences ,(1-:3).

Main verb CAVE retains the meaning possess with any'sequence of -

tense auxiliaries in (17):

(17) a. John has his billfold in his back pocket.b. John had his billfold in his back pocket.c. John has had his billfold in his badk pocket.d. John had had his billfold in. his back podket.e. John will have his billfold in his -back pocket.

Jahn will have had his billfold in his back-ocket.

This is not true with GOT. GOT has the meaning possess, rath er thanobtain only in the sequence HAVE GOT (I8a). `:either the past auxiliaryhad (18b), nor any other reTisc auxiliary may be used and retain themeaning possess,

(18) a. M.:, has got his billfold in his-back pocke!:hisb. *johnhad got nis billfold in his lack pocket.-

- c. *John will get his billfold in his back pocket.d. *John will have got his billfold in his back pocket.

There are other syntactic and semantic restrictions on HAVE COTth2t do not apply to main verb HAVE. :Rosenbaum (1967) argue! thatverbs may be-categorized according to which complementizers thcy_maydominate. The restrictions on HAVE GOT appea't to be- rather the Comple-meacizers by which it may be dominated. Main verb RAVE may occur in _

any of the complement constructions of (19). However, HAVE GOT mayonly be dominated by the that complementizer (20a). .

(19) -a. Richard pretends that he has an idea.-b. Richard pretends to, have an-idea.c. Richard discourages havink ideas.

-(20 a. Richard pretends that he has got an idea.b. *Richard pretends to have:got an idea.c. *Richard discourages having got ideas.

- The restriction on the use of HAVE GOT with the complementizers, in (20b) and (20c,) is not a g"eneral restriction on a sequence of

auxiliary'and main verb, even with auxiliary' HAVE and-main verb set inthe sense of obtain as shown in (21):

;sr

Ist

a

110

4

(21) 'a. Richard pretends to have gotten the idea.'b. Richard dislikes having goften secret infeioation.

A similar pattern occurs with c!odals and quasi- nodals. Eitherauxiliary HAVE (22b) or-rain verb HAVE (723) may hall@ modals, butHAVE GOT (22c) may not.

(22) a. I expected that John would still have his old car.'b. 1 expe'ded that John would have gotten his_old car .0

back.c. *I expected that John world still-have got his old

car.

Each of these syntactic facts about the differences between thedistribution of main vetb HAVE 'Ad RAVE GOT may be accounted for byone generalization: HAVE GOT may not occur in any context in whichHAVE is not subject to-person-number agreement. This precludes anytense eXpept simple present tense (17-18); the POSS7ing complementizerof (20c) which requires the participle; the for-to complementizer of(20b) which requires the uninflected infinitive; and the modals andquasi-modals; also require the infinitive.

There are also semantic restrictions on HAVE GOT that do not applyto HAVE. The restrictions more or iess parallel Zwicky's distinctionbetween main verb HAVE and other peripheral meanings of HAVE: the sen-tences which do not allow HAVE tag questions cannot have HAVE GOT.

(23) a. Henry always has a good time, doesn't he?b.**Henry always'has a good time, hasn't he?c. *Henry always has got a good time.

(24) a-. Henry's wife has- doesn't she?b. *Henry's wife has

hasn't she?c. *Henry's wife has

'(25) a.. Henry always hasdoesn't he?

-L. *Henry always hashasn't he?

c. *Henry always has

a baby every twelve months,

a baby every tuTETVe months,

got baby evdry twelve months.

a drink before he goes home,

a'drink before he goes-home

got4a drink before he goes home

At least part of the distinction noted by Zwicky-appears to be thedifgerence between the stative and non-stative use of HAVE. Sentenceswhich do not allow HAVE tag questions and do not allow HAVE GOT, gener-ally can occur in the constructions claimed to be diagnostic of stativeverbs (Lakoff, 1966):

7

c

a 4

(26) a. (pseudocleft) "what Henry did was have a good time.b. ,(complement of persuade) I persuaded Henry to have

a good time.-c. Po-so) Henry had a good time and Richard did so too.d. (Progressive) Henry is having a good-,time.

e. Imperative,) Havea goNrtime, Henry.

