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EUNOMAD REPORT 2012 Migration, development and integration in Europe

EUNOMAD REPORT 2012Eunomad - European report 2012 13.2. EUROPE OVERVIEW 2.1. Demography and migration in Europe On January 1, 2012, the total number of foreign residents in the 27

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Page 1: EUNOMAD REPORT 2012Eunomad - European report 2012 13.2. EUROPE OVERVIEW 2.1. Demography and migration in Europe On January 1, 2012, the total number of foreign residents in the 27

EUNOMAD

REPORT 2012 Migration, development and integration in Europe

Page 2: EUNOMAD REPORT 2012Eunomad - European report 2012 13.2. EUROPE OVERVIEW 2.1. Demography and migration in Europe On January 1, 2012, the total number of foreign residents in the 27
Page 3: EUNOMAD REPORT 2012Eunomad - European report 2012 13.2. EUROPE OVERVIEW 2.1. Demography and migration in Europe On January 1, 2012, the total number of foreign residents in the 27
Page 4: EUNOMAD REPORT 2012Eunomad - European report 2012 13.2. EUROPE OVERVIEW 2.1. Demography and migration in Europe On January 1, 2012, the total number of foreign residents in the 27
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Credits

Eunomad would like to thank all the organisations – migrant associations, NGOs, research centres, local authorities – and members of the network who have contributed to this publication.

Editor

Lorenzo GabrielliWith the support of:

ACISI (Spain)ADER – Association for Regional Economic Development (France)AFFORD – African Foundation for Development (United Kingdom)CONSORTIUM OF MIGRANTS ASSISTING ORGANIZATIONS (Czech Republic)DCMO – Dutch Consortium of Migrant Organizations (Netherlands)ENDA EUROPE (France)FABRO - Förderverein des Migrantenrates der Hansestadt Rostock e.V. (Germany)FONDATION AFRIQUE AUTREMENT (Poland)FUNDACION HABITAFRICA / ALIANZA POR LA SOLIDARIDAD (Spain)GAO Cooperazione Internazionale (Italy)GRDR – Migration, citoyenneté, développement (France)HANDICAP CARE HELLAS (Greece)IRFAM (Belgium)

Publishing coordination

ADER

Editorial coordination

Claire de Rasilly – ADER Agnès Rivet – ADEREmmanuelle Maisonnave – ADEREmilie Blondy – GRDR

EUNOMAD

REPORT 2012 Migration, development and integration in Europe

Translation

Transcripta Translation Services Ltd

Graphic design

Marguerite Lecointre

Printing: Veoprint

© Eunomad, April 2013

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Ronald Lucardie, Chair of Eunomad, handing out 2011 Eunomad report to Peter Ustubs at the European Development Days, October 2012

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SUMMARY

1. Eunomad network . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

2. The Triangle Migration Development and Integration in Europe . . 13

2.1. Demography and migration in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132.2. The founding documents of the EU and the changing approach to mobility, reception policies and support mechanisms to co-development. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172.3. Definitions of terms and of their context of use . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

3. News in the Eunomad’s Countries of Interventions . . . . . . . . . . . 30

3.1. Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303.2. Belgium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343.3. Spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413.4. France . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 473.5. Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 543.6. Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 583.7. Netherlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 633.8. Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 683.9. The Czech Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 743.10. United Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

4. European News in 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

4.1. Development of political, media and scientific speeches . . . . . . . . . . . . 854.2. Main texts adopted by the European Union in 2012 and significant European political events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 984.3. The impact of the crisis on migration and development: time for a first assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

5. Recommendations by the EUNOMAD network . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132

6. Activities of Eunomad in 2012-2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134

6.1. Eunomad’s Country platforms activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1346.2. Eunomad’s European activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .158

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Workshop on Intercultural Capacities of Migrants, Milan, January 28-29 2013

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.1.

EUNOMAD NETWORK

1.1. A public space for multi-actor dialogue

Eunomad is a European network that presents itself as a public space for multi-actor dialogue on the relation between migration, integration/citizenship and development.

In 2007, eleven organisations from nine countries of the European Union took the initiative to consult each other on the relation between migration and develop-ment, in order to address the lack of visibility and recognition of co-development activities, both in the North in the European countries, and in the South in the countries of origin. To improve practices in this area and enhance their impact, creating a European network became necessary.

In 2012, the network brings together around one hundred European stakeholders from civil society, local authorities and research institutes, working in the field of migration, development and integration (migrant associations, non-govern-mental organisations, local authorities, research institutions, national groups and stakeholder networks). All stakeholders form part of country platforms, which in turn are grouped at European level within the Belgian-registered association Eunomad ASBL.

A laboratory for co-development practices seeking to promote migrants

as actors of development here and there.

The values shared within the network are based on the willingness to:

the societies of origin and residence; -

ment “here and there”;

Europe.

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Eunomad aims to strengthen its members’ practices in support of the migration-development relationship as well as to develop advocacy, through the capitalisation of these practices, so that public policies effectively support this relation in the interest of migrants and the societies or origin and residence.

To achieve these objectives, the activity of the Eunomad network is structured around the following themes:

of a space for multi-stakeholder dialogue in Europe through the structuring of country platforms and the creation of syner-gies between the different stakeholders.

. Promoting periods of practices’ evaluation and exchange on tools and methods between organisations working in development related to migration.

Carrying out a broader analysis of the policies and practices in this area regarding the development of the countries of origin as well as the development of the countries of residence, within the European zone.

Developing recommendations for public authorities: Member States of the European Union, countries of origin of migrants, international organisations such as the Council of Europe and the United Nations, and in particular, the European Union.

1.2. Key dates

24-25 April 2007: Paris Forum entitled “What is the position of European NGOs with regard to co-development?”

1-2 October 2007: Eunomad Constituent Meeting

2009 -2010: Eunomad phase I - Programme of activities for the network’s development

2011 -2013: Eunomad phase II – Programme of activities for the network’s consolidation

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Workshop on Intercultural Capacities of Migrants, Milan, January 28-29 2013

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Eunomad member Countries

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.2.

EUROPE OVERVIEW

2.1. Demography and migration in Europe

On January 1, 2012, the total number of foreign residents in the 27 Member States of the European Union (EU) was 32 967 000 persons (i.e. 6.5 % of the whole EU population amounted to approximately 500 million inhabitants). Among the foreign residents, third-country nationals amount to 20 709 900, which is equivalent to 4.1% of the total population. The EU countries which host the largest number of non-EU nationals are: Germany (7 409 800 i.e. 9.1 % of the country’s total population), Spain (5 562 100; 12 %), the United Kingdom (4 802 300; 7.6 %), Italy (4 825 600; 7.9 %), France (3 858 300; 5.9 %), Belgium (1 224 900; 11 %), Greece (975 400; 8.6%), Austria (947 700; 11.2 %), the Netherlands (697 700; 4.2 %), Sweden (646 100; 6.8 %), Ireland (487 900; 10.6 %), Portugal (439 100; 4.2 %) and the Czech Republic (423 000; 4.0%)1.

During 2011, the main migration destinations in Europe were the United Kingdom (566 044 persons), Germany (489 422), Spain (457 649) and Italy (385 793); these four countries receive 60.3% of the total annual immigra-tion to the EU-272. However, movements are not restricted to entries and a large number of exits must also be registered. Also during 2011, Spain had the largest number of EU emigrants (507 742 persons, around fifty thousand more than the number of immigrants), followed by the United Kingdom (350 703), Germany (249 045) and France (213 367). Among the 27 EU Member States, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Ireland, Greece, Spain, Poland, Romania and the three Baltic countries have more emigrants than immigrants3.

Moreover, between 2009 and 2011, the migratory flows towards some countries were restricted, probably as a consequence of the financial crisis. This is the case in Spain (from 499 000 who arrived in 2009 to 457 600 in 2011) and in Italy (442 900 in 2009, 385 000 in 2011), whereas the flows increased towards other destinations such as Germany (from 246 200 in

1. EUROSTAT, Foreign and foreign-born population by group of citizenship and country of birth, 1 January 2012, 15 March 2013.2. EUROSTAT, Migration and migrant population statistics – Data from March 2013, http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Migration_and_migrant_population_statistics/. Vu le: 23 mars 2013.3. Ibidem.

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2009 to 489 4000 in 2011), or remained stable as in the case of the United Kingdom (approximately 566 000 people in 2009 and 2011, with a peak in 2010 with about 590 000 people) 4.

If we analyse the data in relation to the kind of migrants, we can see that 52.1 % of people who have migrated in and to the EU in 2011 are men and 47.9 % are women.

As to the age of the migrants, a large proportion of the foreign population is made up of relatively young adults of working age. The national population of the 27 EU Member States is on average 41.9 years old, whereas the average age of foreigners is 34.7 years5.

At the beginning of 2012, among third-country nationals residing in the 27 EU countries, 38.5 % came from Europe outside the EU-27, 24.5 % from Africa, 22 % from Asia, 14.2 % from the Americas and 0.8 % from Oceania6.

Origin of third-country nationals residing in the EU-27,

on January 1, 20127.

Regions of origin % of total non-EU foreigners in the EU

Europe outside EU38.5 % (more than half come from Turkey, Albania or from Ukraine)

Africa24.5 % (North African nationals, mainly from Morocco and Algeria, account for more than half)

Asia 22 % (coming mainly from India, China and Pakistan)

Americas14.2 % (nationals of Ecuador, Brazil and Colombia are the most numerous)

Oceania 0,8 %

4. Ibidem.5. Ibidem.6. EUROSTAT, Citoyens de pays tiers résidant dans l’UE-27, par continent d’origine, 1er janvier 2012, (Third-country citizens residing in the EU-27 according to the continent of origin, January 1, 2012) http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/product?code=migr_pop1ctz&language=en&mode=view. Seen on: 23 March 2013.7. EUROSTAT, Citoyens de pays tiers résidant dans l’UE-27, par continent d’origine, 1er janvier 2012, (Third-country citizens residing in the EU-27 according to the continent of origin, January 1, 2012) http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/product?code=migr_pop1ctz&language=en&mode=view. Seen on: 23 March 2013.

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If we compare the origin of foreign residents in the EU-27 with the Human Development Index (HDI) of their country of origin, we note that only 7.5% of migrants come from countries with low HDI, whereas 48.3 % and 44.2% res-pectively come from countries with medium or high HDI8.

Origin of third-country nationals in the EU-27,

compared to the HDI (Human Development Index)

of their country of origin, on January 1, 20129!

% of total of third-country nationals

High HDI 44.2 % (almost half is made up of Turks, Albanians and Russians)

Average

HDI48.3 % (mainly Moroccans, Chinese and Ukrainians)

Low HDI 7.5 % (around 30% are Nigerians or Iraqis)

8. EUROSTAT, Non-EU citizens analysed by level of human development index (HDI) of country of citizenship,1 January 2012, 15 March 2013.9. EUROSTAT, Non-EU citizens analysed by level of human development index (HDI) of country of citizenship,1 January 2012, 15 March 2013.

© SMHO

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The top ten countries of origin of third country nationals present in the EU, on January 1, 201010.

Country of origin n° of migrants

Turkey 2 604 772

Morocco 2 366 388

Algeria 1 473 913

India 1 034 297

Albania 995 992

Ukraine 798 048

Russia 791 028

China (including Hong Kong) 673 346

Pakistan 658 574

Ecuador 590 119

During 2011, 782 200 persons born outside the EU acquired citizenship of one of the 27 Member States, which quantitatively represents a decrease of 3.5% when compared to the previous year. The countries where more people have acquired citizenship are the United Kingdom (177 600; 22.7% of all new citizen-ships in the EU-27; but 17 277 people fewer than in 2010), France (114 584; 28 691 fewer than in 2010), Spain (114 599; 9 122 fewer than in 2010) and Germany (109 594). Among the third-country nationals who have acquired citizenship of any EU country, 26.2 % are African nationals, 22.6 % are from Asia, 18.9 % from Non-EU European countries, and 16.9% are nationals of the Americas11.

10. January 2010 figures, source EUROSTAT and national statistical institutes.11. EUROSTAT, Migration and migrant population statistics – Data from March 2013, http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Migration_and_migrant_population_statistics

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2.2. The founding documents of the EU and the changing approach to mobility, reception policies and

support mechanisms to co-development.

Key

Founding Treaties Migration and asylum policy The external dimension Migration and development Integration and citizenship

1957: Treaty of Rome. Creation of the EEC with six members (West Germany, Belgium France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands): free move-ment of workers.

1985: Schengen Agreement (Germany, Belgium France, Luxembourg and the Netherlands): Schengen area of free movement, deferral of control of external borders

1986: Single Act: free movement of European citizens

1990: Dublin Convention: determining one State responsible to process a request for asylum

1990: Schengen Convention: laying of foundations for the total abolition of controls at internal borders (entry into force of Convention in 1995)

1992: Treaty of Maastricht. Creation of the European Union (12 members: Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, and the United Kingdom). It provides an area without internal borders, ensuring the free movement of goods, capital and people. There appears for the first time the concept of “European citizenship”, defined as: “any person having the nationality of a Member State is a citizen of the Union”.

1997: The Dublin Convention applies to 12 EU Member States

1997: Tampere European Council: lays down the foundation for the inte-gration of the issues “asylum and immigration” in the external dimension of the

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Community action (the long-term goal of the EU is to address the root causes of “illegal” immigration, the partnership with third countries is presented as part of the success of this policy)

1999 : entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam (signed in 1997, applies to 15 Member States: Germany, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Finland, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, United Kingdom and Sweden); creation of an “area of freedom, security and justice” and passing of the issue of “immigration and asylum” from the intergovernmental cooperation to the harmonisation of policies. By this treaty, the EU assumes new competences in the fight against “illegal” immigration, progressively integrated into agreement with third countries. The Treaty contains two provisions relating to integration, without however mentioning it as such (Art. 13 concerns the fight against discrimination; Art. 73 speaks of long-term residence permits, family reunion, and the rights of third-country nationals, among other topics).

2000: Council Directive 2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 implementing the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin.

2000: Council Directive 2000/78/EC of 27 November 2000 establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation.

2000: Cotonou Agreement EU-ACP (79 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries): contains a clause on readmission of irregular citizens of signatory countries

2001: adoption of the Directive on air, sea and land carriers, providing heavy financial penalties for routing to the EU of irregular persons

2001: Laeken European Council: the Council requests the Commission to “establish mechanisms of cooperation to strengthen control of external borders and eventually create common services”. On 16 December, the Commission stated that the fight against terrorism is a priority: the legislative process on the European migration policy should be revised accordingly.

2002: Seville European Council: the fight against illegal immigration is a priority (the proposal to sanction the countries of departure that do not show goodwill in flow control with the blocking of development aid is ultimately rejected).

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2002: Communication from the Commission to the Council and to the European Parliament: Integrating migration issues in the EU’s relations with third countries (COM(2002) 703 final)

2003: Adoption of the Dublin Regulation II: only the first country reached by the asylum seeker is entitled to process the request, involving the return of the applicants to the first EU country crossed

2003: Beginning of the “European Neighbourhood Policy” (ENP): “co-management” of borders with neighbouring countries, exchange of information and training of agents

2003: Directive on the right to family reunification (2003/86/EC)

2003: Directive concerning the status of third-country nationals providing for a statute of extended stay (having stayed 5 years in the territory of a Member State) (2003/109/EC)

2004: The Hague Programme (for 2005-2010): to create a space of “freedom, justice and security” (2 axes: to promote a common policy and develop the external dimension of the immigration and asylum policy)

2004: The common basic principles on integration policies of migrants in the EU have been adopted by the Justice and Home Affairs Council in November 2004 and form the basis of Community initiatives for integration.

2004: launch of the AENEAS programme for financial and technical assis-tance to third countries in the field of migration and asylum (finally terminated in late 2006 and replaced by the Thematic Programme)

2005: entry into force of the Treaty of Nice (signed in 2001, applies to the 25 Member States: Germany, Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, Spain, Estonia, Finland, France, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxem-bourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, the Czech Republic, the United Kingdom, Slovakia, Slovenia and Sweden): introduction of the co-decision principle (between the Council and the Parliament); decisions on border control, asylum and immigration (except “legal” immigration) are taken by qualified majority (rather than unanimity).

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2005: the European Council at Hampton Court approves the principle of a “global approach to migration”, introducing an expanded framework for the management of migration focused on cooperation with third countries. “Legal” migration, mobility, the fight against “illegal” migration and development aid are to be related still more closely. At the same time an action plan entitled “Priorities of actions focusing on Africa and the Mediterranean” is approved.

2005: The Common Programme for integration was presented by the Com-mission in 2005. It establishes a framework for the implementation of common basic principles. This Common Programme considers also a series of projects underpinning the EU mechanisms and instruments, such as the European Portal on Integration and the European Integration Forum, to promote integration and to facilitate the exchange between integration stakeholders.

2005: Communication from the Commission to the Council, the European Parliament, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions: “Migration and Development: Some concrete guidelines”. Brussels, European Commission.

2006: 1st Euro-African Conference on Migration and Development in Rabat; adoption of a “plan of action” stressing the need to promote development, to establish financial instruments for co-development, to facilitate “legal migration” and to cooperate in the fight against irregular migration.

2006 : African Union - EU Summit on migration and development in Tripoli (Libya);

2007 : launch of Thematic Programme “Cooperation with third countries on migration and asylum”, which continues the activities of AENEAS programme as part of the financial perspective 2007-2013

2007: The European Fund for the Integration of third-country nationals is established.

2008: Council Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA on the fight against certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia (racist and xenophobic crimes and discourse) by means of criminal law.

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2008: Communication from the European Commission “A Common Immi-gration Policy for Europe: principles, actions and tools”, signalling the need for a renewed political commitment.

2008: the Council adopts the European Pact on Immigration and Asylum, calling for further negotiations on readmission agreement, either at EU level, or bilaterally.

2008: European Commission Communication “Local authorities: actors for development” (COM(2008) 626 final)

2008: 2nd Euro-African Conference “Migration and Development” in Paris, cooperation programme “Rabat II” around three pillars: organisation of legal migration, fight against irregular migration and synergies between migration and development.

2008 : “Return” Directive, also known as “Directive of shame”, defining the conditions of detention (retention) prior to expulsion of foreigners (deadline for transposition into national law 24 December 2010)

2009: entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon (signed in 2007, applies to the 27 Member States: Germany, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Denmark, Spain, Estonia, Finland, France, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, the Czech Republic, the United Kingdom, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and Sweden), reformulating the EU’s institutional structure. The EU now has a legal basis for integration policy (Art. 79.4 refers to “measures to provide incentives and support for the action of Member States with a view to promoting the integration of third-country nationals residing legally in their territories”), even if the debate is still very characterised by national practices. The “Charter of Fundamental Rights” adopted in Nice in December 2000 by the European Parliament, as amended and proclaimed a second time in December 2007, acquires the same binding legal force as the treaties and becomes legally applicable to the 27 EU Member States when they implement EU legislation.

2009: adoption of Directive 2009/52/EC providing for minimum standards on sanctions and measures against employers of illegally staying third-country nationals.

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2009: the Council approves “The Stockholm programme – An open and secure Europe serving and protecting its citizens” for the period 2010-2014. In terms of integration, the programme supports “the exchange of knowledge and coordination with other relevant policy areas such as employment, education and social inclusion”, and urges the Commission to develop “a coordination mechanism with the help of a common framework of reference” to support the Member States, to “identify European modules to support the process of inte-gration”, as well as to “develop core indicators for the monitoring of the results of integration policies”.

2010: adoption by the European Council of the growth strategy “Europe 2020”. Among the various guidelines, Member States are invited to: “remove barriers to the entry of new arrivals on the labour market” (g.l. 7); develop “targeted immigration and integration policies”, as well as “remove barriers to occupational and geographical mobility of workers” (g.l. 8); “ensure equal opportunities, and in particular access to public services and to affordable, sustainable and quality services, in particular in the field of health care”, referring specifically to legal immigrants, as well as to give priority to benefit systems “to income security, during the transition periods, and to the fight against poverty” (g.l. 10).

2010: the Commission launches a “structured dialogue” with civil society about the effectiveness of assistance to development; this dialogue has the main objective of studying the complementarity and possible partnerships between civil society and local authorities.

2010: implementation of the Common visa code in the Schengen area under the responsibility of the European Commission, as well as the local coordination of the Schengen area consulates in third countries.

2010: publication by the Commission of the Green Paper “The EU develop-ment policy in support of inclusive growth and sustainable development” and the launch of the public consultation on the future of the EU’s development policy.

2011: Communication from the European Commission on the Global Approach to Migration and Mobility.

2011: Communication from the European Commission on the European Agenda for the integration of third-country nationals.

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Workshop on Intercultural Capacities of Migrants, Milan, January 28-29 2013

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2.3. Definitions of terms and of their context of use

The existence of actions taken by migrants for the development of their home

community, first mainly through personal contributions from members as well as by financial transfers, long predates the emergence of the term “co-development”12.

The issue of co-development appeared at European level in October 1999 during a European Council of Justice and Home Affairs held in Luxembourg and in preparation for the Tampere summit: the French, German and British ministers then proposed to define a co-development policy with the migrants’ countries of origin. Thereafter, the awareness of the relationship between migration and development by the European institutions increased, parallel to the internationa-lisation of immigration policy. Currently, the understanding of co-development by the European Union is reflected in a work plan for the period 2010-2013 covering policy coherence at the service of development13 in which migration appears to be a priority. With regard to migration and development, the document focuses on the financial transfers of migrants, the “brain drain”, as well as on dialogue with the diaspora and migrant organisations to encourage contacts with the countries of origin and support for migrant networks. Moreover, in November 2011, the Commission presented a new “Global Approach to Migration and Mobility” (GAMM) 14, defined as the “overall framework for the external migra-tion policy of the European Union, complementary to the EU’s foreign policy and for cooperation in development”. One of the four pillars of the new GAMM is to maximise the impact of migration and mobility on development, through closer cooperation with third countries, mainly in the areas of remittances and the transfer of know-how and innovation.

On an international level, following the first High Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development in 2006, it appears necessary to consider migrants as development stakeholders in the countries of origin and in the countries of destination. The contribution of migrants is recognised, for instance, through the establishment of the Joint Initiative on Migration and Development (JIMD) of the United Nations and the European Commission.

12. In 1997, Sami Naïr defined this concept in the “Report on the assessment and guidance regarding codevelopment policy linked to the migratory flows” of the Interministerial Mission Migration/ Co-development.13. SEC (2010) 421 final, 21 April 2010.14. Communication of the Commission to the European Parliament, to the Council, to the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, Global Approach to Migration and Mobility, Brussels, 18 November 2011, COM (2011) 743 final {SEC(2011) 1353 final}.

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According to Eunomad, “co-development” has a sense of reciprocity and is defined as “a process of sustainable improvement of the living conditions and better living together both in the regions of origin and of residence, through mobility, exchange… through migration”.

-

In the EU, the use of terms relating to migration varies considerably according to

the institution involved, and significant differences in positions are noted among the Council, the Commission and the Parliament. However, semantic dissimila-rities also occur within the same institution, depending on the political field, as is frequently the case with the various Directorates-General of the Commission.

The use of terms also differs according to the policy target between the migrant stock (that is to say the migrants already in Europe) and the migratory flow (that is to say the migrants entering the European territory). For instance, in the inte-gration and labour programmes and policies, the use of migration terminology is different from that used in the documents in the field of “migration and asylum” or “external border control”.

This use of different terms in different EU policy areas corresponds, in a broader context, to the ambivalence of political orientations which guide the two aspects of migration policy in Europe. On the one hand, the punitive aspect of border control and incoming migrants, as well as the external dimension of the European migration policy, that is to say, reactive policies that focus on the suppression of migration and make use of safe instruments, backed by substantial financial resources. On the other hand, there is the aspect of migration policy that deals mainly with social, occupational and integration issues, and is clearly characterised by a more nuanced and inclusive discourse.

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The European Commission proposes a glossary with the following 15:

: a broader term than that of immigrant or emigrant, it refers to a person who moves from one country or region to another to settle there.

: this term refers to the presence on the territory of a Member State of a third-country national who does not fulfil or no longer fulfils the condi-tions for entry, stay or residence in this Member State.

: a person who leaves his or her country of origin for purely economic reasons.

cross-border movements of persons with the aim of working in a foreign country.

: any ethnic people or population that has abandoned its traditional ethnic territory, which is dispersed across different parts of the world and feels a strong connection with its origins.

country or territory other than those of the European Union.

However, in practice, it is common to find the term “illegal migration”, which does not appear in the glossary, which is used rather widely among certain institutions.

The European Migration Network, made up of the heads of the Ministries of the Interior of the Member States, defines the term “illegal immigration” as “the immigration of a person to a new place of residence by irregular or illegal means, without valid documents or carrying false documents”, and sees it as a synonym for “clandestine immigration” and “irregular immigration”16. Within the Council, for example, the use of the term “illegal migration” is quite common and generally used in the same way.

However, the issue is not just semantics; the manner of addressing and cate-gorising migrants emphasises a normative, and sometimes moral, assessment

15. European Commission, Glossary, available online at http://ec.europa.eu/immigration/glossary.do?language=7$en . Vu le : 26 mars 2013. 16. European Migration Network (EMN), Glossary, available online at: http://emn.intrasoft-intl.com/Glossary/index.do. Vu le : 26 mars 2013.

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of foreign nationals which produces significant effects in the building of repre-sentations of the European population in their regard. The increasingly common use of the term “illegal migrants”, even in contexts where the entry and the permanence without the required documentation represent only an administrative offence, is very symptomatic of this phenomenon17.

A different type of sensitivity in the use of terms related to migratory pheno-mena characterises the Council of Europe, as well as the European Economic and Social Committee, that is to say the voice of civil society. In a speech on February 22, 2013, the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe, Nils Muižnieks, said that the widespread use of the term “illegal immigrant” instead of “irregular migrant”, as well as the criminalisation of illegal residence in certain legislations, makes it difficult to have a rational debate on the human rights of irregular migrants18.

In a similar perspective, civil society organisations and NGOs mainly use the terms “undocumented” and “irregular migrants”.

According to the PICUM platform19, the two terms are synonymous and “define migrants who do not have a residence permit allowing them legal residence in the country of destination” because their asylum request has been rejected, their visa has expired, or they have entered irregularly. It is opposed to the use of inaccurate and stigmatising terms, such as “illegal migrant”, given that irregular entry or stay are an administrative offence in the majority of national European country frameworks. Furthermore, it considers that this term “diverts attention from the real causes of the legal status of migrants”, and produces “stereotypes, fear and resentment by suggesting a connection with crime”. In so doing, there is a significant risk of increasing the vulnerability of migrants, by excluding them from social and legal protection, as well as promoting the violation of their fundamental rights. Also according to the PICUM platform, “the often indiscriminate use of such a definition also affects asylum seekers, who receive a temporary permit and whose entry is neither irregular nor illegal”. Finally, the PICUM platform emphasises that there is no reference to “illegal migrants in the Treaties or in the legal texts, from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the Geneva Convention”.

17. For an anlaysis of issues on definitions, see KOSER, Khalid, 2005, “Irregular migration, state security and human security”, document prepared for the Policy Analysis and Research Programme of the GCIM (Global Commission on International Migration), September, available online at http://www.gcim.org/.18. FRA - European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, “FRA takes part in seminar on the criminalization of irregular immigrants and minorities in Europe”, 1 March 2013, http://fra.europa.eu/19. PICUM (Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants), Guidelines for journalists, available online at http://picum.org/fr/ressources/lignes-directrices-pour-les-journalistes.

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The definition of “migrant” given by the French platform of EUNOMAD in its

Charter (Art. 1.1.3) is slightly different, being “a passage to one or more local roots”, which indirectly includes items such as diasporas, communities of origin and generations, which are “realities related to development that the term migrant does not entirely account for”.

Similar ambiguities also occur in the connection with the -

ship and integration. Based on the analysis of European activity, a dichotomy appears in the EU between “integration” and “citizenship”.

The term , etymologically derived from the Latin civitas (meaning right to a city), stands today for the recognition of an individual as a member of a community, or of a State, thus attributing civil and political rights and civic duties. Citizenship is also defined as participation in the life of the city, both through the right to vote and the right to be elected, but also by contributing more widely to the development of the society in which one lives.

The term “integration”, from the Latin word integrare (renew, make whole), defines the action of converging the different parts of society in the whole, thus producing a society characterised by a high degree of social cohesion. Integration is at least a bi-directional process, made up by an individual’s will to integrate on one side, and the integrative capability of society, through the respect for each others’ differences and characteristics.