On the other hand, sentences tihich.do,allow HAVE tag questions andHAVE COT (27) do not occur in'these environments (28):

(27) a. John has a ruptured appendix, hasn't he?b. John's got a.ruptured appendix.

(28) a. *Uhat John did.,Was Lave a ruptured apperldix.-

b. persuaded John to have a ruptured appendix.c._ *John had a ruptured appendix and Mary did so too -.

d;.*John is having a ruptured appendix.e. *Have a ruptured appendix, John.

of "There are other syntactic restrictions on Main verb HAVE and HAVE

GOT. They do not occur in the passive except in certain idioms (29, 3b).

(29) a. *The-hooks were had by John.b. *The4books have be.:.: got-by John.

(30) I've been had.

Neither Main verb HAVE nor'HAVE GOT allows indirect object inversion,although inversion'can occur with get in the'sense obtain (Bates, 1970):

(31) a. I have a bear for Bill.b. *I have Bill a bear.

(32) 'a-. I've got a bear for Bill.'W. -*I've got Till a bear.

(33) a. I've gotten a bear for Bill.b. I've gotten Bill a bear.

It appears that GOT addg no lexical information to the stative,main verb HAVE, and occurs only in constructions in-which HAVE would .infact have the meaning possess in some stative sense. Further, HAVE GOTis restricted to surface syntactic constructions in whi4.StandardEnglish marks HAVE for person agreement. L

BLACK ENGLISH HAVE/GOT

As already stated, -the actual speech of the children, as expected,

departed in sothe respects from this idealized standard. Sentences with

7 8

E

a

7

11

....

have got comparable to the taboo senrence (1) were not used by the-Black children:, though'not for any of the reasons which would be comqu-panced ,1,)5/ the prescriptive grammarians. All of the rest of the formsin (2) and (3) ware used by Black children.

. The difference between (2) A'nd (3a9 is ohviously.the presence orabsence of person/number agreement. Dillard (1972) and othei-4 claimthat in Black :English there is xo marking for number agFeement. ror

some Blacik children this appears to be true, though definitely not forall,-par7acularly the children of the Black middle class.

The agreement markers for HAVE and DO intStandard English areirregular; has and does rather than haves ancl.do'g as one might expect*from the general rules applying to other verbs. It was found that

children who used uninflected HAVE also used uninflected O. Sentence

(34b) is :11=7. qt,,Aion equivalent If (34a), and (34c) is its negation,

a

(34) a. This one have a window.b. Do this one have a window.

c. c. This one don't have a window and this one do. .

4

Some at the children Owed variation between the use-of uninflectedforms (34) and the inflected forms in (35). However, most consistently.Pithei did or did not use inflected forms of HAVE and DO.

,.*

(35) a.i, This one has a window.b. This..onEl doesn't have a window and.tbisone does'.

The use of inflection with.other main verbs-was alsb examined and--,

it was found that children who do not inflect other main -Verbs do notinflect -.he irregular HAVE and DO: But there are,some children who dois-if-leer realar verbs and, do not inflect HAVE of DO. .

The situation withhaves-as in (3b) is not quite so clear. .1t wasused only 15y Black children and only by children in the lowergrades,primarily from the middle income school. Children who used haves.also

inflected DO-and the regular verbs. Some of, these children also used

has. For'thpsephildren who alternated between haveaand has, it wasvery tempting to say that they showed variation between regular andirregular use of agreement. However, it may have beenthe case that,for these children at least, has. represented not the Standard Englishhas in= the application of consonant clu9ter simplification to the finalconsonants of third singular haves. ThetArface results are.the same,

. ofcourse. _None of the Children who shoWed this alternation betweenhas and haves also used do's. The children's treatment of other final'

. sequences of sibilants has not yet been 'examined and until that hasbeen done, the status of has for*these children swill remain unclear..

The use of GOT in Black English is quite different from its use

in Standard English. None of the sentences in (36) occurred:

D

. s

C

0

(36) a. Thii-one's got a window.

b. Has this one got a--window?

c. This one hasn'E got a window:. t

. i)

Instead.GOT, like any t he main verb, formed questions-and negation

with DO (37): ,

C

(37) a This otte got a window. ,

I b. Do this one got a wind04''c. This one don' gat,dwindow..-

. d. This one don't got na window and this one do.

This leads, to the interesti ng, but patentially'confusing situation, inwhich Black Etglish possessiveOT in (37a) can only mean obtained inStandard English, while the sequence HAVE GOT,'whicb is only possessive.in Standard English, can mean either possess or have obtained in Black

English..

Some childien Wh6 used agreement with other Main verbs also usedagreement with DO, giving the sentences of (38) rather than those of .

(37)':

(38) a. 'Does this one got a window?

b. ,This one doesn't got a window.

A few of these children who used agreement also inflectedRgOT in

the affirmative statement -(30: - 45- 4'

(39) This one gots a. window.

..

Clearly, for, these children GOT.is a 'regular main verb wbidh inflec ts

j'or agreement and requires Do-Support.. %

.

However, there wer e some other children who used gots in sentenceslike (39) who'also used it'in-(40). For these childxen gots, rather.

than got, appears to be the underlying form. , ,

-

(4O a. Do this one gots a window? . ,

._'b. This one don't gots a window. "... l'-......., -- .. ,

. . .Most of the children consistently used Earms*with GOT or foris with

HAVE; few Used-both.

INGLO ENGLISH HAVE/GOT -

The Anglo children interkqewed neverused uninflected haveinthird singular contexts; none uSedtthe inflected form haves. However,

this is not to say that all Anglo children- use 'only Standard EnglishA

,

t- t

I

t

forms. No kindergarten or first-grade childr en used the sequence HAVEGOT; older Anglo children did. When younger.' Anglb children useddOTit was used as a main verb; as by Black children, but alwaysWith agtee-ment., as in (38) 04 (39).. The exception "to this was the use of don'tgot. Don't is the negation of both do and does for some Anglo children,and some Ail used affirmative-has got- and have got used only don't got

'in the -negative:

In environments where contraciM is poS'sible, affiimative slate-,ments, the NAVE of HAVE GOT .was aligays contracted; none _of the, childrenusedthe'full forms- have or has in these environments. In the environ,,

Ments which allow contracted HAVE, some cflifdren used. GOT with no aux,il-e iary; this happened only with hate-air Anglo children; never where .

agreement reqUIre& has.Ok

THE GRAMARS v HAVE/GOT `' .

Standard English ,

S.,I.

The'se facts have several implications for the construction of,grammars. First the grammar for Standard English.

. _

There is no semantic motivation for identifying main verb HAVEwith auxiliary HAVE. There is no notion of-the:perfect in possession;'.nor.is any sense of possession inherent,in the'temPoral notion of per7fect. This becomes even more apparent when one, looks at languagesothe than English. Few show_any lexica'_ similarity betJeeri perfectiveauxiliary and possessive verb, if in'fact such a verb exists in the, .

language)

There also seems to be no syntactic meitivatidn,for identifying themain verb with the auxiliary. Many of the parallels that obtain'between

. the copula BE and the tense auxiliary BE do not hold for"theauxiliariHAVE, andand the main verb HAVE. Consider the paradigms (41) 'through (47),In eall of these auxiliary-BE, copula BE,.and auxin ry Vp-exhibit

,one.type Qf behavior while possessive HAVE exhi its anothe behavioridentical to other main verbs. -

4.,

.'1. Questions. BE is preposed,in questions whether it-is used as,a copuIa-(41) Ler as ,an auxiliary, (41b). Auxiliary HAVE (41d) may, be

preposed, but not main verb HAVE (41c). HAVE maybe preposed in HAVEGOT (41e)..