A clear example of the use of terms which isolate the idea of citizenship is shown by the fact that we speak of ‘inclusion’ in relation to nationals of EU Member States, whereas we use the term ‘integration’ when we refer to nationals coming from outside the EU. This ambivalence in the use of different expressions seems to indicate two different levels of the same process.

The common basic principles of the European Council of November 2004 relating to the political integration of immigrants in the EU state that integration is “a dynamic, two-way process of mutual compromise between all immigrants and residents of the Member States”.

There may be a question here of lack of acceptance in Europe of immigration as a permanent phenomenon, as Catherine Wihtol de Wenden stated20. According to this author, “Europe has never been thought of, in the past, as a country of immigration and its definition of identity is that of an identity built on pre-defined common values to which newcomers must conform”.

20. WIHTOL DE WENDEN, Catherine, 2008, “Demography, Immigration, Integration”, Robert Schuman Foundation – European issues, 13 October, p. 15., available online at: http://www.robert-schuman.eu/doc/questions_europe/qe-111-112-113-fr/.

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Jara Henar representing Eunomad at the FIIAPP seminar on the links between diasporas and countries of origin, Abidjan, June 2012

General Assembly, Brussels, March 2012

© Assemblée Générale

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.3.

NEWS IN THE EUNOMAD’S COUNTRIES OF

INTERVENTION

3.1. Germany

MIGRATION DATA

From a total number of 81.8 million people living in Germany, 19,5% are coming from a migrant background. This means that the number of migrants has risen to about 16 millions. The majority of the approximately 8,8 million migrants have acquired the German citizenship. The proportion of foreigners is 8.8%, with 7.2 million people. The most numerous group has Turkish roots (3,3 million), followed by migrants from Poland (1,5 million) and Russia (1,2 million). The structure of migration is therefore different in Eastern and Western parts of Germany.

The larger share of the Turkish migrant population is the consequence of workers’ recruitment agreements from the beginning of the 1960s to the end of the 1970s. The increase in the number of asylum-seekers in the 1980s, boosted the number of nationalities represented in Germany. From the middle of the 1980s higher-education related migration has constantly increased. Today, people from 194 nations live in Germany. Considering migrants from South- and Central America, Brazilians appear as the stronger group, followed by Chileans and Argentinians. Migration from Vietnam to Germany has played a specific role.

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Nowadays, around 130.000 Vietnamese live in Germany, 40.000 of whom have acquired the German nationality. This means that the Vietnamese are the largest group of migrants from eastern Asian in Germany, ranking first, even before the Chinese, Japanese and Koreans. From the African side, migrants from Morocco, Ghana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Cameroon represent the strongest group.

From time immemorial, people have come to Germany to escape armed conflicts and civil wars. Over the past years, refugees have come among others from the Balkan region, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan and, more recently, from the Maghreb states (including Libya and Tunisia) and the Arab world (e.g. Syria and Egypt).

Migration in Germany has been dominated for years by movements of people between Germany and other European States. In 2011 three quarters of immi-grants (75.8%) came from another European States to Germany. 12.8% of immigrants had left an Asian State to come to Germany, 7.3% moved from America, Australia and Oceania to Germany. Only 3.3% people migrated from African States to Germany. The same rule applies to Germans who decided to emigrate; Europe remains the first destination: three quarters of them migrated to another European country (75.5%). The share of immigrants who have moved to Asia amounted to 11.2% in 2011, whereas 9.2% went to American, Australia and Oceania. Only 3.0% emigrated to Africa.

In terms of participation, there are some major differences between migrants from EU and non-EU countries. Migrants from EU countries have easier access to the labour market due to higher acceptance of their education certificates. Compared to them, migrants from Guinea, Senegal or Morocco with similar or higher qualifications have difficulties to establish themselves in society. Migrants from non EU-countries, especially from Africa and South- and Central America are still underrepresented in the cultural and media landscape in Germany, which means that young people do not have role models as stimuli to encourage par-ticipation in society.

Notwithstanding the Euro crisis, which makes the implementation of a new

migration agenda an even more urgent necessity, topics such as migration pro-cesses and phenomena are not really valued, considering the importance of these crucial issues, in the present scientific, political and media discourse. Diversity or participation is seen in isolation and not in connection with the actual actors, who are the migrants, the Diaspora or the second- generation descendants of migrants. “A migrant background” is often associated with failed education, and problems on the labour market, rather than in the light of interdisciplinary considerations. The very concept of “migrants” casts a shadow on the actual

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diversity of a population and its potential. The acceptance of migrants as part of mainstream society is a real challenge, which is illustrated by the shortcomings of the investigation in the serial murders committed by the National Socialist Underground (NSU) terror cell.

abolished. This especially means that the legal protection of migrant workers from the South operating and circulating in a global context should be set on the political agenda. Medical insurance, old age pension schemes and job security, as well as the right of family members to education and higher education legal protection are some of the aspects to be taken into consideration.

The political and economic relevance of remittances in the development process should also translate into a fairer tax system.

affairs. To realise this aim, abolishing option procedures in nationality acts and the granting of voting rights at communal level independently of nationality appear as a necessity.

In order to overcome existing forms of stigmatisation, concepts such as “trouble districts” or “trouble schools” that refer to a strong presence of migrant and diaspora families, should be avoided.

Improving networking among migrant orga-nisations is a necessity for the implementation of their interests and political participation.

Migrants should be in a position to learn more from successful migrants who know about their own situation, and successfully become involved as civil society actors despite the “migrant feature”.

In order for migration-based diversity to be reco-gnised as a central resource for the building of society, educational institutions need to aim at recognising cross-cultural identity and multiple sense of belonging as normality and set out their education goals accordingly.

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The Federal Office for Migration should allocate funds to set up a nation-wide copy-editing service.

The NSU serial murders must be cleared up in the most convincing and comprehensive manner. It is also advocated that investigations should lead to the prosecution of all those who have given support to the terrorist gang.

The Migrant Organisations have been calling for years for a ban on the National Democratic Party of Germany, which violates the constitution, and support the initiatives led by the federal States and the upper-house, the Bundesrat, to outlaw this right-wing extremist party.

Migrantissimo

© FABRO

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3.2. Belgium

MIGRATION DATA

The recent history of immigration in Belgium is characterised, just as that of its European neighbours, by an immigration of workers required by national indus-tries, first from southern Europe, then expanded through bilateral government agreements to Morocco, Turkey and Tunisia, tracing the contours of future flows of migration to the country. Migration strategies diversify and today we are now seeing an increase in inflows of foreigners to the country: family reunifications, an increase in asylum requests, European immigration.

Currently, Belgium is one of the European countries with the largest number of people of foreign nationality, and according to the latest OECD data it is the country recording the highest net immigration rate in proportion to its population (7.3 entries per thousand inhabitants). Thus, over the last decade, Belgium has witnessed the arrival of more than half a million foreigners, or 4.5% of its total population21.

21. It should be noted that the new calculation methods for the collection of statistics now include asylum seekers in the number of non-EU migrants that increases the statistical data of non-European (Congolese and Guineans but also flows from Iran and Iraq).

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In terms of reception policy, the Council of Ministers approved two preliminary drafts looking to improve asylum procedures, reduce the pressure on the hosting network and ensure a dignified reception.

In Belgium, the integration policy varies according to the regions. In Flanders, migrants are required to report to the reception systems and to follow a pro-gramme of “citizenship”. In Wallonia, the draft of a similar programme has just been accepted, even if the migrants’ obligation is significantly limited. In Brussels, a cosmopolitan city, integration focuses more on occupational integration: there is also an integration programme, but it is not compulsory.

Regarding the support mechanisms to co-development, the challenges of the dynamics of migration and development in Belgium are characterised by internal developments since 2001 as well as the administrative division of the country. A real step was taken during the Belgian presidency of the European Union in 2011 which has highlighted the migration and development theme. The “Migra-tion and Development” platform has been created within the National Centre for Development Cooperation (CNCD-11.11.11) with the federal support of the Directorate General for International Cooperation, which has since become the Directorate General Humanitarian Aid and Cooperation (DGD). The platform seeks to strengthen and make more visible the capacity of migrants as agents of development. This change marks a step forward because, since 1997, the support programmes funded by the DGD were related to the voluntary return and reintegration of migrants in their country of origin. Although the subject does seem to be incorporated by the public authorities, it is clear that the Belgian institutional decentralisation complicates actions and communication in terms of migration and development.

while Wallonia converges its policy of integration of migrants and the international coo-peration through the concept of co-development, the Brussels region, meanwhile, does not seem to take a stand. Initiatives taken on its territory prove to be mainly the doing of the municipalities. In 2012, the Walloon Region extended funding to the associations hitherto reserved to the NGOs involved with development, but the criteria for eligibility have not been made more flexible, which requires a high level of professionalism on the part of associations.

in the Flemish region, there appears to be no real policy in the field of migration and development. However, the region collaborates with migrant organisations (OSIM) by supporting initiatives

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equitable to development cooperation. The Flemish municipalities and provinces provide on their part grants to projects of solidarity to which migrant associations have access to.

The German-speaking community: with small budgets, the community supports in particular solidarity projects initiated by migrants.

At the local level: Municipalities can financially support international solidarity projects promoted by migrants.

Municipal and provincial elections (October 2012)

In Belgium, foreigners fulfilling a certain number of conditions are allowed to vote in the municipal elections. Unlike Belgians, they are not obliged to do so and must register in advance. At the municipal and provincial elections of October 2012, the registration rate was slightly lower than in 2006 and amounted to 18.48 % of the potential of European voters and to 14.02 % of the potential of non-European voters. This rate must be qualified in light of the large number of acquired Belgian nationality during the last decade. In Belgium, the right of foreigners and of Belgians of immigrant backgrounds is often related to the ethnic vote. We note that many of the political parties present a “multicultural” list in order to win the trust of foreigners or of “new Belgians”. Here again we must qualify this remark in the light of the Belgian demographic situation. Since foreigners and Belgians of immigrant background represent a major proportion of the population, it is natural to see them on the electoral roll.

Changes in political discourse

The speeches of the four major parties in the Wallonia region were analysed with regard to their approach to migration issues22. The PS (Socialist Party) calls for a progressive and human vision of migration as well as a policy that respects the rights of migrants. It proposes to regulate persons residing irregularly on the basis of clear and objective criteria and insists on the importance of the right to family reunification. The party considers it necessary to address the factors that determine departure. According to the Humanist Democratic Centre (cdH, formerly known as the Christian Social Party - PSC), the challenge of immigration is more

22. To understand how Belgian political parties work, it is necessary to take into account the complex federal character introduced by successive reforms since the 1970s. Understanding the method of proportional representation is also necessary to understand the Belgian political reality. In fact, these two elements produce a very different legislative and political reality according to the regions. Therefore, it is difficult to compare the political parties in different regions since there are currently no more national parties.

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located «over there» than «here» and the party advocates a more comprehensive approach to immigration and asylum policy in terms of peace, governance and development aid as a more sustainable solution. The cdH requires amendments to the EU “Return” Directive and wants to set up a regular European control of detention places by independent organisations in the Member States. For the Reform Movement (MR), Europe is already today and will remain tomorrow a continent of immigration, both due to the European prosperity which acts like a magnet, and due to the ageing European population. To control this situation, MR proposes to strengthen the fight against networks of “illegal immigration” and human trafficking, an active immigration policy for high-level jobs and the professions which lack manpower, the definition of a European statute for regular immigrants which would guarantee fundamental rights, the strengthening of inte-gration policies for regular immigrants and an active fight against discrimination. The Ecolo party (Confederate Ecologists for the organisation of original fights) in turn supports the development of a common migration and asylum policy which harmonises national laws from the top, taking as reference the standards and practices that best protect the rights of migrants and asylum-seekers. The construction of another migration policy is inextricably linked to the fight against exploitation and social dumping on an EU scale and well beyond.

Analysis of International cooperation on the co-development of the

Many migrant associations are associations of fact and/or working without a

specific identity label and/or develop strategies for action and interaction other than those identified by the other actors of cooperation and, more broadly, those of the socio-cultural sector. Most of these associations are poorly structured. The precarious asylum situation of some of their members sometimes encourages discretion and/or community and cultural decline. More observations indicate that women constitute an important part of the migrant dynamics in Belgium. However, among the most visible OSIM, women’s associations are a minority.

In general, the most visible OSIM are Central African natives. The West Afri-cans, the third group in number of associations after the Moroccan community, is more openly identified as engaged in international solidarity than the latter.

The desire to continue to play an important social and political role in the country, the desire to affirm their citizenship here and/or there, and the need to become socially and professionally integrated are important elements of motivation for migrants and associations and fuel the field of co-development with activities of assistance to professional and social integration that some OSIM aim at migrants.

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In 2012 migrants and Belgians of immigrant background were particularly stig-

matised by many “news” relayed in the press and television programmes, inclu-ding: the gaffe of the Minister of Foreign Affairs who compared the multicultural Brussels municipality of Molenbeek to a foreign region, thereby undermining the citizenship of young people the majority of whom are Belgian since two or three generations; the frightening statements of the Islamist group Sharia for Belgium wishing to establish sharia law in Belgium; the intrusion of right-wing activists in a school in order to make students eat pork while the school had organised a multicultural day with a halal meal. So it seems that the security trend which tends to stigmatise the Muslim population is growing at the expense of the values of living together which constitutes the basis of reception and integration of new migrants in Belgian society. This trend is particularly significant since it seems to serve firm policies on immigration (the imposition of a minimum income of 1,283 Euro for all Belgians who want to marry a non-European person, the tightening of the asylum policy, a reduction in health conditions which might warrant a medical stay in Belgium, an increase of the necessary conditions for access to nationality).

News of the Belgian Development Cooperation

Like many European countries, the economic crisis had the better of official development assistance since the latter was not higher than 0.47% in 2012. Mr. Labille, the Belgian Minister for International Cooperation has described this reduction as a “breach of EU obligations” which should provide an alarm signal to the government to take adequate measures as soon as the economic condi-tions allow. The new minister also spoke about the new law introduced by his predecessor and said he wanted to maintain the priorities of the latter focusing on the effectiveness and consistency of ODA23.

Despite all the mechanisms put in place to encourage civic participation of migrants in order to help the associations which represent them, many of them are struggling to survive. Since most policy makers misunderstand co-development, the policies for managing diversity and civic participation being largely detached from the real actors - the migrants, the Diaspora and the second generation – the Belgian platform presents the following recommendations aimed to the associa-tions and the governments:

23. http://diplomatie.belgium.be/fr/Newsroom/actualites/communiques_de_presse/cooperation/2013/02/ni_220213_entretien_labille.jsp?referer=tcm:313-214122-64

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It appears that, to be more effective, migrants and their associations should work in synergy and not in a scattered manner as is the case currently. This requires a considerable amount of democracy building within the associations and in one or more federations which would bring them together. Migrant associations must be catalysts for other migrants.

In view of the differences and the complementary elements between the associations of “solidarity” and “development”, it is important that those res-ponsible for these groups create favourable spaces for dialogue and cooperation. The inclusion of youth associations would be a good initiative.

It is also important for migrants to go in search of information. This requires a greater proximity to the Belgian institutions and civil society in general. They must prove their legitimacy and effectiveness. Thus, being part of a federation is generally better perceived; being able to justify past activities in the field; having important relation networks, particularly in the south, elsewhere in Europe, and not only family ties, but also professional, etc. The creation of twin associations, in Belgium and in the South, allows to go beyond interpersonal relationships and contacts and ensure reliable spokespersons for themselves.

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Though cooperation of migrants with their region of origin is relatively old, it is only beginning to be considered from an institutional point of view. We note that the decentralised cooperation of municipalities, for instance, is in its infancy. The municipalities that wish to engage in international solidarity and develop-ment activities should list the various actors on their territory or with whom they already have relationships, and the resources of each and assess the possibility of including them in projects and allow them to enjoy the links created by the projects to develop their own activities. It is at this time that they can assess the opportunities open to people of migrant origin. We have seen that associating them directly or indirectly can bring new resources and reduces the impacts of the actions, also at the level of local integration policies.

Regarding the awareness of these projects, the political level should continue to promote the studies carried out on programmes and their evaluation, spread and organise exchange of practices. Again the role of the platforms here is obvious.

One of the findings is that most associations are mobilising through the reli-gious factor. They are looking for a solidarity that is rooted in a sens of specificity shared as a single religion. This identity argument seems effective in justifying action, ease tensions and even provide an organisational framework. Fundraising sometimes plays on feelings of guilt toward the people who have stayed in the country. Also, the risk is that most initiatives remain at a stage of charitable action, and that shared development is nothing but a distant wish.

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3.3. Spain

MIGRATION DATA

After a decade of rapid population growth due mainly to immigration (over the 2000-2007 period, during which Spain became the main country of immigration, with nearly 5 million foreign residents in the country), the economic crisis stopped this dynamic24. In 2012, the immigrant population began to decrease and Spain has become, at least temporarily, a country of emigration, since the total of people exiting exceeds that of those entering the country. As for the origin of migrants in Spain, nearly half comes from the European continent (2 685 079 people), most of them from the EU-27 (2 404 852). Immigrants from the Americas (1 615 317 persons; about 50 % come from Ecuador, Colombia and Bolivia) represent the second largest community. Africa continues to increase its presence in Spain, thanks to an increase of around 10 000 Moroccan nationals, while the number of Senegalese and Gambians, the groups of Sub-Saharan countries most present in Spain, hardly changed during this period. Finally, communities of Chinese and Pakistanis, the most numerous among nationals from Asia, also increased the number of employees during the period 2011-2012.

Spain is one of the European countries which are suffering the most from the financial, economic and social crisis which has intensified in 2012, with serious

24. IOM, 2010, “Migration, Employment and Labour Market Integration. Policies in the European Union”. Brussels.

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consequences for the entire population, but especially on the most vulnerable and the most disadvantaged, including migrants. The crisis has negatively affected the employment situation of the Spanish population, but especially that of immi-grants who worked, for the most part, in the most affected sectors and mainly in construction. The unemployment rate of immigrants is higher by more than 12 points than that of the native workers (36.5% against 24.2%). One can also consider that the crisis affects immigrants in two ways: firstly by the sharp drop in employment and the rising unemployment, and secondly by the reduction of public funds to mitigate the situation.

Policy instruments of cooperation and co-development

Official development assistance (ODA) has declined significantly over the past two years: in 2011, the annual budget plan of cooperation was 4,200 million Euro, that is 25% less when compared to the previous years, while ODA under the annual Plan for International Cooperation (PACI) in 2012 went down by 50 %, with a budget of 2,335.98 million Euro. This volume represents only 0.22 % of the Spanish GDP, that is, three times less than the forecast of 0.7% recorded in the Development Plan III, for 2009-2012.

In the third master project Plan for Spanish cooperation of the Spanish govern-ment for 2009-2012 (DP III), co-development is included as a priority area of development policy, under the title of migration and development25.

However, the field of “migration and development” was one of the “sacrificed” areas in the 2012 annual planning, even though it was one of the strategic areas of development policy for 2009-2012.

Integration and co-development: Policies and mechanisms

The Strategic Plan for Citizenship and Integration (PECI) 2011-2014 is the main instrument of Spanish policy to promote and facilitate the integration of the immigrant population. Although the PECI is primarily focused on the integration of the immigrant population, it recognises the important role of co-development as it relates to integration policies26.

However, in this time of crisis, the resources devoted to the integration of immigrants, also suffered severe cuts that affected the implementation of this policy, as well as, directly or indirectly, the support of initiative and joint develop-ment projects. With regard to the budget of the Secretary General of Immigration and Emigration of the Ministry for Employment, the body responsible for the

25. Plan Director de la Cooperación Española 2009-2012, approved by the Council of Ministers on 13 February 2009.26. Dirección General de Integración de los Inmigrantes, 2011, Plan Estratégico Ciudadanía e Integración 2011/2014, Ministerio de Trabajo e Inmigración.

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implementation of the policies and actions of PECI, the reduction of resources has been extraordinary: the 2012 budget (66.85 million Euro) is five times lower than in 2009 (308 million)27. It should also be noted that the Fund for the inte-gration, hosting and support for immigrant education, an instrument created to support the regions in programmes aimed at integration policies which in 2011 had received a grant of 67 million euro, was cancelled in 2012.

Integration and co-development in the autonomous communities

All autonomous communities have adopted specific co-development policies and/or conducted joint development interventions. This is a very recent practice, since before 2008, it only existed in the Balearic islands, Catalonia, Madrid, Murcia and Valencia28. Furthermore, only the most densely populated communities or with the higher proportions of foreign population have developed their own policies and create mechanisms and instruments of integration.

Catalonia is the community in which resides the largest number of immigrants living in Spain and it is also one of the most active in terms of implementation of policies on development cooperation and co-development. However, needless to say, the economic crisis has greatly influenced the development of these policies. In respect to cooperation and co-development, we must emphasise a strong cut in expenditure: from the 33 million Euro foreseen in the budget of the annual plan for 2011, there are less than 19 million in the Plan for 2012, which means an annual decrease of more than 40 %29. The Community of Madrid, the second region in absolute number of resident migrants, is another interesting example to illustrate the impact of the economic crisis on political cooperation and development promoted by the autonomous communities. The 2012 Annual Plan for Development Cooperation was also affected by the effects of the crisis: its annual budget decreased from 19.3 million Euro in 2011, to 14.2 million in 2012, that is a decrease of nearly 30 %.

Discourse on integration, development and co-development

At the level of political discourse, the general objectives of development coo-peration and co-development have not been redefined of amended despite the economic crisis and political change in Spain at the end of 2011, with the return to government of the People’s Party (PP).

The PP, in its strategic planning for development cooperation for 2012 and for the next master project Plan for Spanish cooperation 2013-2016, reiterates the

27. According to data from the Ministerio de Trabajo e Inmigración and “EPSocial”. Europapress, 19 April 2012.28. Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales - Región de Murcia, 2007, “Foro: Las personas inmigrantes como agentes de codesarrollo”, 5/8 June, Santa Cruz de Bolivia. 29. See: http://www20.gencat.cat/portal/site/cooperaciocatalana/

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objectives of the previous Plan, defined in 2008 by the Socialist government. However, in practice the number of countries benefiting from the Spanish coo-peration was greatly reduced, from more than 50 to only 2330. Thus, behind the euphemism of aid “concentration” is hidden a significant reduction of activities in this area. The government indicates that in a second phase, it will “concentrate” aid in relation to the sectors of activity (governance, the fight against hunger; food safety and rural development; basic social services - health, education, water and sanitation), thus abandoning certain areas specified in the previous master Plan31.

Among the areas where interventions will cease is that of “migration and development”, which means no longer relying on the binomial co-development-integration. These are changes comparable with the drastic reduction suffered by the 2012 budget, which, compared to 2010, has been reduced by more than 70 %.

30. “AECID. La Renovada Cooperación para el Desarrollo”, article by Gonzalo Robles, General Secretary for the Spanish International Cooperation, published by the daily newspaper ABC, 3 January 2013.31. In this regard, see: http://www.lamoncloa.gob.es/ConsejodeMinistros/Referencias/_2012 /refc20120727#CooperacionInternacional

Ruminahui

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A step backwards with regard to integration

Sharp declines in economic resources have affected integration policies since the beginning of the economic crisis, but they have intensified dramatically in 2012. Among the most criticised policy decisions in 2012, is the suppression of the Fund for the integration, reception and support for the education of immigrants, which has had a particularly negative impact with regard to the policies of integration of the Autonomous communities and local governments. However, the regional governments are also responsible for budget cuts. In Catalonia, for example, the Conservative government (Convergence and Union) introduced stricter criteria for access to the minimum integration income (Pirmi), thus affecting immigrants, because of their greater dependence on public subsidies.

Another decision which has had a strong political impact and serious consequences for the immigrant population, was the change in access to health care and its restriction to illegal foreigners in the country - being registered in the municipality of residence is no longer enough. This government decision, which came into force on 1 September 2012, deprives more than 150 000 people from health care. This decision has sparked strong reactions on a political level and in the media, including opposition from five regions (Basque Country, Andalusia, Asturias, Catalonia and Navarre) which, in principle have refused to apply the measure.

-

a stable strategy, proposals and a general framework of actuation that exceeds the short-term vision of the general elections every four years.

Eunomad Platform proposes an appropriate coordination between the various public and social actors in the field of cooperation and immigration (regional and local administration, immigrant associations, organisation of development, etc.)

and the countries of origin of migration can reaffirm itself in a structural policy agenda, clearly separating flow management.

residence.

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in the territories of residence, or those of their families in the areas of origin (which are affected by circumstances such as reduced remittances or the return of migrants).

-lopment assistance.

ley de extranjería, should not pose limitations to the rights, and otherwise respresent a source of legal acknowledgement of human, social, economic and political rights.

their active role in the construction of citizenship in the territories of residence, in relation to their homelands.

working at national level in the field of “migration and development” with their European counterparts; stimulate the process of building networks.

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3.4. France

MIGRATION DATA

On 1 January 2012, according to Eurostat, in France lived 3 858 300 foreigners, that is, 5.9 % of the total population in the country, of which 2 505 200 were from outside the EU and 1 353 100 were nationals from EU member states32. Regarding the origin of migrants, according to data from 2009, the largest pro-portion came from Europe (39.4 %; 35.1 % from the EU-27 and 4.3% from other European countries) followed by Africa (40.7 %; 27.9% from the Maghreb and 12.8% from other countries in the African continent), Asia is increasing (13.8 %) as well as the Americas and Oceania (6.2 %)33.

As pointed out by the INSEE (National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies-France), compared to other major immigration countries of the EU, the French situation is characterised by older, but also lower, migration flows in the recent period, as well as the proportion of descendants of immigrants in the resident population, which is among the highest in Europe. In fact, the develop-ment of family immigration, after 1975, promotes the formation of a population of descendants of immigrants in France34.

32. Eurostat, “Foreign and foreign-born population by group of citizenship and country of birth, 1 January 2012” , available online at: http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Migration_and_migrant_population_statistics33. INSEE, +Répartition des étrangers par nationalité - 2009+, available online at: http://www.insee.fr/fr/themes/tableau.asp?reg_id=0&ref_id=etrangersnat34. BOUVIER, Gérard, 2012, +Les descendants d’immigrés plus nombreux que les immigrés : une position française originale en Europe+, in Immigrés et descendants d’immigrés en France - Insee Références - Édition 2012 ; available online at: http://www.insee.fr/fr/themes/document.asp?reg_id=0&ref_id=IMMFRA12_a_Sommaire/

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The term co-development refers to all these expressions of solidarity with the country of origin and citizens in the host country. This potential is now recognised and integrated by institutions at national and local levels since the mid-90s. At the local level, migrant organisations are now full partners of the local authorities in France and in their country of origin.

At the French level, in a similar manner to the rest of Europe, it is possible to see that there are two major trends, both in the analysis of migration policies as well as in the debate about integration and co-development: on the one hand, the assertion and generalisation of the rhetoric of control or “management” of migration; on the other hand a very utilitarian view centred on the question of the contribution of migration to development in the countries of origin. The issues of integration and citizen participation remain the poor relations of the two approaches, as shown in France with the government putting on hold one of its commitments to give foreigners the right to vote in local elections.

The main shortcoming of these approaches, in particular that which highlights the positive impact of migration on the development of the countries of origin, is that they tend to move away from the realities of practices and migrants. Most of the studies and practices of Eunomad members show that there is no significant and lasting contribution to the development of the countries of origin without adequate participation and integration in the host countries. But the rise of xenophobic attitudes, persistent patterns of discrimination in France and in the EU countries cast serious doubts on these conditions for integration or citizen participation.

The last few months have not marked a clear change in the policy treatment on immigration and integration, beyond the cessation of the most shocking measures of the previous government, such as the Guéant circular with regard to foreign students.

The “crisis” mentioned throughout highlights a very old trend in France: the difficulty of taking into account differences and commonalities at the same time, to develop a common citizenship with the existence of cultural differences, in a progressive manner. This problem is evident if one looks at the history of integration policies.

Already since 1974, discussions about multiculturalism and the introduction of courses for learning languages and cultures of origin as part of the development of integration policies appeared quite ambiguous in a shutdown context of labour migration and where return policies were very popular.

This ambiguity is still present today, as evidenced by the proliferation of cate-gories, such as “migrants” and “diasporas”, making the links with the country

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of origin and sometimes at odds with the actual situations of people, all the more questionable at a time when the rights of immigrants tend to deteriorate and advances in the fight against discrimination and citizen participation remain tentative. Yet, this interpretation at the national level should not mask some significant changes, particularly at the local level, under the impetus of some local authorities.

With regard to co-development, it should be noted that compared to other

European countries, one cannot but acknowledge that France is well equipped in terms of practical measures to support co-development. Eunomad France recognises this reality and emphasises its interest as solidarity efforts brought by migrants should be supported. Nevertheless, this observation must be mitigated by the fact that funding devoted to co-development concerns only a marginal part of ODA and that migrants and their organisations rarely benefit directly from such aid. Though the political context of these mechanisms has seen some signi-ficant changes, it is relatively old in France and the structures responsible for the implementation of measures of “co-development” and “inclusive development” have built up significant expertise.

The links between transnational dynamics, the consideration of the cultures of origin and integration are explained in the introductory political texts and characterised by the emphasis on “citizenship” or “citizen participation”, and certainly do not reduce access to citizenship or to voting rights. According to these approaches, it is through participation, namely associative, that one passes from being a passive object of “integration” to actor in their local environment by contributing through one’s own course, through interaction with others, to shape it. Thus an alternative paradigm would emerge, in the associative practices and local mechanisms, of the relation between migration, devlopment and citizenship, which today has little coverage at the national level. Starting from highlighting the practices of its members and beyond, Eunomad’s ambition reflected in the activities of the French platform is to propose an orginal vision linking migration-development and citizen participation.

At the beginning of 2012, there was a strong continuity with the previous year

in terms of immigration policy.During 2012, the issue of migration was first approached in the campaing for

the presidential elections of April 22 and the parliamentary elections of 10 and 17 June. Among the positions of the various political parties on the issue, one must note, in the first instance, the electoral commitment of the Socialist Pary

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to implement immigrants’ voting rights in the local elections if they won. A very different approach vis-à-vis the issue of migration, which can also be described as populist and xenophobic, was that supported by the National Front (FN) of Marine Le Pen who, in its electoral manifesto, presented immigration as “a source of very large costs”, saying that “the assimilation is no longer possible in such a context of mass immigration” and planning to “stop both legal as well as illegal migration”. In the programme, there are plans to reduce legal immigration to 10 000 entries per year, the elimination of family reunification, the “drastic” reduction of the number of asylum seekers, the challenging of the Schengen agreements on the free movement of persons, the reduction of the maximum duration of the residence permit, from ten to three years, as well as the renegotiation of the European Convention on Human Rights, in particular of Article 8 which would be “used by associations promoting immigration to increase immigration to France”. At the same time, the FN proposes the abolition of “birthright” and the overhaul of the Code of the French nationality, the prohibition of dual nationality (except in cases of dual nationality with another EU country), the “systematic” expulsion of all irregular people, the abolition of the State Medical Aid reserved for irregular immigrants, the abolition in French law of the possibility to regularise irregular migrants, the banning of demonstrations by irregular migrants or in support of irregular migrants, the establishment of a felony or crime of “anti-French racism” and the applicaton of “national priority”. Similarly, with regard to “migration and development”, this party suggests to subject development aid to “a close cooperation with French authorities with regard to migration and deportation pro-ceedings of illegal immigrants to their country of origin”, in particular with Africa.

With the elections, during the campaign and the arrival of the left in power, we have seen the emergence of a discourse at odds with the previous position on a number of issues, in particular the right of foreigners to vote in local elections, the sanctions on facial discrimination, and the transparency in the access to nationa-lity. From the perspective of national policies on migration, co-development and integration, one should note as one of the most important events, the political change that followed the results of the presidential elections on 22 April, with the succession of François Hollande to Nicolas Sarkozy as the head of State, and of the parliamentary elections of 10 and 17 June 2012, with the victory of the Socialist Party and the establishment of the government of Jean-Marc Ayrault. Among the first actions of the new government, it is worth noting the esta-blishment of the post of alternate Minister for Development under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs entrusted to Pascal Canfin. Meanwhile, the responsibility for immigration and integration is allocated to the Ministry of the Interior. However,

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there appears to be no sharp break in terms of immigration policy, since the will that is always reasserted is that of controlling migration. On the issue “migration and development”, there is no specific commitment during the campaign. From September 2012, one can analyse the evolution of the policies implemented in a context of growing distinction between “migration and development” on the one hand, migration policy and hosting policies on the other.

Among the activities of this Ministry for Development, one must emphasise the organisation of the Assises for development and international solidarity which were held from November 5, 2012, when the consultation process was launched, to March 2013 when the objectives and priorities of the new French policy for development were presented. Among the topics treated, a line of work was dedicated to public policy coherence for development and in relation to other policy objective, including those of migration.

The exchanges between associations and the interventions with the national institutions helped develop and bring recommendations, enhanced in compari-sion to the previous year. Some recommendations of the previous year are still valid, others however have been repealed. On this point, we wish to point out an important achievement in 2012: the formal commitment of Minister Pascal Canfin, following the sending of the note addressed to him, to permanently disconnect the concern with the management of migration flows from the development objectives as such. We must now ensure operational monitoring of this formal commitment, as well as its promotion with other EU Member States who remain largely supporters of the previous approach.

These are the main recommendations of Eunomad France for the year 2012:

About the relationship between migration policies and development

policies:

and development should be based on the strengthening of the diaspora skills and the only objectives of development, with the corresponding technical and financial resources, and not on migration management.

non-EU states in the framework of Joint Management Agreements and calls for the assertion at the French and international level of a clear position of the

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French government opposing the indexing of national systems of co-development to the agreements on the joint management of migration flows.

countries the proposal of an innovative political approach to migration and

development, placing the right to mobility and the defense of human rights

at the centre of the issues. In this sense, the promotion among the countries of the European Union of the International Convention of the Rights of Migrant workers and their families, and its ratification, would be an important first step.

About the mechanisms for co-development:

mechanisms of support to co-

development are generally maintained and strengthened within, from

These should encourage partnerships between the different actors in the field, especially the OSIM, the organizations of international solidarity (OSI), the local authorities, taking into account the specific constraints of each and the time needed to develop such partnerships.

the migrant associations who are often alone in their efforts of development in their homeland in additions to their costs of living in France and support they maintain towards their families.

support the efforts of migrant associations. Although the amounts allocated remain low,

reciprocity contained in the “co” of co-development.

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Project «Give a smile to Fegui»

Project «Nous sommes d’ici et d’ailleurs»

© ENDA EUROPE

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3.5. Greece

The deep financial crisis the country is going through, sixth year of Greek econo-my’s recession, has had a considerable impact on the cause of co-development, migration and integration / citizenship. In 2012, a negative shift and a withdrawal regarding important steps taken or prepared the previous years in the field of integration / citizenship and development need to be underlined.

On February 2013, the Greek Council of the State issued its final ruling, the decision 460/2013 regarding the constitutionality of the acquisition of citizen-ship by children of 2nd and 1st generation as well as the right of third country nationals to participate in municipal elections which were established by the law 3838/2010. The Greek Council of the State decided that this latter law is not in line with the Greek constitution.

This decision represents a very restrictive shift. Yet, it does not bind the Greek legislator to abolish the 2010 legislation, but to minimize its scope. The decision has been heavily criticized as a far right wing ideological – political manifesto rather than a judicial text by a great number of jurists, even by some who were against the 2010 reform. The main argument of this criticism is that the Court went too far by interfering in a crucial political ideological issue which should be dealt with by the legislator and not by the judges. It is to be noted that, for the first time in Greek politics, a large campaign favouring nationality acquisition for

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migrants’ children was launched by the Greek League for Human Rights with unexpected success.

Individual administrative acts of nationality acquisition that have been issued according to the provisions in question of Law 3838 over the last two years are not declared null and void ipso jure.

The final outcome of this struggle depends on the amendments which will be decided by the government, the fragile parliamentary power constellations among the three parties of the Government coalition, and finally the impact of the far right pressure to the conservative prime-minister, a ferocious opponent himself to the 2010 reform.

In addition to the above, we see a slow implementation of the law 3852/2010 which established, among other institutions for citizens participation, what is called Migrants Integration Councils at the municipal level (paragraph 78 of the said law). The Migrants Integration Councils were established as tools for the integration of migrants at the local community, also aiming at addressing migrants’ problems, prioritizing and creating the conditions of their smooth integration. In addition, this institution aims at the harmonization with the relevant EU institutional framework. One of the positive aspects to be underlined is that this institution gives the legal right for the first time to migrants to actively participate in an institutional body. Nevertheless as we monitor the implementation of the law we realize that only 15% of the country’s municipalities have or are about to establish the Councils.

XENOPHOBIA

Concerning the social environment during 2012, there is a considerable rise of racism and xenophobia in Greece. Members of the neo-nazi party Golden Dawn, which entered the parliament in the last national elections, have led terrorist operations against migrants, attacking them physically and destroying their shops and houses across the country. Leaders of different migrant communities, but also migrants in the streets, have been victims of several racist attacks and the state has failed to protect them.

Additionally, the police has organized several operations which have led to mass arrests of migrants without documents and has spread the terror among the migrant communities. Thousands of migrants are being held in overflowing detention centers that have been established in different cities of the country before being deported back to their home countries.35

35. http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96518/MIGRATION-Fear-and-loathing-on-the-streets-of-Athens

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The local communities around the detention centers are hostile against migrants. In this climate, migrants feel that their survival, financial as well as physical, is threatened. They are even afraid to move freely in the cities and to meet in public spaces where they used to gather. According to unofficial data, 50% of migrants who lived in Greece have left or are about to leave the country and either return to their country of origin or move to another country.

According to a survey conducted in parallel in 6 EU countries, the image of migrants on the mass media in Greece is generally negative. More specifically, three out of 4 references in the Greek media about migrants concern the pro-blems they create, the threats they impose and their illegal acts. The presence of migrants in Greece is often connected with the increase of criminality and of unemployment. The terms often used in reporting on migrants are degrading. On the other hand, there is no systematic analysis and provision of information about the causes of migration, the conditions under which migrants work throu-ghout the country (that is without insurance and social security).36 Furthermore, there are not many references either to migrants living peacefully side by side and having good relations with Greeks.

supports, as well as on the trends of political and media discourse on the

The deep economic crisis in Greece over the last years has resulted in severe cuts on development aid and total cut on the funding of NGDOs in 2010- 2012.

On the top of these developments, a new law was prepared during the last months of 2012 and passed in February 2013, applying very strict conditions for funding NGOs (including migrants and development NGOs) by any public authority. More specifically, according to the law 4110/2013 all projects/actions funded by public authorities (ministries, agencies and local authorities) should not only pass the thorough evaluation of each public authority that funds the action, but they should also pass through the control of the Ministry of Finance. In addition, even if the project has been approved by the relevant public authority, the Minister of Finance, will not only check it out, but it also has the right to cut the budget partially or totally if the financial condition of the Greek state requires such a measure.

Given this environment, there are very few development projects still under implementation by Greek NGDOs in developing countries and very few migrant organizations funded to implement activities.

36. That was the result of control checks conducted by the Greek Labor Ministry in the first six months of 2012. According to ministry data, 47.4% of the foreign laborers work without insurance and social security.

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On the other hand, it should be noted that migrants’ organizations in Greece have not been active in development cooperation. Most migrant organisations are active in issues concerning their life in Greece such as rights of migrants, integration, promotion of intercultural dialogue between migrants and the recei-ving communities.

On the positive side however, there are a few examples of dialogue which mostly started when the Global Forum on Migration and Development was organized in Athens, including the EUNOMAD Greek platform which brought together for the first time organizations from the fields of development cooperation and migration.

In addition, Harokopeio University, one of the members of the Greek EUNOMAD platform, together with other partners including African migrant organizations, has successfully implemented a project aiming to enhance cooperation among African migrants and Greek businesses active in Africa or seeking to expand to Africa.

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3.6. Italy

MIGRATION DATA

On January 1 2012, Eurostat data indicated the presence in the country of 4 825 600 foreigners, 1 450 100 of whom were nationals of the EU-27 and 3 375 400 came from third countries37. According to the Caritas Dossier 201238, the number of immigrants at the end of 2011 was just over 5 million people (5 011 000 against 4 968 000 in 2010), distributed thus according to their origins: 27.4 % from the EU, 23.4 % from European countries outside the EU-27, 22.1 % from the African continent, 18.8% from Asia, 8.3 % from the Americas and less than 0.1 % from Oceania or registered as stateless.

Regarding the employment figures, it is interesting to note that in 2011, while the number of workers born in Italy decreased by 75 000 units, the number of foreign workers increased by 170 000 people. Currently, foreign workers amount to approximately 2.5 million, that is, a tenth of the total employment in the country. At the same time, the number of unemployed foreigners increased (310 000) as well as the proportion of foreign unemployed among the Italian population (12.1%, that is 4 points more than the average of Italians), while the rate of activity fell to 70.9% (9.5 points higher than among the Italians) 39.

37. Eurostat, Foreign and foreign-born population by group of citizenship and country of birth, 1 January 2012, http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php?title=File:Foreign_and_foreign-born_population_by_group_of_citizenship_and_country_of_birth,_1_January_2012.png&filetimestamp=2013031515451438. Caritas / Migrantes, 2013, Dossier Statistico Immigrazione 2012 : Scheda di sintesi, Caritas / Migrantes.39. Ibidem.

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With regard to integration of migrants, Italy seems to follow the path initiated by other European countries, through the signing of agreements. Furthermore, since 10 March 2012, an “Integration agreement” is in force in the country for foreigners aged over sixteen entering Italy for the first time40. The stated objective of the government is to foster “a real integration process through the knowledge of the Italian language and basic civic principles”. Through this agreement, the State should provide the tools for learning the language, culture and general principles of the Italian Constitution. The foreigner agrees to abide by the rules of society in order to pursue a common interest, a process of organised integration. The system provides that when the foreigner signs, sixteen “credits” are given to him, which could be increased through the acquisition of certain knowledge (Italian language, culture and civic life in Italy) and through certain activities (vocational education and training, studies, registration with the national social security system, signing of a lease or purchase of a house, etc.). To confirm his credit, the migrant must attend a session of civic education and information free of charge, which lasts between five to ten hours. The contract provides that within two years, the foreigner must gain at least 30 credits in order to remain in Italy. Credits can also be lost, for instance through commiting a crime or serious violations of the law41.

With regard to access to citizenship, one must emphasise the numerous appeals by the President of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano, to the political forces to resolve problems related to access to Italian citizenship for migrants’ children born in Italy. However, the government of Mario Monti, supported by a broad parliamentary majority, with very different approaches to the issue of immigration and integration, did not advance the agenda in this direction.

In this regard, on 17 April 2013, Laura Boldrini, newly elected President of the House of Representatives, declared that “the granting of citizenship to children of immigrants born in Italy is an important issue on which the Parliament should start working as soon as possible”42. She also stressed that this is a “question of civilisation”, a subject on which all political forces should converge because “who was born and raised in Italy, and went to school with our children, must be an Italian citizen”.

40. The integration agreement is provided for in Article 4(a) of the “Consolidated text of provisions governing immigration and the status of foreigners” (Decree-law 286/1998).41. http://www.cooperazioneintegrazione.gov.it/attivit%C3%A0-e-competenze/integrazione.aspx/42. Stranieri in Italia, “Impegno per arrivare a rapida riforma della legge”, Roma, 17 April 2013, http://www.stranieriinitalia.it/attualita-boldrini_cttadinanza_ai_figli_degli_immigrati_e_una_priorita_16981.html

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The creation of the Ministry for Cooperation, which had never before existed

in the country, led by Andrea Ricciardi (a legendary civil society figure who was previously head of the Sant’Egidio community), has generated greater attention from the government with regard to the dynamics of “migration and development”.

In April 2013, through a review of his experience as a Minister, the same Ricciardi admitted that his powers were unclear, with minimal resources, a presence limited by half in developing countries, and a financially exhausted sector of international solidarity. However, he considers that the existence of a specific Minister allowed a reversal of tendency compared to the past, as well as a political and cultural action with a strong impact. He stressed that development assistance for 2013 grew when compared to 2012 (0.16 % of the GDP against the previous 0.13 %) and was refocused in the Sahel, with a primary role for Burkina Faso, a country where Italy has opened an office for Cooperation, and Niger, where institutional support was strengthened43. Moreover, the same Minister pointed out that “cooperation is good for Italy and will help [us] to emerge from the crisis”44.

The Ministry organised a forum on International Cooperation, held in Milan on the 1st and 2nd of October 2012, promoting the meeting of all stakeholders in the sector to contribute to make it a central part of the Italian foreign action. On this occasion, a discussion panel was organised on the “role of diaspora and migrant communities in cooperation: beyond remittances”. The Italian platform was present and intervened during the discussions45. In the executive summary of the discus-sions, participants highlighted: the need to develop policies for co-development which go beyond the objective of reducing the cost of remittances, and which would be more focused on the country of origin to promote the socio-ecomonic development of families and communities of origin. In addition, they point to the need for more coherent policies in all dimensions (economic, political, cultural and social), as well as a reference and coordination framework between all levels of governance. According to the participants, the cooperation programmes should also include costs in Italy, and a process of training and economic integration of migrants and their families in the country.

At the Forum, Minister Andrea Ricciardi declared that cooperation interested Italy and that it was not just an act of generosity, but a cultural and political idea that was emerging: “an Italy that does to wish to contribute to declines, because cooperation is an important indicator of the ability of international openness of our country”46.

43. See http://www.cooperazioneintegrazione.gov.it/news/2013/01/rilanciocoop.aspx/44. See http://www.cooperazioneintegrazione.gov.it/news/2012/12/confambasciatori.aspx/45. http://www.gaong.org/eunomad/index.php?limitstart=5 46. Voir http://www.forumcooperazione.it/messaggi/messaggioriccardi.aspx/

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Between 15 September and 15 October 2012, the government implemented a

regularisation scheme of foreign workers through which companies and families who employ illegal migrants for at least three months can regularise the situation and thus avoid sanctions. Of the 134 000 applicatoins presented in mid-April 2013, less than 40 000 were analysed. The cases of about 23 000 people found a favourable outcome and Italian institutions are beginning to provide the residence permits. However, 13 000 applications were rejected, that is, an application out of three, because they were considered as non-compliant with the requirements of the process47.

On 23 February 2012, a judgement of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) condemned Italy for the practice of maritime interception of a group of refugees followed by the immediate deportation to a third country, in this case to Libya. However, on 3 April 2012, the government of Mario Monti, in charge of Affairs since 16 November 2011, signed a secret agreement between Libya and Italy, to strengthen bilateral cooperation in the fight against illegal immigration, made public on 18 June of the same year by the daily newspaper La Stampa. The agreement is very similar to the one signed by Italy with Colonel Gaddafi in August 2008. This Agreement is of particular concern, given the difficult living conditions of migrants in Libya, and especially nationals of sub-Saharan Africa. In this regard, in June 2012, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) denouned, following a fact-finding mission in Libya, “the hunt for migrants” and “cleaning of illegal immigrants” in Libya, as well as mistreatment in the camps, xenophobia, forced labour and the lack of legal protection they face.

In March 2013, there was the question about the refugees arriving from North Africa following the Arab Spring, whose residence permits on humanitarian grounds, which were then issued by the State, have not been renewed and whose validity expired. Those still in Italy have two choices: ask for an assisted return to their countries of residence, through IOM and Caritas-Cir, or ask for a work, family, study or vocational training permit, for which they must meet the conditions required.

In the country, the populist and sometimes xenophobic exploitation of the migra-tion issue by certain political forces persists, especially by the Northern League party (Lega Nord ) and other small parties of the extreme right. To mention only one example among many, the recently elected vice-president of the Regional Council of Lombardy, Fabrizio Cecchetti, presented three proposals of regional law in April 2013 to deny access to social benefits (scholarships, childcare, health

47. Stranieri in Italia, “Regolarizzazione. Centomila ancora in attesa, bocciato uno su tre”, 16 April 2013, available online at: http://www.stranieriinitalia.it/speciale_regolarizzazione_2012-regolarizzazione._centomila_ancora_in_attesa_bocciato_uno_su_tre_16989.html

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and social services) to those who have not lived for at least fifteen years in Lom-bardy. He also proposed a ceiling of 5 % of foreigners in public housing, even if a few months earlier the Consulta had declared a similar law unconstitutional48.

-

considering a person “illegal” due to his immigration status.

and their inclusion in society and in employment.

fields of migration and development, such as local authorities, associations, NGOs and migrant organisations, on the basis of good practices of integration and co-development identified at the European level.

young people from the “second” and “third” generation as well as newcomers, in their transnational action for the development of territories of origin and of destination.

48. Stranieri in Italia, “Lega Nord: “Fuori gli immigrati da asili nido e case popolari”, 19 April 2013, available online at: http://www.stranieriinitalia.it/attualita-lega_nord_fuori_gli_immigrati_da_asili_nido_e_case_popolari_17000.html

Gis Gis

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3.7. Netherlands

MIGRATION DATA

As of 1 January 2012, migrants composed 20.9% of the total population of 16.73 million people in The Netherlands, with 11.6% coming from non-Western countries and 9.3% coming from Western countries49.

As of 1 January 2012, there were 53 postal areas (communities) in 6 (six) municipalities wherein the non-western migrants comprised the majority of the population. This made up only 1.5% of the total number of communities, but is double compared to the year 2000.

The Dutch government has, since 2004, with its first Memorandum on Deve-

lopment and Migration, continued to strive for mutually positive policy outcomes where migration meets development. The big disparity between the developing and developed countries has however remained an important determining factor in formulating migration policies. Developing countries are concerned with broadening the scope for regular migration, while the Netherlands attaches great importance to maintaining a selective and restrictive admissions policy. In practice, there is thus a big gap between migration and development policies. Since migration continues to be seen as problematic, migrants are still hardly seen by the Dutch authorities as important co-actors in development. However,

49. Bureau central des statistiques des Pays-Bas, “Rapport aanuel d’integration 2012”, décembre 2012.

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the recent policy paper of the Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Coo-peration which came out in April 2013, specifically mentioned to work towards a bigger contribution of migrants for development. The government will thus finance projects which contribute to strengthening the capacity of countries of origin for migrant management, and projects which increase the contribution of the diaspora for development. This is a positive development in making migrants co-actors in development.

The link between integration and development is even more elusive in policies of the Dutch government. The concept of integration has in the past years continuously been narrowed down to simply being able to master the Dutch language, having knowledge about the Dutch society and qualifying for work - the core objective of the current Law on Integration (Wet Inburgering). The concept of building a multicultural society and the role migrants can play in it have totally disappeared in current political discourse and policies of the government. The Law on Integration has a premise - addressing the problem of ‘migrants not sufficiently integrating’ in Dutch society, according to the criteria set by the Dutch government and to be measured by passing the so-called integration examination. Integration is only seen as the responsibility of migrants, there is no mention whatsoever about the responsibility of the receiving Dutch society. In the revised Law on Integration (Wet Inburgering) which will take effect in January 2013, the government has even stipulated heavier sanctions for failure to pass the integration examination, such as withdrawal or non-extension of residency permits and not being able to avail of social security benefits. With respect to undocumented migrants, there is a growing tendency of the Dutch government to criminalize these migrants. Together with the concept of building a multicultural society, human rights of undocumented migrants has also disappeared from political discourse and poli-cies of the government.

To conclude, the framework of the discussion on migration and integration on the one hand and development on the other hand have, sadly enough, not yet met. In fact, the distance between them has only become wider.

The highlight of events in 2012 in the Netherlands are the national elections

for the Parliament in 12 September 2012. This election was unscheduled and had to take place as a result of the fall of the Dutch government in April 2012. The coalition government of VVD (Liberal Party) and CDA (Christian Democratic Party), with the support of PVV (Freedom Party), had to renegotiate the national budget which needed to be adjusted as a result of the economic crisis. On 21

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April 2012, the leader of the PVV, Geert Wilders, withdrew from the negotiations, causing the government to fall. New national elections were then scheduled for 12 September 2012. The ensuing election debates were mostly on the 2013 budget. It is in this light that cooperation development was occasionally mentioned in the debates – whether or not to decrease the budget for development cooperation.

An overview of the positions of the six biggest political parties with

On development cooperation

Most parties are in favour of adhering with the 0.7% (of GNP, gross national product) norm for Development Cooperation, with the VVD silent about it, and the PVV against. Most parties are in favour (except the PVV) of ‘modernizing’ Development Cooperation, with less direct budget support for Third World governments, and more trade and business instead of aid; but they differ in other aspects of what this means. The PvdA (Labour Party) is the only one which wants to support diaspora organizations in the development of their home countries.

On migration

All the parties want a stricter admission policy, with the PVV calling for a total halt on immigration from Islamic countries. There is also a call for ‘fair’ and speedy processing of asylum applications. The VVD and CDA call for strengthening the system in which ‘knowledge migrants’ could be allowed entry, while discouraging unskilled migrants from coming. The PvdA and D66 (Democratic Party) call for humane treatment for asylum-seekers’ children, and that if they stay long enough to become rooted in Dutch society, that they should be allowed to stay. The PvdA and D66 both want asylum seekers to be allowed to work and study while their applications are being processed.

The parties agree that Dutch language proficiency should be required of migrants,

and that having work is the best way they could integrate in Dutch society. The VVD and PVV want to restrict migrant access to Social Security, to those who have been in the country for 10 years. The D66 is the only party which says that integration is a matter both for migrants and indigenous Dutch. The CDA wants to restore dual citizenship, because the Netherlands is a trading country. The SP (Socialist Party) advocates the creation of mixed communities to foster integration.

The elections came out with a very difficult result – both the VVD (41 seats) and PvdA (38 seats) came out on top with a lot more seats than previously. But they

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were opposite poles in the campaign, and trying to form a government without either one of them would require up to 5 parties to form a coalition. The PVV was a big loser, with their seats almost halved; they had been the main driving force for the anti-foreigner bias of the previous government. Eventually, it was the VVD and the PvdA which decided to form a government.

An overview of the Coalition government’s program on the policy fields of development, migration, integration and citizenship.

On development cooperation

Priorities are: water management, food security, security and legal order, sexual and reproductive health and rights, gender, environment and good gover-nance. Foreign trade policy and development cooperation policy will be better attuned to each other. There will be a minister for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, which will be brought under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. There will be a revolving fund of € 750M that will support medium and small enterprises investments in developing countries. In the recent policy paper of the Minister for Foreign Trade and Cooperation Development which came out in April 2013, this revolving fund is called Dutch Good Growth Fund.

Integration policy will fall under the Ministry of Social Concerns and Work.

Asylum and migration policy will be under the Ministry of Justice and Security. The migration policy is restrictive, just and directed at integration. Migrants from EU countries and knowledge migrants are welcome in the Netherlands. All migrants should be able to stand up on their own feet, generate their own income for their own subsistence through work, integrate quickly and contribute in building the society. A good mastery of the Dutch language and knowledge of Dutch society are then essential. Failure to do so can lead to non-extension of residency permits. Refugees are expected to do the same. The only difference in sanction with other migrants is that their residency permits could not be revoked. Those who are not allowed to stay in the country have to leave or will be expelled out of the country. Irregular stay will be punishable by law.

The year 2012 also saw the approval of the Child Amnesty Law (in December 2012), which was approved by the new government. This law provides that asylum-seeking children who have stayed in the Netherlands for 5 years or more (and who have integrated into Dutch society) be given residency in the country.

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policies.

for development be further explored and developed.

migrants.

to more effectively take on their role as co-actors in development.

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3.8. Poland

MIGRATION DATA

Poland had 38.1 million inhabitants in 2009 and emigration is by far greater than immigration in this country. In the history of Poland there were numerous migrations. It is considered that the Polish diaspora amounts to over 20 million people, mainly distributed in Europe and North America. The migration that fol-lowed the fall of Communism and the opening of borders is only the latest in a long series of migratory flows. The phases of the Polish emigration are multiple and old, corresponding to the escape from repression from the occupying forces, the shifting of the country’s borders, and finally most recently driven by economic reasons. After the 2004 EU accession, about two million Poles left their country in three years, primarily to go to the UK and Ireland.

Immigration is a relatively new phenomenon in Poland, which, in the future, is likely to somewhat change the country’s demographic composition. Official sources (sometimes contradictory) suggest weak legal immigration to Poland. At the end of 2007, there were officially around 60 000 regular immigrants, whereas estimates speak of 500 000 to 600 000 irregular immigrants coming to work each year in Poland, often in a balanced manner. The countries of origin are Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, the countries of the former Yugoslavia and Armenia, and also Vietnam. The immigrants also included many Westerners, who are often expatriate executives and businessmen. However, the two largest communities are the Ukranians and the Vietnamese.