/

'Arguments for driving main verb HAVE and'auxiliary HAVE froma. common source are presented iii Bach (1967)1 That paper does notconsider any of the syntactie--.2..ceeents prestnted here, nor does itdeal with have -got.

1

10

6

/0

. . 1 ..

-4.

,.

(411 a. Is John the dew vice resident?..b. Is John runding for vice President?

c. *Has John, his instructions? ..-

.

...'d.,

:Has Jahn. received his instructions?

e.. -,----

Has Jo. .

(hn got his instructions?-:

.

'.. .

, .

:Like other r..in verbs, HAVE Eorms questions with Do-Support in_....

.

American Anglo English,: . . -.,) '

<42) a. Does John like his instructions?. b. Does John have his instructions?

,. .,

`-2._ Contracted Negation. The sale pattern is apparent with Neg

'contraction: BE maybe attached to theconttacted Neg, either `asA \ :

. auXiliary or as copula Main verb HAVE (43c) requires Do- Support (44):,.

(43) a. Joh\ isn't the new vice-presidentb. John\isn't running for vice president.c. *JOhn 6sn't his instructicns:d. John hasn't received his insttuctions.e. .John hasn't got his'instructions.

0-4) a. JohndOesn't like the new vice president.b. John doesn't have his Instructions.

o0. Auxiliary Contraction. Likewise with auxiliary contraction.

BE may contract either as verb-or auxiliary:' HAVE may contract onlyas auxiliary (45): .t : .:'.

-.*

...(45) a' John's the new vice president.

b. John's running for vice presid . ,

-- c. *John's his instructions. .

/. ...-

d:* John 's recei his inOtructions-. .

_ _,e. John's got .h: inLluctions.

... . . ,

..

4. Auxiliary Shift. This rule is used by Baker (1971) to trans-pose.the auxiliary and certain preverbs if'the auxiliary is:not stressed:

(46) a. John isniteadyangry. . .

b. John.iS. already rubiling for -vice lSresident..

c. *John has,already his iutructiqrth.d. John has already recalled his instructions. ll 'e. %John has, alredy 221 :his instructions., '4 .

1

&N.

'4,/'''' 44 .°

5. Auxiliary Attraction. Cettain negative preverbs allqvi the

,t1 auxiliary tobg%preposed (Firlinore, 1966). /

4'1 % . .,

bus'.

(47) a'. (Allyrarely is the 'on time.'.

...

. .

z//

b. Only tarely.iS anyone actually working.,

wit

1e

*A__1__ rarely has John his idstrution:

4.

- 12, ,

;

4

4.

I

11

d. Only rarely has John received all the instructionshe needed.

e. 'Only rarely has John got all the instructions heneeds.

In each of/these five constructions possessive HAVE is unlike auxiliaries,

but like other main verbs. HAVE GOT appears to be a sequence of auxiliaryand main verh. In the two following ecnstructions HAVE has properties both-c4: an auxiliary and of a main Verb.%

6. Tag Question.

(48) a. John has a new car,liasn't he?b. John has a new car, doesn't he?

(49) a,- John has got a new car, hasn't he?b. John has got- a new cal, doesn't he?

Sentences (4.3a, 49a) follow the pettern of an auxiliary; (4815, 49b)f'llow the pattern of a-ain vera. However, if the main sentence isnegated, only the auxiliary t? which the negative is attached mayoccur in the tag question (50) ;

(50) a. *John doesn't have a new car, has he?b. John doesn't have a new car, does he?

t(51)_ a. John hasn't' got a new car, has he?

- . b. *John hasn't got a new car, does he?.

7. Conjunction Reduction. Reduced,conjoined sentences show apattern similar to Tag Questions except that negative hasn't gat maybe replaced either by has (55a) or does (55b).

. (52) a. John has a new car and so has Mary.b. John hat a new car and so does Mary.