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According to representatives of the Ministry of the Interior in June 2012, the number of foreigners legally residing in Poland was as follows: 62 863 European nationals, 31 104 from Asia, 4 761 from Africa, 3 913 from the Americas and 254 from Oceania.

The legal framework for immigration in Poland has undergone a profound

change in the last two decades. It was only in June 1997 that a new migration law replaced the existing legal framework dating back to 1963 and, due to several partial changes, became very confusing. By focusing on entry, residence and the conditions for expulsion (reasons and procedures), this law was considered inadequate by many spokespersons, because it did not say anything about family reunification and the protection of minors without parents. In parallel with the adoption of the law, Poland implemented a first open regularisation for some irregular immigrants in the country. During the negotiations for accession to the European Union, immigration was discussed repeatedly in the context of Chapter 24 (Justice and Home Affairs). At the end of this process, in July 2002, a law on the differentiation of treatment between EU citizens and third-country citizens was approved (27 July 2002). On 13 June 2003 a new law on foreigners was approved that strengthened surveilance and aligned the Polish context with that of the EU concerning the right of asylum. Then, the law of 29 May 2008 on the protection of legal foreigners and diaspora marked another change, by radically modifying the status of the foreigner that ensures additional protection. Finally, on 1 February 2009, the law on employment for foreigners was approved, which replaced the “promise of employment” with the “work permit” issued by the administration at the request of the employer. This now allows a foreigner to apply for a visa for a one-year stay.

Poland is an area of EU external border control, in particular the eastern border with Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. As early as 1993, Poland had concluded with the signatories of the Schengen Convention an agreement on the readmission of irregular immigrants, which resulted in an increase in the number of asylum applications in large part by immigrants deported by the Western countries. The signing of this agreement with the EU, as well as the stepping up of the accession process, has led Poland to sign similar agreements with Ukraine and Belarus in 1996. The European Union provides financial aid to Poland to improve border surveillance.

Torn between the demands of the EU and the national needs of a workforce, however, Poland managed to facilitate and officially lengthen the residence permits of seasonal workers from neighbouring countries. Faced with a declining birth rate since 1989, as well as a significant emigration of nationals after 2004, the

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authorities were under strong pressure from employers who demanded flexibility in the formalities for hiring foreign workers.

However, the integration policy is still stalled due to lack of political will, resources and also methods. In fact, the Polish migration policy is primarily aimed at limiting the inflow of foreigners, by neglecting integration whereas the NGOs, yet very active, fail to fulfil this role alone. Tangible results in this area are low and only very recently were some integration programmes implemented by the central and the local authorities and those of NGOs, mainly by asylum seekers.

In general terms, development assistance has grown considerably in the last period, although Poland is far from the EU commitments to allocate at least 0.33 % of the GDP to official development asisstance by 2015 (the country currently allocates 0.085 % of its GDP to development, highly concentrated geographically in the former countries of the USSR and in Afghanistan).

Co-development is a cooperation method between the North and the South

which is almost absent in Polish bilateral cooperation. Experiences of co-develop-ment are almost non-existent. It was only after Poland’s 2004 EU accession that the government got involved in the organisation of some debates and seminars held by institutes specialising in this subject. Existing co-development practices are carried out by migrant associations, but the number of projects is still very small and the majority are still not institutionalised, making it difficult to identify them. One must also keep in mind that the number of associations representing southern immigration is limited, due to the registration costs of such an organi-sation. Their activities are concentrated in the field of social integration, the fight against xenophobia and racism. They also emphasise cultural and religious identity.

Amnesty law for persons without documents.

Launched on January 1, the amnesty concerned foreigners staying irregularly in Poland since at least December 20, 2007, as well as asylum seekers who had been denied refugee status before January 1, 2010 but remained on Polish ter-ritory. In 2011, the Polish Parliament passed a law on the legalisation of the stay of foreigners. NGOs have always stated loud and clear that the regularisation (in Polish “abolicja”, amnesty) should not only be used by the State to comply with European conventions, but also to stimulate a real public policy of integration.

Being the eastern border of the European Union, Poland is the first country to be crossed by many immigrants from Eastern Europe, in order to circulate freely within the EU. The applicants for amnesty came from Ukraine, the Caucasus,

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Vietnam, Pakistan, China, the Middle East, etc. It has to be said that a record number of applicants presented themselves to benefit from it.

The Fondation Afrique Autrement, member of the Poland platform was, like many NGOs and associations, partner of the Municipality and took active part in the dissemination of information among Africans. From January 1 to July 2, those without documents could apply for regularisation of their status. Some 8 500 illegal immigrants asked for the legalisation of their stay in Poland as part of an amnesty proposed for six months (January 1 to July 2, 2012).

Nearly 80% of the applications were filed in the region of Mazovia (Warsaw) out of a total of 16 administrative regions in the first quarter of the campaign.

It is in the region of Mazovia (Warsaw) that the vast majority of migrants can be

found. Ultimately 7 371 applications were received by the governer of the region under the amnesty law. The files of people from Vietnam (2 030 applications), Ukraine (1 478 applications) and of Pakistani citizens (1 169) were by far the most represented. The amnesty also interested citizens from Bangladesh (556), Armenia (450) and China (425). In total, the legislation affected 63 nationalities and seven stateless persons.

Out of 2 510 decisions of the governor - 1 953 were positive and 557 negative. Moreover, 414 applications were not considered - mainly due to formal errors: non-compliance with the deadline or lack of a valid travel document. The largest number of rejections concerned Pakistanis (around 90%) due to “last minute travel” to benefit from the law. Those whose applications were refused could appeal to the head of the Foreign Office (within 14 days from the date of notifi-cation of the decision). In percentage terms, 34.49 % of applicants were women against 65.51 % for men. “People who have been living illegally for four years in Poland will finally have the opportunity to work legally, to send their children to school, to have a fixed address and no longer be victims of various abuses”, declared the Governor of Mazovia.

The 2012 regularisation is the third campaign of Poland after those in 2003 (1 256 cases) and 2007 (1 463 applications), and also the most liberal as it was not subject to any economic criteria. Accepted applicants will be issued with a two-year residence permit which enables them to work in Poland without a work permit, but only on the basis of a contract of employment with an employer.

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-menting co-development policies “here and there”

of origin of migrants by establishing a framework of cooperation with foreigners who have obtained university degrees in Poland, many of whom are involved in the promotion of development. Foreign graduates of Polish universities could well become a permanent platform for the exchange of information, participation and mobilisation of civil society

colonial relationship, and can be a good example of promoting a positive image of Africa, in order to fight against the negative stereotypes on the citizens of this continent

the construction of wells or missions sending material to Africa. The presence of an increasing number of Africans in Poland, on the one hand, and the presence of African graduates of Polish universities, on the other, should be a stimulus for the development of new principles of Polish collaboration with countries in this continent

development cooperation

groups of immigrants

resources; their knowledge of the diaspora reality can facilitate a better use of financial resources in the country of origin

-nisations that support the platform Eunomad Country - Poland

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number of diplomatic missions in the region. For example, the only Polish embassy in West Africa (15 countries and nearly 300 million people) is found in Nigeria.

African-Varsovian concert, city centre of Warsaw

© Fondation ‘Afrique Autrement’

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3.9. Czech Republic

MIGRATION DATA

According to official statistics, about four hundred and forty thousand foreign citizens resided in the Czech Republic at the end of October 201250. 52% of all migrants in the Czech Republic are men, and 48% hold permanent residence permits out of which nearly two-thirds come from outside of the European Union. This large group of non-EU migrants come from a wide range of countries, inclu-ding: Ukraine, Vietnam, Russia, Moldova, the United States, China, Mongolia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and many others.

Immigration to the Czech Republic is primarily economic in nature. In 2008, Czech labour offices issued the largest number of work permits since their establishment (slightly more than 130 thousand). Almost half of non-EU immi-grants were employed in unskilled jobs (ISCO 9 Elementary occupations). The economic crisis and subsequent changes in government regulations had a strong impact on TCNs clustered in the lower rungs of the labour market. As a result of an incredible 72 % drop-off, by the end on 2011 there were only 36.6 thousand TCNs employed in the Czech Republic on the basis of work permits. However, the economic recession did not have such a dramatic impact on the economic activities of third country nationals not subjected to work permit regulations (holders of permanent residence permits, family members, students etc.), as well as EU nationals employed in the Czech Republic. On the contrary, both aforementioned groups exhibited a slight increase in numbers. Worth noting is also the fact that the recession did not have a dramatic impact on the total number of foreigners

50 www.mvcr.cz/soubor/internet-tdu-stavk-10-2012-xls.aspx.

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residing in the Czech Republic. Apparent decline in officially registered economic activities of immigrants did not coincide with the mass return of immigrants to their home countries

The Czech Republic‘s official migrant integration policy started to be coordinated by the Ministry of Interior in 2008, not long before the start of the economic crisis. The crisis, alongside the fear of unemployed and “waif” migrants “for whom there are no prospects”51 instigated several local reactions and policies. This concerned primarily towns with higher concentrations of migrants employed as precarious workers in manufacturing and other industries. The Ministry of Interior created a new grant mechanism for “crisis areas” where the relations between foreign and domestic populations have worsened or could potentially worsen. These adjusted local grants have been an important instrument in motivating municipalities to initiate or continue migrant integration efforts. However, and as opposed to other countries in Europe and elsewhere where the policies of local authorities may represent an alternative and a more progressive approach, this is not the case in the Czech Republic. The Ministry of Interior has also supported the creation of regional integration centers; the largest of which was set up in Prague in 2012. In addition, it has organised a platform to create a Concept of Integration of Foreigners of the City of Prague.

Generally, Czech municipalities do not regard migrants as local “citizens” because they are not part of the politicians´ constituency. Only EU citizens with permanent residency in the Czech Republic who are registered in a voting registry can vote in communal elections. In March 2012, the Czech Government decided to continue with the policy of not granting the right to vote to non-EU citizens unless there was a reciprocal agreement on voting rights with another government. This is a troublesome decision in terms of migrants’ political exclu-sion especially as the ratio of naturalised non-citizens among the population of migrants is small. The naturalisation process should become even more com-plicated with the new Citizenship Act that the Government approved in 2012. The Act contains additional conditions for applicants (e.g. proving the financial origin of property, a test of Czech realia and constitutional system) and a harder

51 See +an+k, M. (2012). Migration at the Intersection of State Policies and Public Tenders in Times of Economic Crisis: The case of migrant forest workers in the Czech Republic. Erste Foundation. Available at: http://www.erstestiftung.org/social-research/publication/migration-at-the-intersection-of-state-policies-and-public-tenders-in-times-of-economic-crisis-the-case-of-migrant-forest-workers-in-the-czech-republic/.

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language test52. The new law, however, recognises the transnational character of both immigration and emigration (of Czechs) in that it grants the possibility of a dual citizenship as a general rule. Thus the number of applicants for naturalisation who do not wish to get rid of their first citizenship is expected to increase. This could, however, collide with the Ministry of Interior´s idea that Czech citizenship should be something “to be spared”53.

At the very initial phase of the economic recession the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (MLSA) adopted a rather restrictive approach not only towards the new comers but also towards immigrants already in the country. At the beginning of 2009 MLSA sent out a special memorandum to all labour offices instructing them about the issuing and prolongation of work permits. The memorandum appealed for “greater consideration” to be made of a general decline in the demand for foreign labour within the Czech economy. The main aim of this memorandum was to facilitate unemployed Czech citizens’ return to the labour market54. This restrictive measure included some integrative principles since extending work permits was judged to be preferable to issuing new ones. As the result of rather vaguely formulated instructions and the fact that the memorandum did not authorise any significant departure from the status quo, local labour offices made decisions on the basis of their own judgements, and hence tended to act in an inconsistent manner. The effectiveness of this mentioned measure in boosting the employment prospects of the domestic workforce is however not entirely clear. The statistics indicating whether the positions on which the foreigners failed to get permits were subsequently filled by Czech workers, thereby reducing local unemployment, are not available.

In spite of a declining trend in direct employment of TCNs, in the beginning of 2012 MLSA decided to implement even more restrictive regulations and sent out another internal memorandum to the labour offices. Starting from June 2012 Labour Offices were instructed to discontinue issuing work permits for positions where employers do not request maturita (General Certificate of Secondary Education - GCSE). In the early spring, following the strong criticism from NGOs and Czech companies employing immigrants, MLSA sent out the adjusted memorandum, which modified very restrictive aforementioned regulations55. Taking into account the dynamics of the Czech unemployment rate it seems that, instead of combating unemployment and exclusion, the measures taken by the MLSA only influenced

52. +ižinský, P. (2012). Stru+ná analýza n+kterých problém+ návrhu zákona o státním ob+anství +R. Migraceonline.cz. Accessible at: www.migraceonline.cz/cz/e-knihovna/strucna-analyza-nekterych-problemu-navrhu-zakona-o-statnim-obcanstvi-cr.53. Ibid.54. Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (2010).55. Holá, E. Faltová, M. and M. +an+k (2012). Pokyny MPSV pro rok 2012 / Sm+rnice generálního +editele Ú+adu práce +R a jejich rozpor s platným právem. Konsorcium nevládních organizací pracujících s migranty v +R.

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the character of labour migration. The total number of immigrants residing in the country did not change significantly, however, migrants’ preference for direct employment fell sharply, and this trend in turn undermined those official policies oriented toward integrating third country nationals into the Czech labour market.

The concept of co-development, whether understood more positively (as shared interests and sustainable development of both sending and receiving countries) or negatively (linked clearly to migration control), has not been very present in the Czech Republic. Until recently there has been no state or non-governmen-tal organisation that tried to promote it. The idea of “preventing migration by promoting development” was present in development projects financed by the Ministry of Interior. However, the link between migration and development has not been a political issue at all. At the more grassroots/NGO level, some migrant civil associations and initiatives have been involved in the development in their countries of origin. These include the collected practices for this report, i.e. the project Africa for Africa´s educational efforts in Kenya or the project helping victims of dioxin by the Infodrá<ek NGO. At the same time, many of the migrants in the Czech Republic are not organised in associations or interested in supporting a particular common development project apart from some exceptions. As for non-governmental organisations specialised in development, they do not usually employ migrants in their offices in the Czech Republic as they prefer to choose professionals. Many non-governmental organisations serving migrants have been struggling with involving migrants more within their structures. It is not easy for them to move from the existing types of relationships (e.g. migrants as clients of social services) towards relationships striving for an equal partnership, emancipation and participation. On the other hand, it is often not easy to involve migrants more in e.g. political kind of activities.

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on the labour market

the number of immigrants has significantly affected migrants from non-European Union countries and their families living in the Czech Republic or in the countries of origin. The Czech Eunomad platform calls on the state authorities to reassess these restrictive policies. The state’s current approach is especially striking in relation to migrants from non-EU countries who already reside in the country and have a job. In addition, migrants who resided in the country for several years but became unemployed as a result of the economic recession should not be discriminated against and should have access to the services provided by the Labour Offices56.

working in low-skilled jobs and, on the other hand, to grant a privileged access to the labour market and social rights to (highly-)skilled migrants or those working in (highly) -skilled jobs. The measurement of immigrants’ benefit to the Czech Republic by the educational degree required for a given job is in many respects misleading. It does not account for immigrants’ human capital and their potential to integrate successfully into the host society. Further, the mentioned approach does not take account of the value of in-job-training and specific skills demanded in the Czech labour market.

non-governmental organisations

more effective strategies to boost the involvement of immigrants in the planning of their activities, and this should be reflected in the NGOs work and positions. NGOs should also consider direct employment of immigrants at various levels, not only as mediators.

56. See also the recommendations in Valentová E., ed. (2012). Zvýšení role neziskového sektoru v oblasti sociální integrace pracovních migrant+ v +eské republice. Srovnání praxe v Portugalsku a Rakousku. Sdružení pro integraci a migraci: Praha.

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ACISI

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3.10. United Kingdom

MIGRATION DATA

An important source for UK migration data in 2012 was the 2011 National Census, which is conducted every ten years. This, combined with annual data collected by the Office of National Statistics, provides a very detailed, if complex, picture of migration flows into and out of the UK over the last decade, and the changes it has brought. However, it should be stressed that these do not include data for undocumented migrants, who were estimated to number between 417,000 and 863,000 people in 2009.

The census revealed that, out of a total population of 56,095,712, 13% were born outside the UK, an increase of nearly 3 million people. Of those born outside of the UK, the largest groups were from Europe (2,722,000, of which 579,000 were from Poland), and Asia (2,292,000, predominantly from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh). The next largest groups were from Africa (1,313,000, of which 191,200 were from Nigeria and 191,000 were from South Africa, with significant numbers also from East and Southern Africa, as well as the Horn of Africa) and the Americas (673,000, of which 264,000 were from Jamaica and the Carib-bean). Over half of the rise in the population of England and Wales was due to migration. However, this picture is complicated by the fact that net migration (i.e. the balance of inward and outward migration) to the UK has fallen from a peak of +260,000 per annum in 2005 to +183,000 per annum in 2012. The main reasons for migrants to come to the UK in 2012 were for work (355,000, approximately the same as in 2001, and down from a peak of 492.000 in 2005) and for study (213,000, a 58% increase from 2001-2).

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The 2011 census shows beyond doubt that the UK is now in the midst of an astonishing era of demographic change due to globalisation. Parts of the country are witnessing such rapid flows and movements of people that they are becoming super-diverse - home to many different people from many different backgrounds. For example, in London only 45% of the population described themselves as ‘White British’, down from 58% in 2001. In terms of languages spoken, 92% of the population spoke only English in 2011-12, and the next most common languages spoken were Polish (546,000), Punjabi (273,000), and Urdu (269,000). However, in some urban centres with diverse populations, 42% of households were bilingual.

Assessing the economic impact of migration on the UK economy has been contentious, not least because of a lack of reliable data, but most studies focusing on the period 1999-2005 argue that migration has had a small positive impact on the UK economy, between £0.6 billion and £2.5 billion. However, this picture is further complicated by the relationship between the UK economy and migration patterns – so in 2011-12 there was a 7.8% fall in immigration that coincided with a 0.4% fall in UK GDP.

UK policies on migration and co-development continued to lack coherence in

2012, especially in terms of migration and development. This is in part attributable to the somewhat quixotic nature of government policy-making on migration, which has been affected by an stuttering economy that is trying to recover from recession, as well as domestic political and media pressures with regard to migration and also the UK’s relationship with the European Union.

The ruling Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition has made a number of policy announcements regarding these two areas, in part for ideological reasons, and in part to protect its electoral powerbase, but all the main political parties have felt pressure to be seen as ‘tough on migration’. This, combined with significant cuts to public and voluntary sector funding that have affected the services available to vulnerable people, has made it a tough year for migrants in the UK. Yet at the same time, the government and opposition have continued to acknowledge the important positive role played by migration. And in a number of high-profile legal cases involving deportation of foreign nationals and illegal immigrants, despite significant pressure from the Home Office and the popular press, the judiciary and the Special Immigrations Appeals Commission (SIAC) have overturned government rulings for failing to comply with EU law.

The UK Border Agency has intensified its use of the Points Based System (PBS) introduced in 2008 for assessing potential migrants, with only those most useful to the UK economy granted work and study visas. Moreover, the UK is not party

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to the Schengen Agreement, so non-EU nationals are not permitted to travel to or work in the UK on the basis of rights granted by other EU states. The negative impact of this on potential overseas investment into the UK, has led a number of government ministers to push for policy change in this area.

Although PBS aims to rationalise migration policy and manage migratory flows, its focus on purely domestic strategic objectives fails to acknowledge the impact of migration on countries of origin adequately. One example of this is the debate on securitisation and development. Security concerns have had an impact on migration policy, leading to a fall in the numbers of people being granted study visas from some countries, such as Pakistan, in 2011. At the same time, the government has a stated policy aim of linking the UK’s overseas aid more directly with strategic objectives, including security, and the Department for International Development (DfID) has thus increased its aid spending on countries like Pakistan and Somalia, where UK diaspora initiatives provide important humanitarian relief and development support.

There is a growing recognition of the importance of co-development, and the pivotal role of the diaspora in this, both by academia and also by policy-makers in the UK. However, policy-making in this area is hindered both by a lack of data and also the diversity and complexity of UK diasporas themselves. These make it hard for policy-makers to assess the impact of diaspora development and also engage with the varying levels of capacity found across the sector. Moreover, there remains a lack of formal structures for engagement with, and consultation of, diaspora communities on development issues, as well as a lack of funding to build the capacity of diaspora organisations both to ‘do development’ more effectively and influence policy-makers as effectively as possible.

There are some examples of good practice starting to come through, however,

in relation to migration and development in the UK. Comic Relief, a major UK charity and grant-making organisation, established a £40m small grants funding scheme, the Common Ground Initiative, with support from DfID and the Barings Foundation, aimed at small NGOs and diaspora organisations involved in deve-lopment in Africa. Of the projects that were funded in the first round in 2012, 49% were delivered by diaspora organisations. The same funders also support a parallel national advocacy programme for the African diaspora in the UK, Africa-UK. This is delivered by a consortium of diaspora partners, currently led by AFFORD, and provides capacity-building and training in advocacy to support diaspora organisations to engage with and influence policy-makers.

Another example is the Diaspora Volunteering Alliance (DVA), a network of Diaspora organisations that work to enable diaspora volunteering around the world.

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DVA members work in partnership with DfID and Voluntary Service Overseas (VSO) to provide volunteering placements for diaspora professionals, especially in sectors such as health and education.

Nevertheless, the development sector in the UK – and indeed development policy-making - remains dominated by mainstream NGOs who have started to acknowledge the role of the diaspora in development. Although the UK government has so far kept its commitment to maintain spending on overseas aid at 0.7% of GDP, the pressure on aid budgets has never been greater, and often diaspora organisations are competing against these NGOs for access to resources that is narrowing. This is further exacerbated by cuts to funding to the domestic voluntary and public sectors on which many diaspora organisations have traditionally relied.

The challenge to the diaspora sector, therefore, is to find ways of overcoming resource scarcity and engage effectively with policy-makers and mainstream NGOs. Equally, however, the challenge to policy-makers, funders, and NGOs is to create structures to engage with, and build capacity in, the diaspora sector, and foster greater coordination and cooperation. Until this is done, co-development in the UK risks remaining tactical, rather than strategic.

© ESWA

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supports development goals and the beneficial aspects of migration in the UK

-nisations and networks that provide help to vulnerable people domestically and in countries of origin

inform evidence-based, depoliticised policy-making on migration and development.

-ment actors to engage with policy-makers and mainstream NGOs on development issues, and involve them in discussions on MDGs post 2012 and UN High Level Dialogue on Migration and Development

and enable them to collaborate more effectively with larger NGOs.

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.4.

PRESENTATION OF EUROPEAN

ACTIVITIES 2012

4.1. Development of political, media and scientific speeches

Since 2012, from a European perspective on migration issues, the most

worrying case is undoubtedly that of Greece. Attacks on foreigners, by members or supporters of the xenophobic extreme right Greek party “Golden Dawn” (Chrysi Avgi57), as well as real and proper migrant hunts are now occurring several times a week, both in the country’s capital, as well as in other regions. Hundreds of people have been wounded in these xenophobic raids, while at least three people were killed in May 2011 (a 44-year old man who was accompanying his pregnant wife to hospital), August 2012 (a young 19-year old man, of Iraqi origin) and January 2013 (a man originally from Pakistan). At the beginning of September 2012, around thirty activists of the “Golden Dawn” party, including two MPs, attacked and destroyed the stalls of immigrants in a market in Rafina, on the outskirts of Athens.

In the face of all these racist and xenophobic attacks, not only were reactions of the Greek police and government conspicuous by their absence, but the latter seems to be pandering to the extremist and xenophobic groups. On 27 March 2012, the Greek government announced the creation of 30 closed detention

centres for illegal immigrants, with a capacity of 1 000 places each. However, the conditions of detention of the irregular migrants are so appalling that the European Commission has objected, considering the centres as “overcrowded” and “far below international standards”.

57. This party won 18 seats, and 7% of the votes in the Greek parliamentary elections of June 2012. In its portfolio of populist and xenophobic proposals, there is the idea of putting land mines along the Greek border to prevent the entry of immigrants. This party also said it wanted to form an organisation called “Doctors with borders”, made up of doctors who would visit, free of charge, only native patients. In a document published on the UK’s Channel 4 in early 2013, one of the party’s candidates defined migrants from outside the EU as “primitive, subhuman and contaminated” and declared that the party is ready to “open the oven” to “make soap out of immigrants”. See “Atene, Alba dorata choc : “Faremo saponette con gli immigrati in Grecia”, Il Fatto Quotidiano, 7 March 2013, online at: http//www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/

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The conditions of refugees and asylum seekers are likewise very difficult, considering the fact that the rate of confirmation of refugee status by the Greek government is also very low (according to the Refugee Forum, a local NGO, since 2004, the Greek government conceded asylum to only 6 asylum seekers from about 600058).

At the same time, along the Greek-Turkish border, and more precisely in the area of the river Évros, border barriers are still being set up, very similar to those between the United States and Mexico. This consists of an anti-migrant fence made up of two rows of barbed wire, 3 metres high and 12 kilometres long fitted with cameras, between Nea Vyssa, in Greece, and Edirne, in Turkey.

Home Affairs Commissioner Cecilia Malmström has considered this initiative “pretty useless” and has refused to fund this barrier, whose estimated cost is about 3 million Euro59. Moreover, in early February 2012, the European Commis-sion has stressed that the money for the construction of the barrier would be better used for the reception of migrants, who have been “housed in deplorable conditions for years”. Some European countries, including France and Germany, are in favour of this initiative.

On 29 August 2012, the French Minister for Home Affairs announced the

expulsion of 7000 Roma migrants, which occurred in the following days, where Roma migrants were expelled from camps in various cities in (similar to the operations of the previous government during the summer of 2010) and “encouraged” to leave the country under a “voluntary return” programme. The special rapporteurs on the rights of migrants and racism of the UN are worried and recall the prohibition of collective expulsions60.

On 23 February 2012, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) condem-

ned Italy for the practice of maritime interception of a group of refugees followed by a collective and immediate return to a third country61.

58. “La otra tragedia griega”, El País Semanal, 5 March 2013, online at: http://www.elpais.com/59. “Réunion des ministres européens de l’ intérieur à Luxembourg sur l’ immigration clandestine. La Grèce tente d’endiguer l’afflux d’immigrés venant de Turquie, première porte d’entrée des clandestins dans la zone Schengen”, Le Monde, 16 April 2012. 60. MORICE, Alain, 2013, “Chronologie critique des politiques migratoires européennes”, 12 January, Réseau Migreurop, p, 30.61. In May 2009, a group of approximately two hundred people, who left Libya on board three boats to Italy, was intercepted by the Italian army in the maritime area under the jurisdiction of Malta and returned promptly to the Libyan authorities.

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On 3 April 2012, Libya and Italy entered into a secret agreement, to streng-then the cooperation in the fight against illegal immigration in Italy, through the same means used prior to 2012. On 18 June 2012, this agreement was made public and, among the measures provided for in the written agreement (one must recall that there are diplomatic documents which sometimes add and specify the measures), is the training of Libyan police and customs officers by Italian agents, assistance with checks and patrols, “voluntary returns” organised by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), the creation of a “health centre” in Kufra in the desert south of the country.

On a European level, the European Union institutions have shown increasing concern about the demographic challenges facing the EU in the medium term and the use of legal immigration to address them, after a few decades of failed attempts on the part of the Commission, against the clear rejection of the Council members.

However, what is expected is formal channels of access to the European labour market for skilled or highly skilled workers (this is the case of the European “!"#$%&'()”), for students, researchers, artists and traders (see the Commission Com-munication on “Smart borders”62). Meanwhile, very little interest is shown by the Council and the Member States in the development of a European framework for formal recruitment of less skilled workers from outside the EU, probably less prestigious in the eyes of the policy makers but, very certainly also necessary for the future of the EU.

The approval in 2011 of , which established a common set of rights for third-country workers legally residing in a Member State, represents a modest step towards a common European policy of “eco-nomic” immigration63.

62. Commission Communication to the European Parliament and to the Council “Smart borders - options and the way ahead”, COM(2011) 680 final, Brussels, 25 October 2011.63. Directive 2011/98/EU of the European Parliament and the Council of 13 December 2011. This Directive determines that only one authority responsible for the procedure is designated by each State, and that a single permit gives the holder the right to enter, exit, stay and move freely in the state that issued the license, and of exercising the authorised activity under the single permit. This Directive gives foreign workers equal treatment like national workers in respect of working conditions, participation in trade unions or professional, educational and vocational training organisations, recognition of qualifications, tax benefits, social security including health care, access to goods and services, as well as procedures for obtaining housing and the assistance offered by the employment services. Nevertheless, States may limit the scope of rights to education and training (including the allocation of scholarships and conditioning access to education and vocational training by a proper knowledge of the language of the country of destination), family benefits (for some temporary workers), tax advantages and access to social housing.

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With regard to the regular migration of a less skilled workforce, the pro-posal for a directive by the Commission in 2010 on the common entry and stay conditions of third-country seasonal workers is still blocked, even if progress has been noted64. One must recall that to push this directive forward, negotiation also includes the proposal for a directive on the “intra-corporate secondments”65, that is the workers transferred by the same company in different countries.

Along with these moderate advances in labour migration, it should be noted that the strong European policy focus on controlling borders continues, suppor-ted by the use of highly advanced technological instruments, whose utility and “collateral effects” on the human rights of migrants are yet to be demonstrated, and the high costs of which call for further reflection.

In this context, it is worth noting the subsequent process of establishing the , a “pan-European

system of vigilance” that would network the different mechanisms of border control implemented by EU Member States, to promote the sharing of information and thus provide a general framework of the events at the external EU borders66.

A study by Ben Hayes and Mathias Vermeulen shows that EUROSUR will encourage more political “repression”, just like the Italian practice condemned in this regard by the European Court of Human Rights in February 2012. The surveillance of the Mediterranean by drones, satellites and surveillance systems on ships will facilitate the identification of boats of refugees and migrants, as well as the potential escort to their ports of origin, thus undermining the rights of asylum and protection67. According to the European institutions, the deployment of these instruments of advanced technology should help rescue shipwrecks in the open sea. However, Hayes and Vermeulen stress that “the maritime rescue

64. COM(2010) 379 final, of 13 July 2010. On 25 April 2012, the LIBE Committee of the European Parliament approves the draft report on the Directive, which mandates the rapporteur to initiate negotiations with the Council which, in turn, communicated at its JHA meeting of 6 and 7 December 2012 that COREPER approved a mandate for discussion with the Parliament. Regarding the Council’s position, see EMN, 2012, “Proposal for seasonal workers directive. State of Play”, December, available online:http://www.emnbelgium.be/publication/state-play-seasonal-workers-directive.65. COM(2010) 378 final, of 13 July 2010.66. The primary objectives of this system are to limit the volume of third-country nationals entering but not detected in the EU territory (increasing knowledge of the situation at the external borders and increasing the responsiveness of their intelligence services and border control); reduce the number of deaths of irregular migrants, save more lives at sea, and to improve the internal security of the EU contributing to the prevention of cross-border crime.67. HAYES, Ben, and VERMEULEN, Mathias, 2012, Borderline. EU Border Surveillance Initiatives: An Assessment of the Costs and Its Impacts on Fundamental Rights, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, Berlin, pg. 79

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services are not part of EUROSUR and the border guards do not share informa-tion with them” 68.

At the same time, we must acknowledge the efforts of the European institutions to implement a “smart border”, in order to achieve full control of cross-border movements. In this context, on 28 February 2013, the Commission presented the regulation on a Registered Traveller Programme (RTP) and the regulation on an EU entry/exit system69. As recalled by Didier Bigo et al., both data and information exchange systems are part of two different policy areas (the area of freedom, security and justice, that is police and justice cooperation, on the one hand, and the control of the external borders on the other), even if “the continued expansion of data and information exchange schemes questions this separation”70.

It is interesting to consider that, as highlighted by Didier Bigo et al, “smart borders” affect what happens before and after the border, rather than what happens at the external territorial borders of the EU Member States. They are therefore “pre- and post- border selection procedures targeting all foreigners travelling to the EU”. According to the same authors, “they destabilise the foreigner/citizen division and establish the conditions for the proactive monitoring and sorting of a large number of people”71. Thus, for these authors the legal challenge related to the right of data protection cannot be overlooked, since these practices “carry a risk of social prejudice”, in particular linked to non-discrimination and the possible creation of a “statistical discrimination”72.

The “smart borders” programme is based on the American model, to identify “over-stayers”, that is to say third-country nationals who have exceeded their limited residence permit. However, Ben Hayes and Mathias Vermeulen point out that in the United States a similar system was a failure and that exit checks across the country have never been implemented73. Notwithstanding that, the

68. HAYES, Ben, and VERMEULEN, Mathias, 2012, Borderline. EU Border Surveillance Initiatives: An Assessment of the Costs and Its Impacts on Fundamental Rights, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, Berlin, pg. 7969. The proposed regulations follow a call from the Council in 2011 to “rapidly advance work on “smart borders”” and the Commission Communication of 25 October 2011 “Smart borders: options and the way ahead” (COM(2011) 680 final). The proposals are part of an initiative to strengthen the overall governance of the Schengen area and the implementation of these two systems is planned for 2017 or 2018.70. BIGO, Didier, CARRERA, Sergio, HAYES, Ben, HERNANZ, Nicholas, and JEANDESBOZ, Julien, 2012, “Justice and Home Affairs Databases and a Smart Borders System at EU External Borders. An Evaluation of Current and Forthcoming Porposals”, CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security, No. 52, December, available online at http://www.ceps.eu/71. Ibidem.72. Ibidem.73. HAYES, Ben, and VERMEULEN, Mathias, 2012, Borderline. EU Border Surveillance Initiatives: An Assessment of the Costs and Its Impacts on Fundamental Rights, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, Berlin, pg. 79

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political leaders of the EU and of the Member States persist, despite the cost, which is estimated by the Commission to be around 1,3 billion Euro.

In their preface to Ben Hayes and Mathias Vermeulen’s book, Barbara Unmüßig and Ska Keller emphasise the obsession of European heads of state to update the external borders of the EU, by using the latest technology and transforming the EU into a “digital fortress” 74. According to them, the “smart borders” pro-grammes and EUROSUR represent cynical EU responses to the Arab spring.

However, these devices are also questionable in terms of their cost, especially in a context of widespread budgetary constraints and austerity measures. It is also necessary to note that the budget of the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) is only one-ninth of what is allocated to the Frontex agency75.

74. Ibidem.75. Ibidem.

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It is extremely difficult to provide a comprehensive framework for the European media coverage given to the debate on these issues during 2012. European media coverage is actually limited and still very marginal, and still deeply rooted in the political and social realities of the various countries. Moreover, the choice of topics and discussions depends on the national public and, especially, specific political agendas of each country. The migration history, the current impact of the movement of people and political issues can vary significantly in the countries considered in this report. In the absence of a significant event that transcends national boundaries, as was the case in 2011 for the Arab spring and the arrival of refugees, these difficulties increase further.

Yet it is possibble to outline some general issues that characterised the way the media addressed issues of migration, development and integration in a rather transversal manner across the member states.

In general, it can be noted that the way in which the media addresses migration and the presence of migrants in European societies has always been characte-rised by a “light” sometimes very inaccurate use of definitions, especially those of “illegal migrant” or “illegal migration”. Undoubtedly, the effects of the eco-nomic crisis on the European companies have not helped the media to improve the way in which they treat immigration, as well as the issues of integration and reception of migrants. In very general terms, we can consider that the approach to migration, immigration and migrants in the media is rather negative.

There is a tendency to reproduce speeches which make foreigners scapegoats for economic problems and unemployment, by linking without any statistical or scientific basis migrant labour with unemployment, or by implying that migrants “take advantage” of European social welfare systems to explain the problems of maintain such systems in their current form. Similarly, diversity is generally seen as a problematic issue, in particular when referring to Muslims (or often enough to all nationals of the Arab-speaking countries) or to poor immigrants from outside the EU. This way of dealing with diversity, by obscuring its rewarding elements for European societies, echoes Islamophobia and racism more or less openly advocated by some populist and xenophobic political parties in Europe.

This negative approach to immigration has significant implications on the per-ception of foreigners and integration by the native population, and, of course, on social cohesion. Sometimes it is possible that some discourse on immigration

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and differences reinforces discriminatory or even xenophobic attitudes against migrants.

It should however be noted that there are counter-examples, although relayed by secondary means of communication and dissemination, of stories that deal with the integration of migrants, or which contemplate certain aspects of difference, albeit through from a somewhat folkloristic perspective.

Another general point needs to be emphasised; again because of the crisis, the media’s view of migration is often from an economic perspective. The number of enonomists consulted on the cost/benefits relationship of immigration is increasing compared to that of specialists in other fields of social sciences. Even in the publications resulting from the progressive political field, migration tends to be viewed increasingly positively for purely utilitarian reasons, such as their contribution to social security, to the maintenance of the pension system or to the needs of European companies based on the ageing of the population.

However, a “supranational” element of interest emerges: European borders and the establishment of special monitoring devices vis-à-vis migration. We refer to the crossing of the Greek-Turkish border of migrants and asylum seekers, as well as the arrival in August 2012, of a few tens of migrants in the islands under Spanish sovereignty opposite Melilla, but also to the crossing of the border fences of Ceuta and Melilla, although quantitavely limited. This is also the case of Frontex operations in the Mediterranean, and the progress of the construction of a wall on a portion of the border between Greece and Turkey.

On the issue of crossing of European borders and the landing of migrants, the media’s approach is two-fold: the more progressive media focuses on the safety of migrants and the respect of their rights, whereas more conservative or populist media focus on the “threat” posed by migrants.

Very little attention was given by the media to the establishment of the new Global Approach to Migration in the EU, as well as to the negotiations to conclude Partnerships with some North African countries, such as Morocco and Tunisia.

Another item that caught the media’s attention in most European countries was the spate of xenophobic and racist attacks that occurred in Greece last year. Similarly, the election result obtained by the Greek far-right party “Golden Dawn”, as well as statements and deeply xenophobic and racist proposals from its members and supporters, have left an impact on European media.

Still regarding Greece, attention has also been paid to the very complicated situation of foreigners in the country, between the violent xenophobic attacks on one side, and the effects of the crisis on the other other.

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The issue of migrants’ rights generally has very little place, although in some countries, such as Spain, the critical initiatives of the detention centres from civil society have received a surprising interest, although still limited, especially from the press. Moreover, the decision of the Spanish government to suspend access of undocumented migrants to public health has received some attention from European media.

The issue of political participation of migrants in the host societies, at least locally, is poorly covered. Where it is discussed, the dominant perception is often that of the assumed “ethnic vote”.

With regard to development aid, it continues to have very little visibility in the media, limited to announcements of budget cuts, or reactions from NGOs and civil society in response to these reductions of funds. In the context of economic recession and austerity policies, this information is unfortunately all too present, especially in the countries of Southern Europe, where reductions in funds for these areas are the largest. Similarly, at European level, very little attention has been given to the protests of NGOs and of civil society over the proposed budget cuts in this area made by the European Council, in the complex process of negotiation of the next EU budget for the period 2014 - 2020. In this context, co-development is an even less visible subject.

Finally, the role of migrants as actors in their own right in European societies, and as a potential resource through their intercultural skills, for the host societies in view of the crisis, is also generally absent in the mainstream media.

We are presenting here an indicative bibliography of scientific research pro-duced in 2012 on some of the topics interrelated to the dynamics of the subject “Migration and Development” and to the issue of integration and citizenship emerging in European current affairs.

Migration and development

ABOUSSI, Mourad, (dir.), 2012, El codesarrollo a debate, Comares Editorial, Granada,

BOURENANE, NAceur, BOURJIJ, Saïd, and LHÉRIAU, Laurent, 2011, “Reducing the Cost of Migrant Remittances to Optimize their Impact on Development. Financial products and tools for the Maghreb Region and the Franc Zone”, Report Agence Française du Développement - African Development Bank, December, 162 pp.

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DE HAAS, Hein, 2012, “The Migration and Development Pendulum: A Critical View on Research and Policy”, International Migration, Special Issue: Migration and Development Buzz ? Rethinking the Migration Development Nexus and Policies, vol. 50, No. 3, pp. 8–25.

CORTINA, Jeronimo, and OCHOA-REZA, Enrique, (dirs.), [in press, July 2013] , Managing Migration: Maximizing Development and Well-Being in Sending and Receiving Nations, Columbia University Press, New York.

DE HAAS, Hein, 2012, “The Migration and Development Pendulum: A Critical View on Research and Policy”, International Migration, Special Issue: Migration and Development Buzz ? Rethinking the Migration Development Nexus and Policies, vol. 50, n° 3, pp. 8–25.

GLICK SCHILLER. Nina, 2012, “Unravelling the Migration and Development Web: Research and Policy Implications International Migration”, Special Issue: Migration and Development Buzz ? Rethinking the Migration Development Nexus and Policies, vol. 50, No. 3, pp. 92–97.

HANSEN, Peter, 2012, “Revisiting the Remittance Mantra: A Study of Migra-tion–Development Policy Formation in Tanzania”, International Migration, Special

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Issue: Migration and Development Buzz ? Rethinking the Migration Development Nexus and Policies, vol. 50, No. 3, pp. 77–91.

HUGO, Graeme, 2012, “Migration and development in low income countries: a role for destination country policy?”, Migration and Development, vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 24-49.

MANSOOR, Ali, 2012, “A multi-year programme for enhanced international labour mobility within Africa and greater refugee self reliance: the GFMD 2012 chair’s proposal”, Migration and Development, vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 5-23.

NYBERG SØRENSEN, Ninna, 2012, “Revisiting the migration-development nexus: From social networks and remittances to markets for migration control”, International Migration, Special Issue: Migration and Development Buzz ? Rethin-king the Migration Development Nexus and Policies, pp. 61-76.

KLEIST, Nauja, and VAMMEN, Ida, 2012, “Diaspora Groups and Development in Fragile Situations. Lessons learnt”, DIIS (Danish Institute for International Studies) Copenhagen, Report 2012 No. 9, 84 pp.

KEUSCH, Marlene, and SCHUSTER, Nadja, 2012, European Good Practice Exemples of Migration and Development Initiatives (with a Particular Focus on Diaspora Engagement), Vienna, Vienna Institute for International Dialogue and Cooperation – CoMiDe, 68 pp.

OMELANIUK, Irena (dir.), 2012, Global perspectives on Migration and Deve-lopment (GFMD Puerto Vallarta and Beyond), Springer – IOM.

RIALLANT, Cécile, IRVINE, Joanne, and FABBRI, Luigi, 2012, “Local authorities: The missing link for harnessing the potential of migration for development”, Migra-tion Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, pp. 11-16.

SKELDON, Ronald, 2012, “Going Round in Circles: Circular Migration, Poverty Alleviation and Marginality”, International Migration, Special Issue: Migration and Development Buzz ? Rethinking the Migration Development Nexus and Policies, vol. 50, No. 3, pp. 43–60.

SANDERSON, Matthew R., 2013, “Does Immigration Promote Long-Term Economic Development ? A Global and Regional Cross-National Analysis, 1965-2005”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol 39, No. 1, pp 1-30.

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ANTHIAS, Flora, KONTOS, Maria, and MOROKVASIC-MÜLLER, Mirjana, (dirs.), 2013, Paradoxes of Integration : Female Migrants in Europe, Springer.

CARMEL, Emma, CERAMI, Alfio, and PAPADOPOULS, Theodoros, 2011, Migration and Welfare in the New Europe: Social Protection and the Challenges of Integration, Policy Press, Bristol.

DRONKERS Jaap, and VINK, Maarten Peter, 2012. ‘’Explaining access to citizenship in Europe: how citizenship policies affect naturalization rates’’, Euro-pean Union Politics, vol. 13, No. 3, pp. 390-412.

GUIRAUDON, Virginie, 2012, “Citizenship”, In ADLER-NISSEN, Rebecca, (dir.), Bourdieu in International Relations: Rethinking Key Concepts in IR, Routledge, London and New Yotk, pp. 207-219.

MOSCA, Davide, RIJKS, Barbara, and SCHULTZ, Caroline, 2012, “Health in the post-2015 development agenda: The importance of migrants’ health for sustainable and equitable development”, Migration Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, pp. 5-10.

PENNIX, Rinus, 2012, Research on Migration and Integration in Europe, Vos-siupers UvA, Amsterdam, 32 pp..

WALLACE GOODMAN, Sara, 2012, “Fortifying Citizenship: Policy Strategies for Civic Integration in Western Europe”, World Politics, vol. 64, No. 4, pp. 659-698.

ZAPATA BARRERO, Ricard, and TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, Anna, (dirs.), 2012, Addressing tolerance and diversity discourses in Europe. A compartative overview of 16 European Countries, Fundació CIDOB, Barcelona.

BATIC, Jelena, 2012, “The Effects of the World Financial Crisis on Economic Migration Trends in the EU”, Megatrend Review, vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 265-284.

BERNAT, Joan Serafi, and VIRUELA, Rafael, 2011, “The economic crisis and immigration: Romanian citizens in the ceramic tile district of Castelló (Spain)”, Journal of Urban and Regional Analysis, vol. III, No. 1, pp. 45-65

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COLECTIVO IOÉ, 2012,“Impactos de la Crisis sobre la Población Inmigrante. Encauzar la migración para beneficio de todos”, Organización Internacional para las migraciones (Representación en España), 189 pp..

COLLET, Elizabeth, 2011, “Immigrant Integration in Europe in a Time of Auste-rity”, Migration Policy Institute – Transatlantic Council on Migration, March, 30 pp.

European Migration Network, 2012, “Indications of the effect of the economic crisis from EU migration statistics in 2009”, EMN Inform, June.

JONJIC, Tamara, and MAVRODI, Georgia, 2012, “Immigration in the EU: poli-cies and politics in times of crisis 2007-2012”, EUDO Report, 2012/5, November.

KATSAS, Gregory, 2012, “Crisis and Migration: An Overview of Cultural and Ecoomic Effects”, ATINER Round-Table Discussion on the Global Crisis, March 17.

SKELDON, Ronald, 2010, “The Current Global Economic Crisis and Migration: Policies and Practices in Origin and Destination”, Working Paper T-32, University of sussex – Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty.

TILLY, Chris, 2011, “The impact of the economic crisis on international migration: a review”, Work Employment & Society, vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 675-692.

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4.2. Main texts adopted by the European Union in 2012 and significant European political events

On the 27 and 28 March 2012, the Regional Conference on North Africa

(Tunis) of the EC-UN Joint Initiative on Migration and Development was held in Tunis. In the conclusions, the participants stressed the need to provide civil society with “the necessary means to become effective players in the migration and development activities and effective partners in the process of policy making”, because of their limited capacity and resources. In addition, they report the “need to establish ‘alliances’ within civil society or with the government entities, both at national and transnational level”.76

On the issue of policy coherence on migration and development. It should be recalled that on June 19, 2012, a meeting of the European Migration Network

on the practical issues of the link between migration and development was held in Oslo. From the intervention of Jørgen Carling, emerge two main issues. First, the need to establish mechanisms for consultation, cooperation and policy coordination between officials for the regulation of migration, on the one hand, and for the promotion of development, on the other hand. Secondly, the need to design and implement policies to manage migration that provide support to development goals, or which at least address them77.

On 12 September 2012, the Commission presented a Communication on

“The roots of democracy and sustainable development: Europe’s engage-

78, in which it stressed that “an empowered civil society is a crucial component of any democratic system and is an asset in itself. It represents and fosters pluralism and can contribute to more effective policies, equitable and sustainable development and inclusive growth”. Three priorities for EU aid are presented in the Communication: “to enhance efforts to promote a conducive environment for CSOs [civil society organisa-

76. EC-UN Joint Initiative on Migration and Development, Regional Conference on North Africa, Tunis 27-28 March 2012, “The promotion of partnerships between government and civil society in the field of migration and development” – Reference document, 18 pp.77. Norwegian Directorate of Immigration, 2012, “Report from EMN Cluster Meeting on The Practical Side of the Migration-Development Nexus, Oslo 19 June 2012”, Norwegian Directorate of Immigration – Deparment of Strategy and Coordination.78. European Commission, 2012, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, to the Council, to the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “The roots of democracy and sustainable development: Europe’s engagement with Civil Society in external relations”, Brussels, 12 September, COM(2012) 492 final

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tions] in partner countries; to promote a meaningful and structured participation of CSOs in domestic policies of partner countries, in the EU programming cycle and in international processes; to increase local CSOs’ capacity to perform their roles as independent development actors more effectively”. The Commission stresses that at the operational level, “if the principles of concentration and differentiation79 will be taken into account, a more strategic engagement with CSOs will be mainstreamed in all instruments and programmes and in all sectors of cooperation”. According to the forecasts of the communication, the EU will apply the provisions in its political and strategic dialogues with partner countries. The EU also provides for the possibility to “suspend cooperation with the national authorities and to strengthen support to local populations through CSOs”, when third countries break or slacken their commitment towards human rights and fundamental values. The example chosen is that of Tunisia, where the govern-ment in charge after the Jasmin Revolution could benefit from a programme of support for the country’s economic recovery, provided it adopted a new law on freedom of association.

On 25 October 2012, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on the EU Policy Coherence for Development80, wherein it stated that “there are clear inconsistencies in the EU’s trade, agriculture, fisheries, climate, intellectual property rights, migration, finance, arms and raw materials policies which affect development goals”. In addition, the Parliament notes that different instruments (the external dimension of the two new funds of DG Home Affairs, the “migration and asylum” component of the new programme on global public goods, and the financing instrument for cooperation in development) cover similar thematic areas, even if they are considered from different angles.

In the part of the resolution on migration, the Parliament noted that “the brain drain can cause serious problems in developing countries, especially in the health sector” and asked the Commission “to monitor the effects of the Blue Card system on developing countries and take corrective action if necessary”.

With regard to the external dimension of immigration policy in Europe, it notes that “it has to be guaranteed that mobility partnerships are consistent with the international human rights legal framework” and calls on the EU “to prevent

79. As proposed in the new policy framework for the development of the EU, the “Agenda for Change”, the bilateral cooperation in EU development will focus on a maximum of three areas in each partner country and the resources will go to the countries which have the greatest need, particularly those in a fragile situation, where their impact on poverty reduction could be the greatest.80. European Parliament, 2012, Resolution of the European Parliament of 25 October 2012 on the Union’s 2011 report on policy coherence in development, 2012/2063(INI), online at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+TA+P7-TA-2012-0399+0+DOC+XML+V0//FR

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conditionality in development aid relating to migration reduction, in both bilateral and multilateral negotiations”. In addition, it proposes to put in place safeguards to prevent Member States from using the external dimension of funds for Migration and Asylum “to simply reduce immigration from developing countries”. Similarly, it recalls the key impotance of migrants and human rights in immigration policy. Regarding the role of diasporas and their members who returned to their countries as development actors, it considers it necessary to involve them as much as possible in these initiatives, according to their “particularly important role in the context of the European financial crisis”.

The Parliament also stresses the need to take into account the policy cohe-rence for development (PCD) and human rights in the planning and management of external and internal funds working on migration issues. It also invites the Commission and the African, Caribbean and Pacific states (ACP) “in the ongoing revision of the ACP-EU Agreement, to include in Article 13 the principles of circular migration and its facilitation by granting circular visas”, while it stressed that the increased respect for human rights and fair treatment of nationals of ACP countries “is seriously compromised by bilateral readmission agreements with transit countries”. The Parliament also considers that the EU should focus on the links between migration and development policies and constantly provide information to people about the benefits of these links. Finally, it calls on the Commission and Member States to pay more attention “to the participation and integration of migrants, particularly women and children, in receiving countries, and on the portability of social rights”.

On 21 and 22 November 2012, the -

lopment 2012 (GFMD) was held at Port-Louis, Mauritius, discussing the issue of “Improving human development of migrants and their contribution to the development of communities and States”. In this regard, it should be noted that many participants, especially among migrant organisations are not satisfied with how the GFMD treats the partnership and that they highlight deficiencies in the possibilities of ownership of migrants and their organisations. During this forum, perplexity developed among migrant organisations: the GFMD seemed to become a superficial process, and that only donors and the few “affluent” among the migrant organisations are allowed to join. Moreover, small organisations which work at local level are far removed from the mechanisms of how the process works, and even less connected with each other, which requires a programme of capacty building to improve the understanding of the relationship between the local, national and international level, as well and international advocacy.

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From the 26th to the 28th of September 2012, the 25th General Assembly

of the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) was held in Cadiz (Spain), on “Decentralisation, Democracy, Development: Innovation in 3D”; this triannial meeting allows the European community members to share their practices on specific topics, including new models of sustainable develop-ment. On January 30, 2013, at the Paris meeting of the CEMR, a debate was organised on the contribution of the local governments to a new development model in Europe and the world.

On 27 February 2013, the Commission presented the Communication “A decent

life for all: ending poverty and giving the world a sustainable future81”, to outline the strategy against poverty, in the post-MDGs framework (Millenium Development Goals) in conjunction with the context of the Rio+20 conference on sustainable development. With the aim of ensuring “a decent life for all” by the year 2030, the Communication proposes a common EU approach to these issues, identifying the main challenges and key opportunities on a global scale and provides a review of the MDGs. It then emphasises the drawing up of sus-tainable development goals (SDG) as a key component of a future framework. It also indicates the possible integration of these SDG in the relevant UN processes.

With regard to the issue of migration and development, it should be noted that the public consultation launched by the Commission in the drafting phase of the Communication, showed, among the points of convergence on future priorities, the will to ensure that poor countries and civil society are actively involved in developing the post-2015 framework, as well as the need to improve the financing of development and policy coherence for development.

Among the reservations of civil society following the proposal of the Com-mission, the NGO Concord was critical vis-à-vis certain elements on the global effort against poverty after 2015. Indeed, Concord believes that few proposals are made to achieve sustainable development for all, especially for the poorest. Concord also noted the limits of accountability mechanisms to ensure that leaders and countries fulfill their commitments82.

81. European Commission, 2013, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, to the Council, to the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “A decent life for all: ending poverty and offering the world a sustainable future”, Brussels, 27 February, COM(2013) 92 final.82. Concord, 2013, “Reaction to new EU position of future development agenda”, 27 February, http:www.concordeurope.org.

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© Sithadairy

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In the area of border control, it should be noted that in October 2012, Germany, Austria, Belgium, France, Luxembourg and the Netherlands asked by letter to the Commission to reintroduce visas for some Balkan countries (Albania, Bosnia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia) in order to stop a “massive influx” of “fake asylum seekers”. On 25 October 2012, the EU warned the petitioning countries regarding the reintroduction of the visas.

On 17 December 2012, the LIBE Committee (Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs) of the Parliament approved a text to extend access of security forces

(which centralises individual data on asylum seekers and undocumented migrants), in the context of strengthening the fight against crime and terrorism. Thus issues of asylum and illegal immigration are mixed with crime and terrorism, even if the EU Court of Justice had previously ruled that irregular residence is not a crime in itself.

In March, the European Ombudsman opened an , by request of various civil society actors. On 2 October 2012, an was

envisaged by the under its new mandate, to ensure that its operations (management of migrants intercepted or in the procedures of their return to their countries) comply with international standards, and especially the right to international protection. It should be recalled that, earlier, the European Parliament had expressed the Council’s concern about the lack of control of the Frontex operations.

The issue of the respect of rights by the EU, its agencies, as well as by the Member States is further amplified by the concession, on 10 December 2012, of the , in recognition of six decades of peace, reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe.

Still on the subject of borders, on 7 November 2012, the Commission adopted a EU visas” and made recommendations to improve cooperation and harmonisation of practices. The same day, the Commission also presented a Communication proposing

on the basis of reciprocity, to facilitate tourism flows in both directions.

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On 28 February 2013, the Commission proposed to implement a border” package, to strengthen and quicken border control procedures of forei-gners travelling to the EU. The package consists of two parts: a “Registered

Traveller Programme” that would allow the latter to enter the EU using simplified border controls; “Entry/exit system” that would record the time and place of entry and exit of third-country nationals who travel within the EU.

In terms of migration cooperation agreements with third countries, on 11 May 2012 a was signed, providing for the readmission of irregular Iraqis and the opening of negotiations on a read-mission agreement applicable to third-country nationals and stateless persons83.

On 26 September 2012 a Convention between the EU and Mauritania was signed, addressed to produce a “better statistical knowledge” of entries and exits from the Mauritanian territory, to “fight against human trafficking” and “protect the weakest and ensure respect of international rules on the rights of asylum”. On this occasion, EU aid amounted to eight million Euro, but it must be remembered that, since 2011, the technical and financial assistance from the EU funded the establishment of more than 60 border control posts.