(53) 'a. Jchn has got a new car and so has Mary.b. John has pot a new car and so does Mary.

1

(54) 'a. *John doesn't have a new car and neither has Mary.-

b. John doesn't have a new car and neither does Mary.'

(55) a., John hasn't got a new car and neither has Mary.b. John hasn't Kot a new car and neither does Mary.

In clearly possessive contexts the verb HAVE exhibits the char-acteristics..of a main verb, not of an auxiliary. These facts warrant/-1siting at `least one main Verb mix in the grammar of Standard Eng-lish. And given the acceptability of sentences like (56) but the.strangeness of (57),one might want to claim there is more than onesuch verb.

.1 13

--;

(56) Every night John has a scotch and soda, Bill a Man-hattan, and Martha a To Collins.

(57) *Every summer John has a new car, his Wife a baby,their son a drink, and their daughter.a cold.

The status of HAVE GOT may be considered next. First; in each of

these construc.ions GOT is semantically void; it-adds nothing to themetting of tht_ sentence. Second, although HAVE does not take on themeaning of the perfective in HAVE GOT, it does function syntacticallyas an auxiliary.' Third, there are restrictions on the claTarrence of

HAVE GOT that are not normally or easily stated in the lexicon. Eor

example, one must account for the fact that (58a) is possessive but

(38b), if grammatical, is noc.

(58) a- It se that John's got some more,money.b. ?Joh seer' to have got some more money.

All of this suggests that GOT may best be inserted by transforma-tional rule. These arguments are similar in form to the arguments

have been advanced for There-Insertion and Do-Support.

The eat-Insertion rule :rust perform two operations. It moves HAVE

to the auxiliary and inserts GOT in its place, converting (59a) to (59b).

(59) a. John [-Present]aux

[HAVE]verb

big hands

b. John [present.HAVE]aux

[GOT]verb

big hands

n /-

As desired, this allows HAVE to function as an auxiliary but assigns it

no notion of the perfect. There are some restrictions in the structural

index on the application of the rule. It must occur in the-environ-

ment of,present tense. This precludes the ungrammatical sentences of(18). A9d if the Azle is made last cyclic, it precludes (58b) as wellas (20b, c) where the complement process deletes tense.

Anglo English

This Standard English grammar accounts for most facts observed in

speech of the Anglo children without modifications. However, for the

kindergarten and first-grade children who inflect GOT in the thirdsingular to gots...and form questions with does got,-there seems no

reason to posit any rule of Got-Insertion. These children seem to have

:two possessive verbs: HAVE and GOT. Each of them functions for the

child like any other main verb.. tThe other fact which needs explanation for Anglo children is the

tsige of HAVE GOT in questions, but don't got in negation. For these

children the use of GOT reflects some of the characteristics

t4

3

of the Standard English grammai and some of the ch2racteristics:he developmental gra-lmar rf the younger children.

BlaSa English

1n-the speech of the Blook children th ere appear to be two inde-pendent verbs of possession: GOT and HAVE. There is no motivationf,r any kind of transft.rmaricn relation between thtm.

Loflin 097,70 'escribea Blaok English as having no auxiliary HAVE.His data were drawn largely from the spe&oh of one 14-year-old boy.Ba21.v2 on the assumption that there is no%HA77-- auxiliary, Loflin devel- -

:pcd a tense system for Bind. English different from the Standard Eng-lish tense system.

If the FwE of }LV.E (-07 is in fact identical to auxiliary ILWE.-it': other verbs, .end if Lofli- is correct that Black English has noauxiliary HAVE, it is possible to account for the Black English GUTrather than HAVE GQT from the general absence of HAVE auxiliary, assum-ing of course that Black Engl4sh has,no Got- Insertion rule as has beeni.uggested for Standard English.

Cr, other studies by Libov and others (1968) have shown thatHAVE auxiliary ities in fact exist in Black English. In this study thesame children who never used HAVE COT did use auxiliary HAVE withc:her main verbs. Eut as Labe,: has also shown, the HAVE auxil ,iary was

frequently deleted.