On 21 June 2012 in Brussels, the EU and Turkey signed a readmission

agreement, in the wake of an EU agreement to grant visa facilitations to Turkish nationals. This issue was a condition of the Turkish government to initialise the agreement, which had been blocked after finalising negotiations.

“Dialogues on migration, mobility and security” were launched by the EU with Tunisia and Morocco. In this regard, a meeting was held in Rabat, on 28 May 2012, to seek the completion of a readmission agreement and negotiate more flexibility in the visa system. Discussions were initiated between the EU and Tunisia on the Mobility Partnership, on 6 December 2012 in Tunis.

On 24 February 2013, Morocco and the EU concluded negotiations on a

political declaration for the forthcoming signing of a Mobility Partnership, which is a first for this bilateral instrument of cooperation in migration84. In this context, the Commission President, José Manuel Durao Barroso, stressed the immediate opening of negotiations for visa facilitation for certain categories of Moroccan nationals (students, researchers and business men and women) and

83. It should be noted that Iraq is not a signatory to the Geneva Convention on the status of refugees, thus, in 2011, Iraqi nationals were the second group to which the EU granted a form of international protection.84. “Morocco-EU. Political agreement on a Mobility Partnership”, Le Matin, 1st March 2013, http://www.lematin.ma/journal/Maroc-UE-_Accord-politique-sur-un-Partenariat-pour-la-mobilite-/178642.html

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drew a profile of “full mobility of Moroccan citizens without a visa”. Similarly, the EU intends to strengthen the capacity of Morocco from the legislative, insti-tutional and operational aspect in different areas related to migration, including: the fight against illegal migration, smuggling and human trafficking, and the establishment of a national asylum and international protection system. Another area of partnership focuses on the issue of “migration and development” where, to maximise the positive impact of migration on development, the EU provides more support for initiatives taken by Moroccan nationals in the EU.

Both in the case of the Partnership with Morocco and the one with Tunisia, one must take note of the !"#!$%#&'"(')*#+'!,-,.'&"!,$/+'"%0*#,&*/,"#&1 both within the EU and in both countries to the south of the Mediterranean, which appealed to the parties involved in the conclusion of these agreements “on the preliminary basis of an absolute guarantee of the rights of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers”. Moreover, they ask the EU to “transform the place now assigned tothe promotion and respect of human rights in its new neighbourhood policy on migration and its stated desire to promote the free movement of nationals of partner countries into concrete actions”. Finally, they appeal to the authorities to adopt a transparent and participatory approach and consult civil society in the context of these negotiations85.

The EU is also considering the feasibility of partnerships with other countries in the south and the east of the Mediterranean86. In addition, it is planned to establish “common agendas for migration and mobility”, an instrument of bila-teral cooperation between the EU and third countries to which the instrument of mobility partnership does not apply87.

Finally, on 27 November 2012, the Commission adopted a proposal for the signing of agreements on readmission and visa facilitation with Armenia.

In the Mediterranean context, it should also be noted that on 11 October 2012 the first meeting of the Euromed Migration III project was held on the theme of “integration of knowledge in the development of migration policies”, bringing

85. See Euro-Mediterranean Networks on Human Rights, 2012, “Mobility Partnerships with Tunisia and Morocco: guarantees for the rights must be preliminary to any agreement”, online: http://www.euromedrights.org/fra/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Partenariat-pour-la-mobilit%25C3%25A9_FINAL_FR.pd ; see also Euro-Mediterranean Networks on Human Rights, “Mobility Partnerships EU – Tunisia: Reduced mobility and without rights?”, 5 December 2012, online: http://www.euromedrights.org/fra/2012/12/05/partenariats-pour-la-mobilite-ue-tunisie-mobilite-reduite-et-sans-droits/.86. Council of the European Union, 2012 “Outcome of proceedings: High Level Working Group on Asylum and Migration (HLWG), 19 June 2012 – Summary of discussions”, 11 July, 11928/12.87. Council of the European Union, 2012 “Outcome of proceedings: High Level Working Group on Asylum and Migration (HLWG), 19 June 2012 – Summary of discussions”, 11 July, 11928/12.

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Eunomad at CEMR General Assembly, September 2012, Cadiz, Spain

together 29 representatives from southern partner countries, including Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, Morocco and Tunisia, as well as representatives of Frontex and the IOM. The four components of the project funded by the EU are: migration profiles (“horizontal transversal” component), the fight against illegal migration, legal migration, as well as the issue of “migration and development”.

Regarding the implementation of EU standards at the national level, one should point out the request made in February 2012 by the Commission vis-à-vis Austria, Cyprus and Greece who had not yet transposed the Directive on the Blue Card in the national legislation, notwithstanding the deadline set for 19 June 2011.

Simultaneously, the Commission decided to pursue an infringement procedure against Belgium, Luxembourg and Sweden, who had not yet applied the European standards on sanctions and measure against employers of irregular migrants.

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4.2.3. MIGRATION AND INTEGRATION

In May 2012, the EU Court of Justice handed down two judgements regar-

ding third-country nationals who had been long term EU residents.In the first (ECJ judgement in the case C-571/10 Kamberai), the Court decided

that Community law prohibits different treatment of nationals of Member States and third-country nationals in the field of housing benefits (according to the principle of equal treatment provided by the Directive on long-term residents). In the second (ECJ judgement in the case C-508/1), the Court established that a Member State may not impose excessive costs and disproportionate access to long-term residents and members of their families to a residence permit.

On 21 May 2012, the Commission presented a communication on “National

88”, in which it assesses the national Roma integration strategies on

the basis of the “EU Framework for national Roma integration Strategies” for the period up to 2020, adopted by the same Commission on 5 April 2011, but also on the basis of inputs from civil society and the contributions to the extraordinary meeting of the European Platform for Roma inclusion, held in Brussels on 22 March 2012.

In this regard, it should be remembered that the of the European Union, published a report in 2012 on the implementation of

in the laws and practices in the EU. The report analysed the objectives of the Directive and recognises the significant progress made, but also the remaining challenges to actually achieve racial and ethnic equality and how to address them89.

In 2012, the published its annual report on

fundamental rights in the EU90, which deals with different elements with regard to the migration issue and which reminds us that even if the Member States have the right to decide the conditions to be met to enter their territory and stay there, “once a person is physically present in the country, their fundamental rights cannot be ignored”.

The agency first noted that “detention is the tool most often used to prevent migrants from fleeing, although most EU Member States have introduced in their

88. European Commission, 2012, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, to the Council, to the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “National Roma Integration Strategies: a first step in the implementation of the EU Framework”, COM(2012) 226 final, Bruxelles, 21 May 2012.89. FRA - Fundamental Rights Agency of the European Union, 2012, The Racial Equality Directive: implementation and challenges, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, 32 pp..90. FRA - Fundamental Rights Agency of the European Union, 2012, Fundamental rights: challenges and achievements in 2011, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, 300 pp..

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legislation alternative solutions to detention”, also less unpopular and less costly. It also noted that “detention pending deportation remains a controversial topic in many Member States”, because of interventions by the European Court of Human Rights on the issue of the violation of Art. 5 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights, on the right of a person to freedom and security, and more specifically on the arbitrary nature or otherwise of detention.

With regard to forced returns, the agency stresses the need for a deep and independent control of the respect of fundamental rights, given that, despite forecasts of the Frontex code of conduct for the full respect of fundamental rights, only four States (Austria, Denmark, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) have set up supervisory bodies regarding return flights coordinated by Frontex91.

The report of the Fundamental Rights Agency stresses in particular that the irregular migrants face barriers to access to their fundamental rights, both in terms of health and education92. Regarding the integration of third-country nationals, the report stresses that this process should be based on solid guarantees with respect to human rights and equal treatment. In this regard, the agency points out that in the EU, the set of rights granted to a person depends on his status (irregular migrants only enjoy certain minimum rights: asylum seekers are subject to a targeted legislation) and that this fragmentation of the rights ignores the fact that people often pass from one category to the other.

Finally, the agency notes that, in some of the recently adopted policies, one finds “ample evidence of the persistence of the phenomena of discrimination against minorities in many areas of life, including employment, housing, health care and education”93.

At the seminar on “The Criminalisation of Irregular Immigrants and

, held on 22 February 2013 in Brussels, the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe, Nils Muižnieks, said in his speech that the criminalisation of “irregu-lar” migrant residents “can be used to legitimise discriminatory ethnic profiling” citing the results of his investigation into the police checks, which revealed that the arrests of members of minority groups on public transport or on the street are much more common than those of the members of the majority population94.

91. In late 2011, thirteen Member States, related by the “Return” Directive had not established an efficient control system (Cyprus, France, Italy, Malta, Poland and Slovenia had not established any control system; in Belgium and Romania control is carried out by the same authorities responsible for the implementation of return operations; in Spain control (by the judiciary) is only foreseen in certain specific cases; in Bulgaria, Finland, Greece and Sweden control systems were not yet operational.92. For more details, see the analysis section later in this document. 93. Ibid.94. FRA - European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, “FRA takes part in seminar on the criminalization of irregular immigrants and minorities in Europe”, 1 mars 2013, http://fra.europa.eu/

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In its conclusions of 27 November 2012 on the participation and the social

inclusion of young people, in particular young immigrant people95* the Council emphasised, among other elements, that “the successful integration of migrants is essential for prosperity, mutual understanding and communication not only of the migrants themselves and the local community, but also of the EU as a whole, since it contributes to economic growth as well as to the cultural wealth”. It also recognised that social inclusion strategies “should facilitate the participation of young people from immigrant families in the democratic, eco-nomic, social and cultural life” and stressed the need to promote “intecultural dialogue and understanding; especially by actively associating to social life people from different cultural backgrounds, and thus by fighting discrimination, racism, xenophobia and other forms of intolerance”. Similarly, the Council decided on the need to actively engage local, regional and national authorities in the implemen-tation of social inclusion policies, “intensifying their cooperation in addressing the issues related to migration”.

Finally, it noted the need to encourage “cross-sectoral cooperation and synergy between the various actors dealing with migration issues at the nationa, regional and European levels.”

95. “Conclusions of the Council and the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, meeting within the Council of 27 November 2012, on the participation and the social inclusion of young people, in particular young people of immigrant origin (2012/C 393/05)”, Official Journal of the European Union, C 293, 19 December 2012, pp. 15-20.

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External Affairs, Development and Cooperation

to the new proposed regulation on macro-financial assistance: “Emergency finan-cial assistance provided by the EU to neigbouring countries in financial difficulty should depend on the respect for human rights and democracy”; 23 May 2012.

-tnership Agreements (EPAs), proposing to grant a further two years (until 2016) to African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries in difficulty to negotiate their EPAs before withdrawing their free access to the European market (Botswana, Namibia, Cameroon, Fiji, Chana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, and Swaziland; the nine poorest countries of the ACP are not affected by EPAs: Burundi, Comoros, Haiti, Lesotho, Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia); 21 June 2012.

be better targeted and the control of the EP needs to be ensured; MEPs also emphasised that partner countries should be involved in the national, regional and local level, and at each stage of the programme and ask to pay particular attention to the participation of civil society; 9 July 2012.

“EU development policy should strive to make countries that receive aid [the middle-income countries] more responsible for their own people”; the MPs fear that the new European agenda for development (“Increasing the impact of EU development policy: an agenda for change”) is too focused on economic growth as the main objective whereas the main objective should be to eradicate poverty; 10 July 2012.

-teral development assistance cannot be based solely on per capita income, as proposed by the Commission in its draft reform of development aid. It required a broader approach and underlines the challenges of poverty and inequality in the “middle-income countries in the higher bracket”, which would lose the bilateral EU assistance under the Commission’s project; the Development Committee also requests that transition periods are applied during the phasing out of aid pro-grammes for specific countries, and that specific programmes are implemented during that period, covered by the DCI; 18 September 2012.

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the EU to ensure that development policy surpasses its structural weaknesses, becomes a clear priority, and is not hindered by inconsistencies between com-mercial, agricultural, fishing or other policies; 23-24 October 2012.

proposal by the President of the Council Van Rompuy to significantly reduce deve-lopment aid and humanitarian aid (he proposed a 13 % reduction of the budget for section 4 – external relations, and 11 % for the EDF), in a letter in view of the negotiations on the budget this week. A reduction of this investment would be a false saving of money and would affect the poorest people in the world, they warned; 6 February 2013.

approves the second revision of the Cotonou partnership agreement between the EU and the ACP countries, but also expressing serious concerns about the lack of binding clauses on human rights; 19 March 2013.

Justice and Home Affairs

Dutch government to condemn the website of the Party For Freedom (PVV) -which invites Dutch citizens to complain about Eastern Europeans living in their country - as it undermines free movement of people and openly encourages discrimination; 15 March 2012.

-sonal workers from outside the EU to benefit from labour rights and basic living conditions, such as minimum wage and decent housing, as well as the right to join a union and have access to social secuirity, pensions and public services (except for social housing and placement services); 25 April 2012.

-sing that fundamental rights must be respected in all cases when applying this strategy; 22 May 2012.

Liberties, in which parliamentarians criticised violations of migrant, LGBT people, women and national minorities human rights, among others. The parliamentary committee regrets the collective expulsions of citizens of Roma origin from Member States, and regrets the lack of response from the Commission. The MEPs strongly condemned the widespread use of detention to facilitate the

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return of migrants, including minors, and call on Member States to introduce alternative solutions into their national legislation. They also stressed that access to care is a fundamental right and urged national governments to implement it, especially for irregular migrants, in particular pregnant women and children; 13 November 2012.

border surveillance EUROSUR; MPs argued that protecting the lives of migrants and refugees, especially those who are in distress at sea, must be one of the main objectives of the new system; in this regard, the draft was amended to adequately reflect in the legislation the need to save lives. According to the MPs, EU countries should respect migrant human rights and personal data, when they use Eurosur; 27 November 2012.

© Fondation ‘Afrique Autrement’

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From a financial point of view, negotiations continued in 2012 within the Euro-pean institutions in order to define the 2014-2020.

With regard to the funds related to EU external action, on 7 December the Commission had presented a document detailing its proposals for the various instruments for external assistance under the EU budget96. The total amount pro-posed for the nine instruments amounted to 96,249 billion Euro during the period 2014-2020. However, faced with the difficulty in reaching an agreement with the other European institutions, the Commission revised its proposals downwards and currently plans to allocate to the related to EU external action70 billion Euro. For its part the Council proposes not to exceed the amount of 58.7 billion Euro97.

Furthermore, on 13 March 2013, the European Parliament adopted a resolution to negotiate the budget for 2014-2020 with the Council and the Commission. The Parliament rejected the European Council’s conclusions of 8 February 2013 and a majority of elected representatives from different political families disapproved the cuts proposed by the Council.

In this regard, the European NGOs expressed their concern over proposals to reduce the budget for development cooperation and warned that further reduc-tions in the EU budget would affect the funding for development cooperation98.

Apart from the “Europe in the world” component, it is also noteworthy that currently an allocation of 3.4 billion Euro is foreseen for the new on asylum and migration for the period 2014-2020, although discussions are still ongoing.

The total amounts proposed by the component “Europe in the world” and the distribution among the different instruments that comprise it are given in detail in the following diagram, where the figures are compared to the Commission’s previous proposals, as well as to the Council’s proposals and the current president of the European Council, Herman Van Rompuy :

96. European Commission, 2011, The Multiannual Financial Framework: The Proposals on External Action Instruments, Brussels, 7 December, MEMO/11/878.97. “The Council proposes not to exceed 58.704 million Euro for the entry Europe in the World – Conclusion (Multiannual Financial Framework) of the Council, 7-8 February 2013”, EUCO 37/13, 8 February 2013.98. “European NGOs warn that further reductions in the EU budget would affect the funding for development cooperation”, http://www.ong-ngo.org/, 8 February 2013.

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(DEC. 2011)

European Development Fund (EDF)

30,3 billion Euro

(H. Van Rompuy’s pro-

posal: 26,9 billion €)

34,276 billion €

Financing Instrument for

Development Cooperation (DCI)20,6 billion € 23,295 billion €

Instrument for Pre-accession

Assistance (IPA)12,5 billion € 14,11 billion €

Instrument de partenariat (IPA) 1 billion € 1,131 billion €

Instrument for Stability (IfS) 2,5 billion € 2,829 billion €

European instrument for

Democracy and Human Rights

(EIDHR)

1,4 billion € 1,587 billion €

Common Foreign and Security

Policy (CFSP)2,5 billion €

Humanitarian Aid Instrument 6,4 billion €

Civil protection and emergency

response capacity0,2 billion €

European voluntary Humanitarian

Aid Corps0,2 billion €

Instrument on cooperation on

nuclear safety0,56 billion € 0,631 billion €

Macro-financial assistance 0,6 billion €

Guarantee Fund for external action 1,26 billion €

Emergency aid reserve 2,45 billion €

TOTAL

70 billion €

(H. Van Rompuy

proposal: 60,67 billion

€; Council proposal:

58,704 billion €)

96,249 billion €

Source: European Commission, 2012, Amended Proposal for a Council Regulation laying down the multiannual financial framework for the period 2014-2020, COM (2012) 388 final, Brussels, 6 July

2012.

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4.3. News Analysis 2012 by Eunomad network and recommendations

The global financial and economic crisis which was officially acknowledged between 2007 and 2008 significantly changed the context of international migrations.

In the EU, the first consequence of the crisis on the phenomena of migration is a lower flow of people entering the EU territory. As noted in the “European Migration Network”, in 2009 legal immigration declined in 19 of the 26 EU countries just as the number of residence permits issued for remunerated activities (- 20% of admissions), and this inspite of a still positive migration balance (more entries than exits)99. In parallel, the number of persons whose entry was refused at the EU borders (- 21 %) decreased, emphasising, in our opinion, the fact that illegal migration is particularly sensitive to the reduction of available jobs.

These elements are confirmed by the analysis of Colectivo IOÉ’s researchers who have focused their work on the consequences of the crisis in Spain, a country which represents an extremely interesting case because of the recent changes in its migration flows, and the magnitude of the crisis. In this regard, they point out that, during the crisis, the growth in number of foreigners in the country has dropped significantly. The smallest increase was recorded among non-EU Europeans as well as among people from Latin America100.

Regarding the return movements, according to Jelena Batic, immigrants respond differently to the crisis, depending on the category to which they belong; the employment sectors most affected by the crisis are likely to produce more returns101. However, as pointed out by several authors, there are several factors that influence the return options. According to Chris Tilly, return migration

99. European Migration Network, 2012, “Indications of the effect of the economic crisis from EU migration statistics in 2009”, EMN Inform, June.100. COLECTIVO IOÉ, 2012, “Impactos de la Crisis sobre la Población Inmigrante. Encauzar la migración para beneficio de todos”, Organización Internacional para las migraciones (Representación en España), 189 pp. They note that between 2007 and 2011 the annual net immigration was reduced from 700.000 to 100.000 persons per year, which is due to a drop in immigration (from 915.000 to 408.000) coupled with an increase in exits recorded (from 198.000 to 305.000). Spanish 2011 data shows a negative balance as regards migration from South America and, to a lesser extent, from Africa.101. BATIC, Jelena, 2012, “The Effects of the World Financial Crisis on Economic Migration Trends in the EU”, Megatrend Review, vol. 9, n° 1, pp. 265-284. This author notes that the gap between the conditions of the countries of residence and the country of origin play a key role when determining the potential return or pernanence, eventually opting for family reunification. The migrants’ decision may also vary depending on their family relationships, work safety and the strength of the social and cultural ties with the host country.

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increases only in contexts where the circular mobility is facilitated, that is to say, the return becomes a more likely prospect since the opportunity to return later to the country of destination exists102. Similarly, for irregular migrants, the increasing limitations to the entry in the country of destination discourage the attempt to return, knowing that it will then be very difficult to enter the country of destina-tion again103. The responsibility to send money to family members who reside in the country of origin is another factor which discourages the return104. Other elements that restrict returns are social and family ties, and material, cultural, social and educational investments in the country of destination.

In parallel with the decline in regular and irregular migration flows to the countries in the North, there has been a rise in flows of migrants with a high level of training who cannot find jobs to match their qualifications, a phenomenon that is becoming more and more important in the countries of southern Europe, such as Spain, Portugal, Greece and Italy105.

Generally, the flow of refugees, migration due to marriage and family reunifi-cation should not be affected significantly by the crisis106. The wait for the visa and the reunification with family members puts the crisis in the background107.

102. TILLY, Chris, 2011, “The impact of the economic crisis on international migration: a review”, Work Employment & Society, vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 675-692.103. KATSAS, Gregory, 2012, “Crisis and Migration: An Overview of Cultural and Economic Effects”, ATINER Round-Table Discussion on the Global Crisis, March 17, p. 71.104. Ibidem, p.72.105. SKELDON, Ronald, 2010, “The Current Global Economic Crisis and Migration: Policies and Practice in Origin and Destination”, Working Paper T-32, University of sussex – Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty.106. BEETS, Gijs, and WILLEKENS, Frans, 2009, “The Global Economic Crisis and International Migration: An Uncertain Outlook”, Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute, Research Note for the European Commission (Demography Network of the European Observatory of the Social Situation and Demography), November.107. KATSAS, Gregory, 2012, “Crisis and Migration: An Overview of Cultural and Economic Effects”, ATINER Round-Table Discussion on the Global Crisis, March 17, p. 72.

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To consider the impacts of the crisis on the rights of migrants, it seems

necessary to dwell on the issue of work because of its implications not only in respect of the living conditions of the immigrant populations, but also of social cohesion and integration.

In this regard, Gijs Beets and Frans Willekend explain that the impact of the crisis on migration varies according to the occupational categories of the migrants, with affect mostly labour migration, in particular of low-skilled workers108. Gregory Katsas notes that the crisis produces a decrease in wages in various job categories, skilled and unskilled, but that this decrease affects in particular low-wage jobs, that is to say those which are probably held by the most marginalised groups such as the unskilled workers, women and immigrants109.

As the OECD clearly summarises, immigrants generally suffer from increased vulnerability during an economic crisis due to several factors: “ i) they tend to be overrepresented in sectors that are more sensitive to the economic cycle; ii) they have less secure contractual arrangements with more temporary and part-time work; iii) they are overrepresented in low-skilled jobs; iv) economic activities carried out by migrants can risk bankruptcy; v) they face potential discrimination in layoffs and hiring”110.

Based on the analysis of Colectivo IOÉ on the consequences of the crisis in Spain on migrants, between 2008 and 2011, 2.2 million jobs have been lost in this country. This was done in a differentiated manner among the different groups of workers: 11.5 % of the jobs lost corresponded to native workers, 15% to nationals of Latin America and non-EU European countries, and 21% to African nationals111. At first, the crisis destroyed temporary jobs, whereas after 2010 permanent jobs were also affected; however, in 2011 temporary employment grew again, in particular with regard to immigrant women112. A dynamic therefore appears in the replacement of permanent jobs with temporary and precarious positions (discontinuous work, part-time work, etc.). In the case of Spain, the crisis also produced a decline in the growth rate of the labour force, as well a

108. BEETS, Gijs, and WILLEKENS, Frans, 2009, “The Global Economic Crisis and International Migration: An Uncertain Outlook”, Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute, Research Note for the European Commission (Demography Network of the European Observatory of the Social Situation and Demography), November.109. KATSAS, Gregory, 2012, “Crisis and Migration: An Overview of Cultural and Economic Effects”, ATINER Round-Table Discussion on the Global Crisis, March 17.110. OECD, 2010, “International Migration and the economic crisis: Understanding the links and shaping policy responses”, in OECD, International Migration Outlook 2009, OCDE, Paris, p. 3.111. COLECTIVO IOÉ, 2012, “Impactos de la Crisis sobre la Población Inmigrante. Encauzar la migración para beneficio de todos”, Organización Internacional para las migraciones (Representación en España), 189 pp.112. Ibidem.

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slight decline in the participation rate of the immigrant population, rate which, however, increases for women because of their integration into the labour market as a result of the loss of income within households. Following the crisis, the rate of male unemployment was higher than that of women, with the exception of African migrants113.

The difference in employment opportunities between native and foreign workers, which already existed before the crisis, increased further thereafter, in favour of the former. Among employees, the wage gap between Spanish and foreign workers has widened further during the crisis. In addition to this discrepancy, there is that between men and women: the average salary of native women in 2010 represented 74.2% of that of Spanish men, while that of immigrant men reached 48.3% and that of immigrant women was limited to 39.3%114.

In a geographically broader context, Chris Tilly emphasises that generally migrants are more inclined to be forced to accept poor working conditions and wages in order to keep their job115.

Returning to the case of Spain, among migrants, the rotation between employ-ment and unemployment is increasing, together with long-term unemployment. In 2011, the unemployment rate of migrants was twice higher than that of natives: 39,1 % for the former and 18,4 % for the latter, African citizens being the most affected (49,3 %)116. Unemployment is particularly high among young people; however, for those born in Spain it decreases with age, while this decline does not occur in the case of young immigrants. In parallel, the number of households with all active members unemployed is increasing, particularly among Africans and Latin Americans117.

Among the unemployed, foreigners have more limited access to social ser-vices: in 2011, only 28 % of foreigners were entitled to unemployment benefits, compared to 68 % of Spaniards. In addition, amounts received by foreigners are

113. The most notable incorporations correspond to African women; during the expansive cycle of the economy, the number of active women increased by 29,000, and during the crisis by 95,000. Ibidem.114. COLECTIVO IOÉ, 2012, “Impactos de la Crisis sobre la Población Inmigrante. Encauzar la migración para beneficio de todos”, Organización Internacional para las migraciones (Representación en España), 189 pp. 115. TILLY, Chris, 2011, “The impact of the economic crisis on international migration: a review”, Work Employment & Society, vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 675-692.116. COLECTIVO IOÉ, 2012, “Impactos de la Crisis sobre la Población Inmigrante. Encauzar la migración para beneficio de todos”, Organización Internacional para las migraciones (Representación en España), 189 pp.117. Ibidem.

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on average lower than those received by natives. With regard to access to social protection, only half of the foreigners who lost their jobs during the crisis had access to it, since they were employed in the underground economy. In addition, more than a quarter of the employed foreign population is excluded from the social security system118.

These facts have an obvious impact on the lives of migrants and their families. The poverty rate among immigrant households (31%) exceeds by far that of the native population (19 %), but the State’s actions for redistribution of wealth significantly reduced poverty among the native households (from 31 % to 19 %), whereas, among migrants, this effect is much smaller (from 42 % to 31 %). Extreme poverty increased significantly between 2004 and 2009, and especially among migrants from outside the EU119.

All these factors have a significant impact also on the health conditions of the immigrant population, whose state of health among those aged between 25 and 49 years, is worse than that of the native population; the situation is even more delicate for the women with dependent children who live in households with economic difficulties120.

In the case of Spain, it must be added that the government, in its health system reform, has recently withdrawn free access to the public health system from irregular migrants121. This decision exacerbates the situation, since it is generally recognised that the living and working conditions of illegal immigrants have serious consequences on their health.

The right to health is a human right, which includes equal opportunities for all to enjoy the “highest attainable standard of physical and mental health”. This right was first stated in the preamble of the Constitution of the World Health Organi-sation (1946) and was later reaffirmed in Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, as well as in several other international legally binding treaties on human rights. Davide Mosca and his co-authors122 emphasise that “the exclusion of migrants from public health systems is not only a violation of migrants’ rights, it is also counter-productive from a public health perspective”, considering that their access to the health system improves the general level

118. Ibidem.119. Ibidem.120. Ibidem.121. See, among others, “Espagne: la réforme de santé exclut les sans-papiers”, Le Point, 1 September 2012, online at: http://www.lepoint.fr/monde/espagne-la-reforme-de-sante-exclut-les-sans-papiers-01-09-2012-1501511_24.php122. MOSCA, Davide, RIJKS, Barbara, and SCHULTZ, Caroline, 2012, “Health in the post-2015 development agenda: The importance of migrants’ health for sustainable and equitable development”, Migration Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, pp. 5-10.

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of public health. According to them, meeting the health needs of the migrants “should therefore be an essential component of any effective public health policy promoting sustainable results”. Moreover, a report by the EU Fundamental Rights Agency123 stresses that access to health care for undocumented migrants is limited to emergency in 19 EU countries, and migrants can be charged for that care in 11 of these countries, sometimes at unaffordable prices.

However, health is not the only area in which there are obstacles to the access of irregular migrants to their fundamental rights. According to this same report124, the right to education is another sensitive area, considering that “in most EU Member States, primary schools require a birth certificate, identity papers or other documents which irregular migrants are not able to produce”. The report also outlines that “the arrests near schools and hospitals and practices of repor-ting and data exchange between service providers and the courts, on the one hand, and immigration police, on the other, disproportionately hinder the ability of migrants to access their fundamental rights”. However, the agency stresses that “the fear of being caught and deported not only discourages migrants from accessing basic services” it prevents them from denouncing to the authorities the abuse and exploitation to which they are subjected”.

The impact of the crisis has not spared development assistance which, gene-rally, declines due to the global recession and austerity policies implemented in European countries. However, the magnitude of the reduction in resources for development activities and international solidarity in turn depends on the specific situation of each country.

As Concord said, “European countries are currently cutting aid, and even faster than their economies decline. We could see Europe enter into an era of austerity to help”125. According to this organisation, in 2011 there has been an increase in expenditure on development assistance in only three European countries: Italy (33 %), Sweden (10.5 %) and Germany (5.9 %). However, the case of Italy in particular, given that the increase is largely due to the debt relief and the costs associated with refugees. Assistance from France caused a significant change between 2009 and 2011, increasing from 0.46 % of GDP to 0.50 % in 2010, to decrease again in 2011 to the same level of two years before.

123. FRA - European Union Fundamental Rights Agency, 2012, Fundamental rights: challenges and achievements in 2011, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, 300 pp..124. Ibidem.125. “Concord: the EU closes its eyes on the development with drastic cuts in development cooperation”, http:www.ong-ngo.org, news 6 April 2012.

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In the other countries, declines are registered, which are often significant as in the case of Greece or Spain, where reductions respectively of 32.7 % in 2011 and of 49.7% in 2012 have been observed, to take the aid to the level of 0.15 % of the GDP126. In 2012, the situation in southern Europe seemed to worsen, given that Italy reduced its financial commitment by 34 %, Greece by 17 % and Portugal by 13.1 %127. The figures clearly indicate a divide between the Mediterranean countries and the countries of Central Europe, where aid continues, or increases slightly (in 2012, in Austria and in Luxembourg aid grew by more than 5 %).

The dramatic situation in certain countries pushed the European Commissioner for Development, Andris Piebalgs, to call on the EU Member States to meet their commitments in terms of aid128.

Meanwhile, if one observes the remittances of migrants, they are also affected by the crisis, but the decline is not as big as what one could foresee in terms of the economic and political situation. In this regard, Sanket Mohapatra and Ratha Dilip stress that the actual financial crisis, which unlike other economic crises affected mainly the richest countries, produced a decrease in remittances of 6% for 2009129. Despite this reduction, the importance of remittances in some countries of origin has increased compared to the rest of external aid. Never-theless, data from the World Bank emphasised that overall remittances from migrants came up by 6% in 2010130.

However, to fully understand the consequences of the crisis on the actions of co-development and international solidarity, it is also necessary to target civil society organisations which are an important pillar of this aid. These have gene-rally been affected by reductions in public funding following the crisis, to varying degrees depending on the country and type of organisations. As highlighted by the European Economic and Social Committee, the smaller civil society organisations (CSO) and those involved only at local level are part of those mostly affected by the crisis and austerity policies. They have been subject to government budgetary

126. See, among other sources, “España lidera la reduccion de la Ayuda Oficial al Desarrollo y lleva la cifra de coopéración a su mínimo historico”, Plataforma “2015 y más”, 3 April 2013, http://www.2015ymas.org/comunicacion/comunicados/opinamos/2013/308/espana-lidera-la-reduccion-de-la-ayuda-oficial-al-desarrollo-y-lleva-la-cifra-de-cooperacion-a-su-minimo-historico/#.127. Ibidem.128. “Development: Aid to developing countries falls because of global recession”, Euractiv, http://www.euractiv.fr/autres/andris-piebalgs-pousse-les-etats-membres-a-respecter-les-promesses-daide-17576.html/; see also http://www.oecd.org/newsroom/developmentaidtodevelopingcountriesfallsbecauseofglobalrecession.htm/129. MOHAPATRA, Sanket, and DILIP, Ratha, 2010, “The Impact of the Global Financial Crisis on Migration and Remittances”, in CANUTO, Ottaviano, and GIUGALE, Marcelo (eds.), The Day After Tomorrow: A Handbook on the Future of Economic Policy in Developing World, Washington DC, IBRD - World Bank, pp.297 – 320.130. TILLY, Chris, 2011, “The impact of the economic crisis on international migration: a review”, Work Employment & Society, vol. 25, n° 4, pp. 675-692.

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cuts both at the local and the regional level. According to the same source, in some cases the acuqisition of public funds has become a “zero sum game”, in the sense that CSOs are also competing for available funds, which are increa-singly limited131. In this regard, the European Economic and Social Committee recommends the development of mechanisms to encourage and support the actions “from the bottom” in order to make them sustainable, and according to a principle of “organising with formalising”. To do this, one must first recognise that civil society is increasingly “informal”, mobile, and, very often, deliberately detached from any institutional framework132.

According to the same European Economic and Social Committee, the European crisis has identified a greater need for CSOs to work jointly with governments in order to solve these problems as quickly as possible. However, the Committee noted that the possibilities of communication and interaction with decision-makers and political institutions have also deteriorated. The priorities of the discussion fora between the policy-makers and the CSOs, which previously tackled substantive, content and practical issues, were largely shifted to economic issues and issues of financial accountability133.

From a more strictly political standpoint, Marlene Keusch and Nadja Schuster stress that, regarding the interdepenence between migration and development, the populist and extreme right-wing parties continue to believe that the deve-lopment in the countries of origin can reduce migration from the South to the North134. This shows, in their opinion, that the root causes of migration have not yet been deeply analysed and properly understood. The political orientation which continues to prevail in the EU is the restrictive and rather negative approach to migration, based on the safe management of the borders and the “fight against illegal immigration”, to the detriment of a more open approach, based on human rights135.

Instead of restricitive migration policies, they actually recommend to build an approach based on human rights and freedom of movement, in order to take full advantage of the development potential of Diasporas and promote their

131. European Economic and Social Committee, 2012, “The Impact of the crisis on Civil Society Organisations in the EU”, 53 pp., http://ec.europa.eu/citizenship/pdf/eesc_qe-32-12-548-en-c_en.pdf132. Ibidem.133. Ibidem; see also RUBIO, Eulalia, 2009, “Social Europe and the crisis: Rethinking the agenda”, Policy Paper 36, Notre Europe, online: http://www.politiquessociales.net/IMG/pdf/Policypaper36-fr-Agenda_01.pdf 134. KEUSCH, Marlene, and SCHUSTER, Nadja, 2012, European Good Practice Exemples of Migration and Development Initiatives (with a Particular Focus on Diaspora Engagement), Vienna, Vienna Institute for International Dialogue and Cooperation – CoMiDe, 68 pp.135. Ibidem.

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transnational participation136. However, the EU does not seem to understand the concept of circular migration as the right to free movement between two or more countries, but rather as a possible movement of return, or return migration137.

Graeme Hugo shares this idea and points out that, to realise the full potential of migration to facilitate development in the regions of origin, a cultural change is needed on migration, especially in the countries of destination. As this author points out, we must “inject an element of sensitivity vis-à-vis development in migration policies of the countries of destination” so that migrations do not repre-sent a sacrifice for the latter, or a challenge to their autonomy138. Other authors stress the need for basic structural changes in the area of relationship between migration and development: mutual trust as well as the acknowledgement of the ongoing activities of the diaspora remains essential for a fair and sustainable cooperation between the diaspora, the governmental and non-governmental organisations139.

The good practices identified by the Joint Migration and Development Initia-tive (JMDI) of the European Commission and the United Nations have shown the importance of the link between the diaspora and migrants’ initiatives in local development processes in order to ensure sustainability and the impact on development. The most successful joint interventions with the diaspora and migrant associations are the result of strong partnerships with stakeholders from civil society, including the social partners, the private sector and, especially, local authorities140. In this regard, and, as pointed out by Cécile Riallant et alii, “without securing the rights of migrants, migrant integration and social cohesion in host communities, the contribution of migrants to development will never reach its full potential”141. As we have stressed, migrants belong to the most fragile social groups in various countries and are at greater risk of social exclusion.

One of the key elements for effective development policies consists of policy coherence in migration and development. However, basic steps forward need to be taken in this area. On paper, Article 208 of the Lisbon Treaty makes Policy

136. Ibidem.137. Ibidem.138. HUGO, Graeme, 2012, “Migration and development in low income countries: a role for destination country policy?”, Migration and Development, vol. 1, n° 1, p. 45.139. KEUSCH, Marlene, and SCHUSTER, Nadja, 2012, European Good Practice Exemples of Migration and Development Initiatives (with a Particular Focus on Diaspora Engagement), Vienna, Vienna Institute for International Dialogue and Cooperation – CoMiDe, 68 pp.140. In this regard, see RIALLANT, Cécile, IRVINE, Joanne, and FABBRI, Luigi, 2012, “Local authorities: The missing link for harnessing the potential of migration for development”, Migration Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, p. 11-16.141. Ibidem, p. 12.

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Coherence for Development (PCD) an obligation, formalising the fact that any European policy supports the needs of developing countries or at least should not run counter to the objective of poverty eradication142. However, despite the efforts made, civil society demands a more proactive implementation of the PCD in the context of all its policies. The aim of Concord, for example, is to ensure that the EU remedies, if necessary, the incoherence of its policies in relation to development goals.

Moreover, according to Concord, the commitment to PCD should result in a permanent willingness to make policy choices that could benefit poor people in developing countries143. In addition, Concord emphasises the need for the voices of populations affected by the lack of policy coherence to be heard, through the establishment of more appropriate systems (including formal complaint mecha-nisms), and for the proof of this lack of coherence to be established, and ensure that appropriate corrective action can be taken, as required by the obligation of PCD. Thus, the EU should reform several of its current policies affecting food security in poor countries, in the areas of trade, agriculture, financial regulation, climate and investment in foreign lands144.

Graeme Hugo, basing himself on the Australian policy of recruiting highly skilled workers, emphasises the need to reflect on the impact in the countries of origin, in particular with regard to the effects of “brain drain”. In his view, the policy can be modified to replace the loss of human capital in the regions of origin, targeting, for example, from the country of destination “certain immigrant recruitments to specific areas, where migration can have the most beneficial effects on the regions of origin”145.

According to the local-local logic of migration, the use of decentralised coope-ration as a tool to channel the capacities of migrants and destination communities to the communities of origin appeart to be extremely important, as it can promote the efficiency of migration and development activities through an increased connection with the migrant communities and the use of local knowledge and capabilities146.

142. CONCORD, 2012, “Spotlight on EU Policy Coherence for Development. A Lison Treaty provision. A Human Rights obligation”, 68 pp.143. Ibidem.144. Ibidem.145. HUGO, Graeme, 2012, “Migration and development in low income countries: a role for destination country policy?”, Migration and Development, vol. 1, No. 1, p. 45.146. RIALLANT, Cécile, IRVINE, Joanne, and FABBRI, Luigi, 2012, “Local authorities: The missing link for harnessing the potential of migration for development”, Migration Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, p. 13.

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For this reason, it is increasingly important to involve local authorities in the planning and implementation of socio-economic development. Given the local dimension of migration and development, local authorities are in the best position to capitalise on migration and the link with development147.

147. Ibidem, p. 12.

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Although the debate on migration is being conducted primarily on the national and international level, local authorities are increasingly responsible for consi-dering the effects of migration1. At the European Union level, the role of local governments in development has become an important element of the European approach to development since the 2005 revision of the Cotonou Agreement between the EU-ACP countries. For instance, in its 2008 Communication on “Local Authorities: actors for development”2, the European Commission emphasises that “the knowledge of the local authorities of the local context, as well as their proximity to local companies and to organisations of civil society, enables them to strongly foster local development and local governance objectives”. Also in its Communication, the European Commission believes that local authorities brought added value to the development process, especially because of “their ability to mobilise and to make the different actors work together, and to raise public awareness; their knowledge of the needs of people and their expertise in areas conducive to poverty reduction in the context of the UN MDG (urbanisation, water and sanitation, etc.); and their direct experience of regional development.”

For the period 2007-2013 the Commission has also developed the thematic programme “Non-State Actors and Local Authorities in Development3”, under the Financing instrument for development cooperation (DCI), which aims to encourage non-state actors and local authorities to be more involved in development issues, both within the EU and in the developing countries. More recently, the role of cities as central actors of integration policies was recognised at the 5th Confe-rence “Integrating Cities” of March 2012 in Amsterdam, where the cities and the European Commission planned to develop a strategic partnership on the issue4.

To ensure that the local agenda on migration and development works, Cécile Riallant et al, highlight the following key requirements: the establishment of links between migration and local governance; the establishment of links between development, on the one hand, and migrant integration and social cohesion; linking the “capital” of migrants with local development; linking local authorities with the discourse on migration at the national and international levels; increase policy coherence at national and local level, and linking migration to decentralised cooperation148.

148. RIALLANT, Cécile, IRVINE, Joanne, and FABBRI, Luigi, 2012, “Local authorities: The missing link for harnessing the potential of migration for development”, Migration Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, pp. 12 and ff.

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So it is not only a question of noting the role and the participation of local authorities in decentralised cooperation implying the participation of migrants in the country. The relevance of continuing to open European territories to the world in times of crisis appears to be a very effective alternative to the tension on identity issues. In this context, the co-development projects can participate in this renewed vision of the benefits of international solidarity on the territories of origin and life of the migrants. Thus it is all about considering the potential of the local authorities’ actions to promote migrants, their integration in the host societies under the local governance of diversity.

FIIAPP seminar, Abidjan, 13-15 June 2012

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We have outlined above how the economic crisis, as well as the resulting policies, affect migrants’ access to fundamental rights in Europe. In addition, in recent years, in Europe, there has been a surge of xenophobia and racism, particularly vis-à-vis migrants, with extreme peaks in some cases, as described earlier in this report. In parallel, the anti-immigration lobbies and certain populist and xenophobic parties exploit the crisis to promote their agenda149. As the Inter-national Labour Organisation also stresses, in times of crisis, migrant workers and their families are populations at risk exposed to discrimination, violence and manifestations of xenophobia150.

The impacts of migration are often felt most strongly at the local level, both in terms of effects on the local labour market, the size and demographics of the local population, or the need to provide public services151. The role of local authorities is therefore essential in the field of social cohoesion, which remains threatened both by the crisis and the austerity policies as well as by the heightened identity withdrawals, populism and xenophobia, but also integration problems. Local authorities are therefore in the front line to face the changes and opportunities that migration brings, which implies the need to ensure the rights of migrants and integration policies as a prerequisite for social cohesion152.

As pointed out by Altay Manco et al, “local communities%are the foundation of political life and a place of participation for all. It is at the level of the municipalities that democracy is exercised most directly: not only because of the smallness of the territory, but also because of the recognition of the daily concerns of the residents and the frequent contacts with the elected officials. The municipal entity produces and supports initiatives of global prevention, against exclusion, of maintenance of social, intergernerational and intercultural ties. It sould aim to integrate the population, as well as the correction of inequalities: generate social

149. See CASTELS, Stephen, and VEZZOLI, Simona, 2009, “The global economic crisis and migration: temporary interruption or structural change ?”, Paradigms, No. 2, June, pp. 68-75, as well as Council of Europe, 2009, Parliamentary Assembly, July, Doc. 11979.150. International Labour Organisation – Global Migration Group, 2009, “Fact-Sheet on the Impact of the Economic Crisis on Immigration Policies”, ILO-GMG, September.151. RIALLANT, Cécile, IRVINE, Joanne, and FABBRI, Luigi, 2012, “Local authorities: The missing link for harnessing the potential of migration for development”, Migration Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, p. 12.152. Ibidem.

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participation, equitable and sustainable development beyond the characteristics that differentiate the citizens”153.

In addition, the dialogue with migrant associations can have a multiplier effect on the potential of local governance of integration measures, by facilitating par-ticipation, ownership and accountability. The role that local authorities can play (and often play) for the rights of migrants and integration is considerable, and policies designed for the integration and the rights of migrants in local societies can simultaneously prevent dangerous social divisions and promote growth potential both in their community as well as in the communities of origin154.

For the local authorities of the host countries, initiatives which highlight and ecourage the role migrants play in both the society of origin and that of destination, can promote a positive image of migrant communities. In addition, strengthening the integration of migrants and making them participate actively in partnerships and dialogues with other parts of the local civil society can have extremely positive effects on local governance processes. In order to strengthen the capabilities of migrant communities it is also important to see that they participate fully in public and political life and that they can express their concerns in the host country.

Nevertheless, the extremely positive effects of the initiatives where the link between the cooperation activities of local authorities and the participation of migrants has been established clearly show that this is a very efficient means to promote the success of initiatives of decentralised cooperation and of “migration and development”, as well as to increase social cohesion155.

153. MANCO, Altay, DAFFLE, Anne, and CHARHON, Pascale, 201*, Roles of local authorities in the migration and development relationship”, Concept Note No. 1 EUNOMAD, p. 2.154 RIALLANT, Cécile, IRVINE, Joanne, and FABBRI, Luigi, 2012, “Local authorities: The missing link for harnessing the potential of migration for development”, Migration Policy Practice, volume 2, No. 6, December 2012-January 2013, p. 13.155 Ibidem.

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As recalled by Altay Manco $+%'l, the challenges faced at local level are conside-rable and municipalities represent an essential step to articulate diversity manage-ment, defined as “the promotion of intercultural relations and the enhancement of cultural differences through local action”156. In this regard, they emphasise the need for political representatives as well as local administration personnel to acquire new knowledge, but also new skills: “intercultural skills” which would bring a change in attitude towards diversity. In this context, intercultural gover-nance plays an important role: to develop a participatory, proactive and preventive approach in order to “create or support ‘contacts’ between persons and groups of different cultural origin about issues related to ‘living together’; include issues specific to minorities on the agenda of public actions; allow minorities to express their sinsitivities in the process of decision making; involve immigrant groups in public debate”157. Similarly, this intercultural governance requires the creation of “spaces for dialogue between professionals” crossing between the different sectors, as well as between professionals and associations.

However, the intercultural skills of migrants can prove to be very beneficial for the societies of the destination country. As noted by the Secretary General of the UN, Ban Ki-moon, “human mobility can be a tool to help us out of this economic crisis”158. The same view was shared by the IOM on several occasions, including in its Report on Migration in the World 2008 and in the SOPEMI 2009 report: human mobility can make more dynamic and efficient economies, which resumes the idea that times of crisis offer opportunities for innovation and productivity159.

At the 8th meeting of the European Forum on Integration of October 2012, civil society participants recall that migration is part of the solution to address the major challenges to which the European Union and societies are exposed. They emphasise that the important role played by migrant workes and migrant entrepreneurship is recognised by the majority of European SMEs and handcraft organisations. Migrants often have innovative approaches to markets and consumer

156. MANCO, Altay, DAFFLE, Anne, and CHARHON, Pascale, 2012, “Roles of local authorities in the migration and development relationship”, Concept Note No. 1 EUNOMAD, p. 2.157. Ibidem.158. BEETS, Gijs, and WILLEKENS, Frans, 2009, “The Global Economic Crisis and International Migration: An Uncertain Outlook”, Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute, Research Note for the European Commission (Demography Network of the European Observatory of the Social Situation and Demography), November, p. 10.159. Ibidem.

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needs. In this sense, the migrant workers were found to be complementary to the use of indigenous workers, whereas migrant entrepreneurs helped create jobs by setting up small and medium enterprises160.

In this regard, Catherine Wihtol de Wenden stresses the need to “make immi-gration an asset for Europe to seize, not a burden, by replacing a defensive attitude where immigration is stored in the security register with a proactive attitude to mobility”. According to her, one must “consider mobility as a global public good to defend, support and secure to ensure a positive impact in the regions of origin and destinations, based on a win-win approach, without considering that deve-lopment may be, in the short term, an alternative to migration”161.

However, to develop the full potential of migration as an opportunity for social and economic growth, it is necessary to promote integration and social cohesion. As Gijs Beets and Frans Willekens emphasise in their proposals for the future policy guidelines to take in respect of migration, it is necessary to adequately protect migrants from xenophobia and discrimination in employment and in the social sphere162. To do this, as pointed out by the OECD, it is essential that “the states reverse their budget cuts with regard to integration, as it is shown that during a period of recession, these measures have deeply negative and long-term effects on the integration of immigrants, as well as on social cohesion”163.

160. European Integration Forum, 2013, Statement on “The Contribution of migrants to economic growth in the EU”, 20 February.161. WIHTOL DE WENDEN, Catherine, 2008, “Demography, Immigration, Integration”, Robert Schuman Foundation – European issues, 13 October, 17 pp., accessible online at: http://www.robert-schuman.eu/doc/questions_europe/qe-111-112-113-fr/.162. BEETS, Gijs, and WILLEKENS, Frans, 2009, “The Global Economic Crisis and International Migration: An Uncertain Outlook”, Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute, Research Note for the European Commission (Demography Network of the European Observatory of the Social Situation and Demography), November, p. 10.163. OCDE, 2010, “International Migration and the economic crisis: Understanding the links and shaping policy responses”, in OCDE, International Migration Outlook 2009, OECD, Paris, p. 3.

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.5.

RECOMMENDATIONS

BY THE EUNOMAD NETWORK

Particularly in the context of a persistent crisis in Europe, ensure that migration policies are based on the respect of fundamental rights, the right to family life and reunification, as well as the well-being of families; ensuring access to rights and to social security systems for all, without discrimination based on origin and administra-tive status; ensure working conditions that respect the rights of migrant workers, in order to promote social cohesion; implement mechanisms to support the portability of their rights.

management policies from co-development policies which do not concern the same public, and refrain from subjecting development assistance to the condition that migrants return to their territory of origin; separate geographical development priorities from those of the political management of migration flows; refrain from subjecting migrant mobility to the condition that country of origin collaborates on migration management.

its effects here and there; understand the relationship between migration and deve-lopment in all its dimensions so that it strengthens the social, political, cultural and economic integration of migrants in the EU countries

cultural and social construction of Europe, helping to develop a common ideal based on a shared history, especially on the occasion of the European Year of Citizens 2013.

easing access procedures to visas, particularly in the context of the establishment, the conduct and monitoring of transnational cooperation projects.

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development and decentralised cooperation which enable the full enhancement of the skills and the role of migrant associations (decentralisation of support mechanisms).

on a European scale.

-ment assistance.

support systems for migrants and their associations in Europe and their homeland; ease administrative and financial rules on funding mechanisms and adapt them to the realities of migrants’ associations by developing calls for projects which take into account the specific community projects led by migrants, taking root both in the territories of origin and of residence.

organisations, migrant association, research institutes and local authorities in defining policies on migration and development.

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.6.

ACTIVITIES OF EUNOMAD

IN 2012-2013

6.1. Eunomad’s Country platforms activities

Germany

Presentation of EUNOMAD German platform

The members of the German platform of EUNOMAD are the Migrant Council of the Hanseatic City of Rostock (MIGRO), its friends’ association FABRO, the Migrant Association network of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (MIGRANET-MV) and the Migration Development and Participation Association (MEPa).

health services

The “SprInt Rostock” is part of a nationwide joint project implemented in dif-ferent locations in a total number of nine federal States. Agencies for language and integration are being built and expanded in each of the nine locations.

“SprInt Rostock” provides the opportunity to make contact with qualified persons who have an adequate linguistic and cultural background, who can teach language classes and who can give their support to the specialised staff of health, social and education institutions in order to facilitate interaction with immigrants.

These mediators receive a training organised in the framework of the project and are familiar with the culture of the respective countries. In this way, they not only act as interpreters, but also as intercultural mediators. This enables all the parties concerned to be able to express their concerns in a precise manner and to solve them more rapidly. Therefore, the chances for successful counselling, care or treatment are improved. The institutions involved are administrative bodies, surgeries, schools, child day-care centres and social services.

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the development of territories

It is important to know the context of the creation of the association Dien Hong to understand the proactive approach of its members in favour of coexistence and intercultural mediation.

Following race riots in 1992 in Rostock, Vietnamese migrants decided to take their own destiny in their hand and to maintain contacts with the German inhabi-tants of Rostock in the fight against violent and xenophobic attitudes. “Dien Hong - Together under one roof”, the name of the association, echoes the riots when migrants had to take refuge together in a common shelter to protect themselves.

Moreover, the association has demonstrated in its existence different capabi-lities: appropriate techniques of translation skills (to interpret sensitive cultural contexts), intercultural mediation capacity in the fields of social, health and education, conflict resolution related to intercultural misunderstandings, ability to conduct and evaluate intercultural projects.

Another important aspect is the ability of the association and its members have developed to assess, through questionnaires and interviews, the changing of attitudes and needs within the structures of intervention; this favours their social recognition as active actors in the social field in the city. For this reason, the City of Rostock recognizes and supports the program Sprint Rostock.

Migrantissimo

© FABRO

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Belgium

2012 news

The Belgian platform currently consists of the following members: CUNIC - Charleroi University, COOD - Centrum voor ondersteuning, Onderzoek en Documentatie, ARAKS Armenian Cultural Centre, AEDAF, TRANSFAIRES, Africa in a book, le Kap, African women, North-South health, APODI, FORA, AFRIBEL, ABEC, IRFAM - Research, Training and Action Research Institute for Migration.

In 2012, the Belgian platform conducted the following activities:

and Agency meetings

and Development

practices and involvement of representatives of the Belgian platform in the European Capitalization workshop held in Milan in January 2013

of advocating the European network

The primary activities of the association in Belgium are related to social, family

and intercultural mediation, improving understanding and mutual recognition between natives and foreigners, assistance with exercising rights for foreigners, elimination of illiteracy as a tool for developing citizenship, organising conferences and debates, and involvement in citizenship activities and other various programs.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the association conducts inter-national solidarity activities with the following aims: to support the independence of the rural Congolese class, offer assistance to the Congolese population with pharmaceutical products and other required products, support childhood through supporting three orphanages in Kinshasa.

The link between activities in Belgium and in the DRC is provided by the Asso-ciation Coordinator, Community Advisor who seeks to involve local authorities as

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much as possible in guiding activities in DRC and by encouraging decentralised cooperation partnerships between Belgian and Congolese towns.

the development of territories

The intercultural competencies of association members are as follows:awareness of social, economic and cultural context in DRCexpertise in childhood practices, independence of populations in the Southexpertise in practices related to partnership files between origin territories and

the life of migrantsexperience in Belgian-Congolese solidarity and assistance practices ability to negotiate with local authorities in the Walloon region in the context

of cooperation activities for childhood in DRCexperience of cultural, citizen and democratic codes in Belgian society, in

particular in the French-speaking area in Walloon.

The association signed up to the «Intercultural Charter» thereby supporting its visibility of its specific competencies in this field. The association coordinator, due to his migration career and his political and citizen experience in Walloon, acts as a real mediator for decentralised cooperation with local Walloon elected representatives by making them aware of the international solidarity challenges with DRC and citizenship and integration challenges for migrants in Walloon.

© IRFAM

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Spain

2012 news for the platform

During 2012, the Spanish platform of the EUNOMAD network conducted several activities.

In March 2012, a conference on co-existence was organised in Tortosa, as part of the intercultural community involvement project (ICI project) of «Obra Social la Caixa» and of community process which leads the co-existence network (CCEII).

In June 2012, a conference on co-development was organised in Valencia for the second presentation of the «Spanish Eunomad Report: State of affairs of migration and development in 2011».

In July 2012, the presentation of European and Spanish 2011 Eunomad reports was held in Madrid. Still in the same month, a seminar on coordination and inter-institutional cooperation was held, focused on steps to promote social identity links between the diaspora and the origin country, supported by FIIAPP (Funda-ción Internacional y para Iberoamérica de Administración y Políticas Públicas ). The purpose of this seminar was to promote coordination and inter-institutional cooperation, exchange of information, South-South experience and the distribution of good integration practices for the diaspora.

In November 2012, training in financial education was organised, during which the ACISI, the CEPAIM foundation and CASC distributed tools for financial edu-cation training in Europe created by the Internatianl Labour Organizations (ILO). The training took place in Barcelona, Madrid and other training days are planned for other cities.

In December 2012, a conference on capitalization of co-development was held, organised both in Barcelona and Madrid by the MPDL, involving Malian immigrants living in Spain with the aim of summarising results obtained over the two years of a co-development programme with Mali.

League of the cultural diversity and integration - Asociación

Hispano Ecuatoriana Ruminahui

The project proposal of the Football League was to promote citizen participation of migrants through football; 40 teams participated in this initiative, of which 20 were composed by men, 12 by women and 8 by children. Besides the players, we must highlight the important influx of family and friends who happily contributed to an atmosphere of closeness and friendship.