One could.argue that Black English is just like Standard EnglishrespeCt to HAVE dOT, except-that the independently motivated

rules of auxiliary contraction and deletion delete HAVE from HAVE GOT.However, the auxiliary contraction dnd deletion rules do not operate ina.1 environments. For example, when the auxiliary is preposed inquestion or when it occurs with contracted negation the contractionold deletion rules block, giving (60):

(60) Have you ever eaten pork?

It is exactly these environments, question and negation:in which GOToccurs only with DO auxiliary, not HAVE. The contraction and deletionruleg-*cannot be used to aplain Bfack English GOT.

CeCLUSIONS

:The facts of HAVE/GOT are somewhat confounded by the multitudeofnonpossessive uses, both of HAVE and of GOT; and by the dialecticaldifferences' in their use. Within the speech of children, at 4ast,many variations occur. Some of these appear to result from different

15

1.4

-exl.cal representations, such as the use of GUTS in all instancesy

rather than GOT. Size differences result frzm differences in rules:

The difference betty -,-tn Anglo-English HAVE GOT and Black English GOT.

F-r =+ ne forms, such as the,use of haves, it' is difficult to deter-;

mine whether there is a differcnoe in the morphology or a differente

in underlying forms. The facts of Standard English seem best des-

;ribed by positing-a rule of Got-Insertion. There is no evidence for

sl,ch a rule in Black English.

Acquisition of this construction dces not seem,: to be cczplete for

.c.hildren at the kindergarten and first-grade level. There are

:r=i used b: these children which do not occur elsewhere, notably

aad a lack amcng young Anglo children of HAVE SOT.

are also sctial differences in use associated with incomeP--±rticular:y, children fro= lower income Black schools use

,n-number agreement :mei less frequently than did Blaek children

ziddlc incmc areas.

11,

tr.

4

t

Ors

ILEFERENCrS

33C111, E. Have and E-e-in aglish syntax. Lanis.uaAe, 1967, 43, 462-485.

BaL.er, C. L. Stress level and auxiliary behavior in Enlish. LinguisticLnauirv. 1971, 2, 1-11.

Baldwin, T. & Garvey, C. Stu.iies in con'Tergent communication: II.

A measure of communication accuracy. Report No. 91, 1970, JohnsHopki:4 University: Center for the study of social organizationof sohools.

Bartlett, A. C. Get, have go:, and have got to. College English.1949, 10, 20-282.

Bates, R. R. A study in the acquisition of language. *Unpublisheddoctoral dissertation, University of Texas, Austin, 1970.

3erdan, R. & Pfaff, C. Soaiolinguistic variation in the speech of

young children: An experimental study. Professional Paper 21,October 1972, SURL Educational Research and Development, LosAlamitos, California. 1

Crowell, T. L., Jr. A study..of the verb get. Unpublished doctoraldissertation, Columbia University, 1955.

Dillard, J. L. Black: English. New York: Random.Eouse, 1972.

Lilimore, C. J. On the syntax of preverbs Unpublished paper, Ohio

State University, 1966.

Labov, W., Cohen, P.; Ribins, C., & Lewis, J. A study of the non-

standara English of Nogro and Puerto Rican speakers in New York.City. Final Rep,Irt, Cooperative Research Project 3288, 1968,Washingtog, D. C., Office of Education.

I.koff, G. Stative adjectives and verbs in English. In A. G. Oettinger

Report No. NSF-17: Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard UniversityComputation Laboratory, 1966.

Loflin,'M. C. On the structure of the verb.in a dialect of AmericanNegro English. LinguisticS, 1970, 59, 14-28.

Rice, W. Get and Got. American Speech. April 1932, 280-296.

Rooenbaum, P. S. The grammar of English predicate complement con-structions. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1967.

(-

Zwicky, A. M. Auxiliary reduction in English. Linguistic Inquiry,

1970, 1, 323-336. 4

17