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the development of territories

The performance of the project targeted migrant players of all nationalities and nationals. Nevertheless, the project activities also had a multiplier effect for the close environment (family, friends) of the participants.

The teams consisted of people of different nationalities, a minimum of five per team, including one Spanish person. The modality was playing football 11 (men’s category) and football 7 (women and children category).

The project was located in the city of Madrid. The number of direct benefi-ciaries of the project was over 700. We estimate 5,000 indirect beneficiaries. On the other hand, teams composed of people from different cultures, allowed taking into account a first phase of sensitivity to the countries of origin, a first approach to the analysis of local realities, the reasons for poverty and what can be done to help.

During the second year of the project, we are working on linking the team with one of the villages of origin. This phase is proving very slow given the degree of crisis that Spain is going through. Migrants primarily focus on the search for a job, or on maintaining a job that allows their family’s and their own survival.

Citizen participation of migrants together with natives created a meeting space that favoured closer ties and dialogue.

We are convinced that the friendships developed between men and women involved in the project, regardless of nationality, culture and origin, have favoured intercultural coexistence between migrants and nationals.

© Rumanhui

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France

Platform news in 2012

On 9 February 2012, the Annual General Meeting of the platform was held in Paris which brought together member organisations, including FORIM (Forum of Migration Issues Organisations), a new French member of the Eunomad network.

The capitalization of the practices of members occurred at the same time as other activities: guidelines outlining identification criteria for member practices in the specific field of inter-cultural and a provisional programme was submitted to members and discussed at two meetings organised between March and April 2012.

On 7th and 8th June 2012 in the Cité Nationale de l’Histoire de l’Immigration, training days and a seminar on capitalization of practices was organised on the topic of «competencies of migrant organisations in co-development projects». More specifically, the training day on June 7th, internal to the platform, brought together representatives of member organisations, and other organisations interested in possible membership of the Eunomad network. The seminar on June 8th on intercultural competencies of migrants was more focused on external players (the managers of 6 French local authorities participated in it: City of Paris, Ile de France region, Essonne County Council, City of Rennes, City of Montreuil, Villetaneuse), and marked the beginning of a long-term collaboration with local authorities and non-member associations of Eunomad.

From June to November 2012, a lobbying campaign was also conducted natio-nally, the change of government in France having changed the political context by offering new dialogue opportunities compared with the previous period.

It was also decided to join forces with this lobbying campaign with other existing networks focused on the topic of international migration, the “Des Ponts pas des Murs” network (DPPDM), started by the CRID in 2008. Contacts already made with the migration group of CRID were deepened until the decision to organise a common event was made: the development of a training module for the summer university for International Solidarity on 4th and 5th July 2012.

A second sharing initiative was organised during a seminar, co-organised by the CRID and the platform on October 12th 2012 in Paris around lobbying strate-gies on a national, regional (EU and CEDEAO) and international level. Further to these exchanges and inter-association partnerships, several common initiatives were boosted aimed at public authorities: a common guideline co-developed by Eunomad France and DPPDM sent to the new Minister for Development, Pascal Canfin; a written response to the consultation launched by the Minister for Foreign and European Affairs with respect to the Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD); and involvement in the large consultation process

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initiated by the Minister for Development with civil society actors entitled «Inter-national Solidarity and Development Foundation». Furthermore, exchanges took place with the French Agence française du Développement (in the context of an approach made to AFD to co-finance the France platform), the Ministry for Foreign Affairs (on the preparation of the GFMD), and the Minister for Deve-lopment (in the context of International Solidarity and Development Foundation and, in particular, the preparation of a «migration and development» round table).

The involvement of the France platform in Eunomad network activities is structured around 3 working channels: contributions to lobbying built around the EU (political level), communication activities and, finally, coordination and implementation of activities (technical level).

The “Mentorship” project is part of the “Migration” programme of the Maison

Internationale de Rennes (MIR) concerning the protection of human rights, one of the three fields that make up the political project of the MIR, as well as that of Europe and the International Solidarity. The programme means to give rise to understanding of migrations devoid of prejudices, just looking on the diverse contributions of foreigners to local development. It introduced innovative methods of support for international solidarity, but also for integration and living together in Rennes.

The project, launched in 2006 by the request of a group of foreign women members of MIR, aims to support migrant women in their early stages of voca-tional guidance and training, helping them to get out of isolation in which they are often in the countries of destination.

The project is based on a method of accompaniment in pairs; some of the young foreign women (godchildren) are accompanied by women who act as godmothers in France or elsewhere. The “marraines” accompany the “filleules” in their projects by providing them with knowledge, contacts, time and energy, and by encouraging them in their emancipation.

The frame of this accompaniment is defined by a Charter, the “Charte du marrainage” adapted to each case, while a general inspection is ensured by the staff of MIR in charge of the project. Therefore, the intercultural exchange and the relationship between women of different ages and backgrounds are at the core of the project “Marrainage”. Allowing the “godchildren” of foreign origin to

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move forward in achieving their professional and personal projects, it concretely helps to build a “common living” by promoting the development of citizenship on the basis of intercultural exchange.

and the development of territories

projects, which are also aimed at foreign women.

between the women involved and the development of common goals.

-lective mobilization of new skills, promoting the effective citizenship of people involved.

through the “marrainage” relationship, of building a relationship based on reci-procity, of extending one’s “marrainage” experience to other “marraines” and “filleules” and of combining human and social commitments.

language, a factor that stimulates, in turn, intercultural knowledge.

Bretagne; nevertheless, it implies an international dimension through the parti-cipation of godmothers who live in the countries of origin of godchildren, who wish to leave for France. Some plan on implementing a project in their country of origin or elsewhere.

willpower to become concrete in the long run: communication and presentation of the project.

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Greece

News 2012 of the platform

The deep financial crisis which Greece is also facing in 2012 has a direct impact on the co-development activities that experience a significant deficit of support. The following text therefore does not include a presentation of intercultural initiatives.

The EUNOMAD Greek platform includes the following members:

NGO established in September 1981 and working in solidarity with popular movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America, as well as all other populations fighting for their national independence, their sovereignty, peace and social justice.

Website: http://www.eedda.gr/en/Aboutus.html

This platform manages the Greek NGOs working in the field of development cooperation, humanitarian aid and develop-ment education. It was created in 1985 and, due to its long years of work, has become a major actor in these fields at a European level. It was reorganised in 2010 to operate under its present name. The platform currently represents 12 different NGOs working in development aid and who have a significant national activity as well as in developing countries.

Website: http://www.dev-ngos.gr/default_en.htm

It is a network of organizations and migrant com-munities created in September 2002, with 40 members. It takes the form of a self-organization of migrants, based on a plan of common action made after many consultations. It aims at representing and strengthening the voice of migrants, of their organizations and communities in Greece, as well as their integration and participation in the Greek society. The Forum took its current legal format in 2009.

Website: http://www.migrant.gr/cgi-bin/pages/index.pl?arlang=english

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Italy

News 2012 of the platform

The Italian platform of the Eunomad network currently consists of 20 members, including migrant organisations, NGOs, research centres and institutions: Sunugal, AIUC, OMCVI, Filipino Women’s Council, GAO Cooperazione Internazionale, Lunaria, Conseil des Maliens d’Italie, Afriaca, AREPA, Dora e Pajtimit, Fondazione ISMU, Impresa Etnica, Rete Internazionale Donne per la Pace, FIMETICA, Torre del Cupo, MOCI – Movimento per la Cooperazione Internazionale, Centro Studi Rurali – Unical, Todo Cambia, VODA.

On 13 October 2012, a workshop was held in Milan on the annual topic of «intercultural competencies of migrants in co-development projects». Local authorities and public and private institutions were invited to share the debate on intercultural capacities in co-development to contribute to the formulation of relevant recommendations to improve guiding devices, participation and dialogue.

On 20 November 2012, the Italian platform participated in a territorial forum on cooperation and peace «Cooperazione al futuro. Futuro della cooperazione » in the Province of Pisa, where it presented a co-development programme, its potentialities and challenges in the Italian and European context.

With respect to participation in European activities of Eunomad, it should be mentioned that the annual meeting of the Eunomad network was held in Cosenza on 8th and 9th October 2012 seeking to reflect on the strategic challenges of the network.

Gis Gis, women and co-development. Project for the deve-

lopment and enhancement of productivity

The Gis Gis project stems from the desire of the association Sunugal to support in a more structured way the activities of the Centre Socio-Culturel et de Formation en Coupe Couture Sam Notaire (Dakar), which provides a path free job training to young women in the suburbs of Dakar. The project focuses on the idea of providing job opportunities for young graduates women, opening the Italian market to the textile products of the Center. Among the objectives of the project, indeed, there are, in addition to the training of students, their professional integration in the local community, the promotion and development of new production of local activities of women through the establishment of a cooperative and the strengthening of women’s associations.

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Over time, the initiative launched with migrants gained credibility, and supported from local Senegalese and Italian institutions, won a funding call on co-deve-lopment of the Municipality of Milan. The project thus engages in a framework of activities already well established and included in the local context, with the presence of Sunugal as the counterpart (Sunugal Senegal), and an extensive network of contacts, which facilitated the development of foreseen practices.

The project succeeded, in this way, in creating a creative workshop, training 12 young Senegalese women in tailoring, commercializing handcraft production of the Centre on the local and Italian market, thereby strengthening the capacity and coordination of local women.

At the end of the first phase of the project, the economic difficulties have not allowed the participants to expand the network of product marketing, nevertheless the Senegalese and the Italian staff have continued to work, and set up initiatives of visibility and sales of manufactured helping to maintain active the laboratory, until the start of the second phase. Beyond the external support, the project demonstrates how the association Sunugal and its members have found ways to always carry out activities to maintain balance of the working group and give continuity to the path of development in the country of origin.

the development of territories

The leading role of migrants and their ability to appreciate and merge the leading aspects of different cultures, has allowed the diffusion, of innovative strategies for socio-economic development, between the two countries involved, taking advantage of the market demand and combining them with local potential.

Most of the involved women are married to men emigrated to Italy, which have seen their financial and material burden to cover the daily needs of the families left in the country of origin reduced, facilitating the investment of savings for local development. The ability of Sunugal in mobilizing a broad network of contacts in both the countries of origin and destination allowed three of the students of the project to participate in programs of study at two Italian academies (Milan and Cagliari), supporting the acquisition of skills they can use in the country of origin and also transferable to colleagues (circular brain); still through the Sunu-gal’s network, it has been possible to include the training centre in responsible tourism routes, which visitors, through the purchase of artifacts from the centre, contributed to maintenance. Currently Sunugal won a new contribution in the context of the call on the co-development of the Municipality of Milan in 2011, and this will encourage the improvement and continuation of the activities. Global experience, introduced by Sunugal, has shown how transnational activities

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undertaken by migrants, departing from the local dimension (here and there) have their own sustainability and strength as the territories bind and stimulate mutual aid. During the experience, there was also a deconstruction of the idea of passive beneficiaries of cooperation (the female protagonists are productive subjects and an active side in the activities development) and a strengthening of the idea of interdependence between territories.

© Gis Gis

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Netherlands

News 2012 of the platform

The Netherlands Platform Eunomad organized a series of four workshops on the theme of intercultural communication. The first three workshops were organized in 2012, in cooperation with its member organizations. The fourth concluding workshop was held in March 2013 and was open to all platform members. The first workshop was organized on 15 October 2012 by NedSom, and facilitated by DCMO. Guled Ahmed was the resource person. There were 14 participants. It aimed to gain insights into the pitfalls in communication with partner organizations in Somalia. The second workshop was organized on 29 October 2012 by FoR-Sankofa, facilitated by DCMO. Resource person was Guled Ahmed. It aimed to stress the importance of nonverbal communication in migration and development. The third workshop was organized on 14 November 2012 by TitanE, together with Letra Natu, and facilitated by DCMO. The resource persons were Sam Pormes and Mattias Kakisina. There were 15 participants. It aimed to gain insights into the differences between the Moluccan diaspora and their country of origin.

The fourth and concluding workshop was organized by DCMO and the Nether-lands Platform Eunomad, with as theme “Migrants as co-actors in development, through the use of their intercultural skills”.

Democracy training for Turkish diaspora youth

Since its inception in 2005, SMHO has implemented a programme with its member organisations to train Turkish diaspora youth in democracy and civil society through various projects (e.g. workshops, research, exposure). For those Turkish diaspora youth living in the countries of the European Union the main objective of this programme was their integration in the host countries, while the Turkish diaspora youth living in the Balkans was interested in being prepared for the future European Union membership of their host countries (to the same effect young students from the home countries are also invited to participate to the programme). Stimulating positive contributions to society, promotion of ethical standards, respect for human rights, and participation in global deve-lopment aid, are also part and parcel of the programme. Occasionally solidarity meetings are organized for Turkish ethnic (minority) groups in the Caucasus and Central Asia, such as Uighur refugees from the Xinjiang region of China, and Azeri refugees from the Caucasus. Large groups of young of Diaspora have organised

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themselves as successful ethical responsible entrepreneurs, contributing regularly to projects for poverty alleviation and development aid even beyond their own home country, such as emergency and relief aid in Africa and Asia, and poverty alleviation projects in the European host countries. As active member (via the Dutch Consortium of Migrant Organizations) of the Knowledge Centre for Reli-gion and Development) they also contribute to the promotion of interreligious dialogue and tolerance. Their research activities have resulted in a considerable body of knowledge of high quality concerning the role of the Turkish diaspora in the building of the future Europe.

and the development of territories

Representing the largest group of migrants in Europe, the Turkish diaspora network SMHO is venturing in a rather unique social-cultural experiment of inte-gration and redefinition of its co-development practices, while trying to safeguard the positive elements of its own cultural and religious identity.

They have not only to manage to redefine the traditional practice of remittances for the home country into more modern co-development practices with a global orientation (e.g. through emergency/relief and development aid in Africa and Asia, and poverty alleviation in the European host countries), but also to give a number of positive inputs from their own cultural and religious background to the build a new Europe.

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The main intercultural competences involved are:

elements to be re-used in one’s inclusion in the host countries, including religious traditions.

compare one’s own codes to the others.

one’s own cultural route defined; this cultural mix contributes to a process of social and cultural transformations in one’s society that may trigged new ways of thinking and doing.

host countries.

© SMHO

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Poland

Platform news

The Polish platform of Eunomad has four members: the Association of Friends of Africa-SPA, Szczecin Food Bank, Foundation Institute for Dialogue and Peace in the World, and the Fondation Afrique Autrement (Foundation Africa Another Way) - FAA.

In December 2012, the African Foundation and the Warsaw section of the African Diaspora organised the first meeting of the African Community of Poland, with the presence of delegates from 5 cities bringing together the largest number of Africans in the country. This initiative was aimed at bringing together the various organisations with common objectives: better visibility for Africans in contacts with local authorities, public institutions and media. Representatives of the Municipality of Warsaw, of the Minister for Interior, of the American foundation Batory for human rights and the Citizens Rights Agency took part in discussions.

Thanks to financial support from the Municipality of Warsaw, the AA foundation conducted the «Afro-Warsaw concert» project for cultures through music. Artists from Senegal, Gambia, Nigeria and Poland were involved in the recording. Thanks to the renewal of the partnership with the Municipality, funds were committed to record an album which is planned to come out in autumn 2013. In January 2012, the «Afrykasy 2011» award was made, issued annually since 2009 by the African Foundation, to recognise individuals who contribute to inter-cultural dia-logue between Poland and Africa. Adam Leszczynski, Michal Zichlarz, Kazimiera Szczuka, Monika Olejnik and the team of « House of Encounters with History» in Warsaw were the 2011 award winners.

Eight tales from 4 African countries (Senegal, Sudan, Tanzania, Congo Braza-

ville) translated into Polish, were recorded in audio format, to cora and djembe background music. They can be downloaded from the African Foundation website (http://afryka.org/afryka/edukacja,news-list/).

This is an educational initiative primarily. It aspires to re-balance the image of the little African who presents himself to little Polish children in a very famous poem (written in about 1934, “Murzynek Bambo” - the little negro Bambo who climbs up into the trees, refuses to go to school and doesn’t want to wash for

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fear of whitening his skin) which still appears in school books. These tales are an alternative for teachers: 4 tales (one per country) are accompanied by images with schoolboy drawings inspired from Africa, the entire set is also available on paper. This project was aimed at improving the image of Africa (very negative) in the media, in school and in Polish society generally. «Africa as a fairy tale» is part of global education; the project seeks to counter the stereotypes that affect the African minority in Poland and which are often neglected in communications or media relating to Africa. Furthermore, the translated African tales have a uni-versal range aimed at all ages. By using stories, whose content does not need much preparation from the audience, the project encourages the exploration of the cultural diversity of Africa, and positions the universality of African tradition in a global reality. The project was initiated at the request of the Polish and indi-viduals of African descent, who are more and more likely to participate in global education and to speak about the continent from an African perspective, i.e. also on their behalf. Therefore, the tales are a global education method without using intermediaries but by directly involving African nationals in the educational process.

The tales were filmed and recorded in an electronic book which is available to anyone who has internet access. They can be downloaded from Afryka.org and used for teaching, as an educational support at primary level. They can also be used by parents, and practically anyone interested in learning more about African culture. The same book of tales, which is in electronic format, was illustrated with African inspired drawings done by about a hundred pupils from 3 primary schools in Bialystok (Eastern Poland) in special workshops directed by Mamadou Diouf.

The intercultural competencies and the impact on decentralised coo-

peration, the players and development of territories.

The initiative encouraged the awareness of inter-cultural stereotypes both vis-a-vis their own culture and local culture. In doing this, the migrants demons-trated: communicational expertise (mobilising the media) and capacities to mobilise numerous partners in local Polish society for a heightened impact of actions (schools and teachers for example); capacities to overthrow cultural representations, to work on the surprise effect as a starting point for initiating dialogue between locals and migrants and to raise interest and curiosity; the strong inter-cultural understanding and the ability to act and to evolve local cultural codes by developing the mixing of Polish and African cultures in projects, whilst relying on interests shared between the Polish and migrants (music, known Polish personalities, daily life, etc.). «Africa as a fairy tale», for example, seeks to counter the stereotypes that affect the African minority in Poland and which are often neglected in communications or media relating to Africa. Therefore, the

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tales are a global education method without using intermediaries but by directly involving African nationals in the educational process. In addition, the Foundation stimulated the networking of multi-players and the recognition of the actions of migrants by important Polish institutions: House of Encounters with History, primary schools and media.

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Czech Republic

News of the platform

The activities of EUNOMAD in the Czech Republic were initiated in the year 2011 under coordination of the Organization for Aid to Refugees. In the year 2012 the coordination of the national platform were delegated to the Consortium of Migrants’ Assistanting Organisations with the purpose to involve the Consortium’s member organizations to development of the EUNOMAD network in the country. There were 11 organizations in the Consortium in 2012: Association for Integration and Migration, Association of Citizens Assisting Emigrants, Bridge for Human Rights, Centre for Integration of Foreigners, Counselling Centre for Integration, European Contact Group, InBáze, Multicultural Center Prague, Counselling and Information Centre for Young Migrants (META), People in Need, Caritas CR. Furthermore, the migrant NGO «Agency for Migration and Adaptation AMIGA» applied for a membership in the Czech platform of EUNOMAD in autumn 2012.

One of the main activities undertaken by the platform in 2012 was the exchange of experiences between NGOs and initiatives involved in the promotion of migrant workers´ rights in the United States and the Czech Republic (24 to 25 September 2012). It particularly focused on mutual learning about new ways to address migrant workers´ rights violations in times of economic crisis and growing inflexible and insecure work arrangements, which has grave repercussions for the economic well-being of migrants and their families living in the Czech Republic or in the countries of origin. The event was important for the presentation of EUNOMAD and for development of the Czech platform, in particular due to participation of representatives of different migrants’ assisting NGOs and Czech trade unions which we would like to involve as partners in the platform activities.

Platform members also participated in the meeting with EUNOMAD Project Officer in Prague (June 2012) and in several consultations with potential platform members during November and December 2012. The Czech Coordinator also represented the platform on the EUNOMAD Coordination Committee Meeting in Cosenza, Italy.

Africa for Africa project

Started in 2010 by a young Kenyan priest, Phanuel Osweto, living in the Czech Republic, the Africa for Africa project aims at providing different kinds of support to children and young people who grew up in a slum in Kenya. It consists of an

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IT course for young women who may later find a job, scholarships for students and support for an orphanage house. The idea behind the project is not just to send aid to Africa but to “create opportunities for change by Africans in poverty themselves”. The change should come through access to education for poor people. The practice connects two territories on a regular way through the direct involvement of representatives of the Kenyan diaspora in Czech Republic, Czech sponsors and supports gained thanks to the awareness raised and done by the association, local citizens and the stakeholders in Nairobi. The project to some extent counters stereotypes about Africa with Czechs and about Europe with people from Kenya. There is not just inequality between Europe and Africa as there are big inequalities within Europe and Africa themselves. There is poverty both in the Czech Republic and Kenya.

The intercultural competences involved in the practice

specific context of slums

this is the inequalities faced by people both in Kenya or in the Czech Republic that is pointed out by the project coordinator

studied and lived in the Czech Republic: ability to interact in a more effective way with Czech stakeholders and partners, including funders, in the follow up of activities there

-ting Czech cultural codes (e.g. how to present the project)

in Czech and English for larger awareness raising (http://www.africa-for-africa.eu)

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United Kingdom

News of the platform

The African Foundation fro Development (AFFORD) have taken over lead responsibility for delivering the UK platform officially in January 2013 while still conducting some activities prior to January 2013.

The platform-building process continues apace, with the following

activities:

The EU’s External Action Service – December 2012

as well as other stakeholders in academia and local government – January-April 2013

M&D) – January-April 2013

its creation

22-26 April 2013-04-22

The London Rebuilding Society is a social enterprise specialized in creating

innovative forms of finance which benefit local communities and the environment through:

London area. This can be anything from a community-based initiative to a private company with social aims - as long as the organisation can show social, ethical or environmental benefit.

homeowners by renovating their house in return for a percentage of the equity in the property.

-nities living in London by providing them with access to credit and training. The

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Mutual Aid Fund (MFA) scheme enables community organisations to develop the funds and gain the skills required for on-lending to their members.

The London Rebuilding Society (LRS) mainly delivers The Mutual Aid Fund (MFA) through the Edo State Women’s Association (ESWA) aims to improve the economic and social welfare of disadvantaged communities, in particular those originating from Edo State, Nigeria

Activities conducted

program; mobile catering facility; recreational football and financial literacy training for young people.

extension

exceeding a total investment of 10million Naira.

The intercultural competences involved in the practice :

advice and guidance

-town association model with its UK base allowing it to partner with stakeholders in the UK and relate back to the strong ties on the ground of the association

issues and potential for women in Edo State, Nigeria

focus (women directly targeted in activities such as aerobics and youth activities for their childrens)

the gaps on the ground through UK diaspora and Nigeria bridge(Micro credit initiative provided direct empowerment for women on the ground).

-reness involvements and partnerships with various structures both here and there.

cross region website (UK & Nigeria), Impact of the practice among the local communities (here and there)

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capability and credit history of their members

service

sponsors and potential funders

peer networking and learning opportunities -

pendence & family

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6.2. Eunomad’s European activities

The Eunomad activities in 2012 took place in a context of financial crisis which continued to disrupt the economies of the EU Member States and were accom-panied by a reconsideration of a number of fundamental rights or social benefits for migrant and non-migrant populations.

In spite of the difficulties encountered by various member organisations, the country platforms have renewed their structuring, analysis and advocacy work, for the recognition of migrants’ citizen contributions for the societies of residence and origin.

At the European level, the Eunomad network was able to implement a number of activities during 2012, both in terms of capitalisation of practices, of study and research on the link between migration, development and integration, as well as advocacy with insititutions and practitioners.

First, the network has experienced an expansion in size by welcoming four new partners for the animation of the country platforms in Germany, Greece, the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom. This expansion is a major step forward for Eunomad because it strengthens the network dynamics and its influence in 10 European countries.

After conducting capitalisation activities on the social and economic capabilities of migrants and then the revival of co-development practices by young people, 2012 was an opportunity for the network to focus on “the intercultural capa-

bilities of migrants in co-development practices”. The term intercultural here seeks to highlight the dynamics of an encounter between individuals who, in turn, enhance their respective identities.

The choice of this theme is based on the need to better understand so as to better support and enforce in the territories of origin and of residence, the skills generated by the courses of migration and co-development projects. It is a question of studying, through capitalisation, the intercultural skills that can be implemented by migrants in co-development projects: contact between different cultures, ability to produce social change here and/or there, language skills. It is also a question of analysing, on the basis of lessons learnt from the practices of the network members, how these intercultural skills can be sources of social change and hence of development for the territories.

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The issues of living together, of social cohesion and co-development have thus formed a central theme of the research activities, which can be found in this European report for 2012. The role of the local authorities in co-develop-ment projects was given particular recognition. Apart from their role as donors, local communities are at the intersection of local and international development (decentralised cooperation and twinning), of migration management (receiving immigration groups and integration actions) and of civic participation (support to individual and community projects of migrants).

Three country workshops were organised to present the capitalisation of practices on the subject of intercultural migrant skills (in France, Spain and Italy) and three more are planned in 2013, in the Netherlands, Belgium and the United Kingdom.

The work on capitalisation has inspired reflection on the Eunomad European

workshop in Milan, on 29 and 30 January 2013. Designed and organised by the Italian network platform and supported by the City of Milan, this workshop helped to formulate different recommendations for the recognition and strengthe-

ning of intercultural skills in co-development by decision-makers, including:

of mobility (use of skills acquired in the countries of origin and during the course of mobility and integration) and diversify the evaluation criteria of insertion systems and of access to the labour market skills;

-gration and citizenship;

and develop the know-how and life skills in civic involvement and the access to the labour market beyond origin;

against all cultural stigmas associated with cultural belonging both in the countries where they live and of return of the countries of origin.

has paved the way to develop recommendations and routes of collaboration which will be shared at the joint seminar with local authorities and representatives

of European institutions planned on 13 and 14 May 2013, in Brussels.

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Within the contact group which brings together European networks on the subject of migration and development, Eunomad has participated in the drafting of a letter of recommendation on the Council Conclusions on Migration and Development Approach, together with CONCORD, the Red Cross/EU, ICMC, CEFORE and CCME Offices.

The network has also strengthened its presence in the international arena

through its advocacy actions. It has participated in the following events:

diaspora and the country of origin” (13-15 June 2012, Abidjan);

(26-28 September 2012, Cadiz);

November 2012, Mauritius);

(CEMR) on integration and diversity (28 February-1 March 2013, Paris).

These events and interventions have all provided opportunites for Eunomad to share and debate the knowledge resulting from the analysis of the practices and of the context on migration, development and integration.

1. Since the 1990s, local governments have increasingly been viewed as actors in development policy, especially since the United Nations Conference in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, and in Istanbul in 1996, but also after the Millennium Summit in 2000 and the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on sustainable development. 2. Communication of the European Commission “Local Authorities: Actors for Development”, COM(2008) 626 final, Brussels, 8 October.3. See: https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/fpfis/mwikis/aidco/images/7/75/Brochure_nsa_la_final_fr.pdf/4. See in this regard the “Amsterdam Declaration” of 8 March, online at: http://nws.eurocities.eu/MediaShell/media/20120308_Amsterdam%20statement.pdf

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EUNOMAD REPORT

2012Migration, development and integration in Europe

Zoom on the impact of crisis, the role of local authorities

and the intercultural aspects of co-development dynamics

After a focus on the impact of the Arab Spring in 2011, Eunomad’s European report 2012 analysed the consequences of the financial and economic crisis on international mobility, the rights of migrants, and on the development and integration policies in Europe. It also tried to analyse the problem of the benefits of cooperation between the territories in which local authorities have a key role to play alongside the civil society actors. Finally, with examples of concrete projects, it illustrated intercultural skills at work in the dynamics between migration and development.

Eunomad has asked researcher Lorenzo Gabrielli, who relied on the contributions of the members of the network, to draw this report. Ten recommendations were made: these combine the shared values and the arguments brought forward by the members of the network. This report intends to provide, through objective data, a positive view of international migration in its interaction with the dynamics of cooperation and the issues of citizenship. So many contributions to renew the ways of making and thinking innovative policies that link migration, development and citizenship.

This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of Eunomad and cannot be taken to reflect the views

of the European Union

www.eunomad.org

[email protected]