Design Pre Major

Thesis

Stuart SteinfortS3137921

1.0 Introduction of problem

2.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues 2.1 Introduction. 2.2 The automobile and the environment. 2.3 The freedom of the automobile. 2.4 Messages of freedom. 2.5 The automobile role in city planning. 2.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy 2.7 Conclusion.

3.0 Historical Background of Melbourne Tram Use. 3.1 Tram application in Victoria 3.2 Living with the motor car: A Melbourne context. 3.3 Recent developments. 3.4 Governmental policy

4.0 International Tram development 4.1 International city planning 4.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning.

5.0 Approach 5.1 Participatory Action Research Technique 5.2 Ethnography 5.3 Camera Journal 5.4 Survey

6.0 Design and Design Processes. 6.1 Various current design solutions 6.2 Sketches

6.3 3D toolkit 6.4 Quick and dirty prototyping 6.5 Rapid prototyping testing 6.6 Mind mapping 7.0 Design Solution

8.0 Manufacturing Process

9.0 Bibliography

Project Future TramwaysDesign Pre Major ThesisS3137921

1.0 Introduction

1.0 IntroductionSociety as a whole cannot continue to assume that private au-tomobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sustained with the predicament of climate change and substantial global population growth. Melbourne could feasibly become a car free environment, enabling a rethink of how existing infrastruc-ture can be tailored to suite societies needs. This project with critically examine tram transportation, through inclusive design, in order to uncover developing themes of use and contextualise future user needs. The project will use a combination of formal and user group based research in order to fi nd and examine these trends, this will ultimately result in a design solution that seeks to address themes raised.

2.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues

2.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues

2.1 Introduction.

The automobile, from it inception, has been frequently de-scribed as the bringer of freedom, economic and social progress and independence (Whitelegg, 1999). It has not only evolved to meet society’s changing lifestyle; to some extent it has shaped our lives in a physical and personal sense. I wish to explore these themes and current design responses in order to prompt my design exercise which aims to create a more sus-tainable society.

2.2 The automobile and the environment

As Michael Grubb describes (1999, p.5) “The IPCC produced its fi rst report in 1990… with its key conclusion that rising con-centrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere were caused by human activities and would cause global temperatures to rise, with accompanying climatic changes.” The importance of personal transport becomes relevant to climate change when one considers emissions from transportation. As Bannister (1996, p.2) explains “…the transport sector (1996) is responsible for over 25 per cent of the world primary energy use and 22 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuel use.” This large percent of emissions results in the need to re-evaluate transportation for society.

These statistics would presumably effect societies view towards fossil fuel transportation, yet automobile ownership has, accord-ing to Bannister (2005, p.11), “(increased) over 31 per cent in the number of vehicles owned (1984-1994), and it is likely that in the next 25 years (to 2020) that number will increase by a fur-

ther 50 per cent (OECD, 1995).” This dramatic rise in ownership is in direct contradiction to the emissions generated from their use, yet the growth continues. Society therefore must be prioritising the present ease that private automobile ownership affords whilst delaying action on climate change.

2.3 The freedom of the automobile.

David Bannister (2005, p.8) argues that the “power and the addic-tion to the car has often been underestimated.” Bannister (2005, p6) continues to argue that the car offers the individual the ability to ‘escape’ from the “real environment by allowing them to have their own fl exibility and freedom.” This freedom has been suc-cessfully advertised through selling the dream of individuality and convenience.

This individuality has been carefully shaped through extensive advertising detailing the virtues of the automobile. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains the automobile in its present form offers “the ability to do what you want (within reason).” This freedom is quite powerful in that the automobile can increase individual levels of mobility that in many ways subordinate (Bannister, 2005) compet-ing methods of transportation as well as shaping the manner to which society lives (in terms of work, family life etc). On a personal level, individuality in terms of automobile ownership can be seen as a form of status within society. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains “it (the automobile) is the dominant culture that maintains major discourses on the quality of life from its use in fi lms, on the news, and at the centre of much advertising.” This then suggests that the automobile has developed an emotion level of meaning within society in that it has gone beyond an economic sense of

convenience to a point of being humanized (Bannister 2005).

In terms of convenience, the automobile offers a freedom which cannot be matched by current competitors. This notion of convenience is described by Whitelegg (1997, p.17) “…the car can liberate the self-imposed soul from its perceived bore-dom in a limited geographical area.” In direct comparison, oth-er public transport services can offer this freedom of travel, but with the constriction of timetables and routes. This subsequently means the car can be spontaneous and free from apparent constrictions that plague public transportation.

2.4 Messages of freedom.

The above mentioned psychological aspects of the automobile have been carefully cultivated by advertising companies which in many ways are detrimental to society. As Whitelegg (1997, p.36) explains “people believe cars offer freedom, power, sexu-al fantasy and reinforcement of personal esteem and ego. The fact that most of this applies to men and not women has not gone unnoticed in the advertising world and the arcane world of motoring magazines… a motoring correspondent in Top Gear…referred to a new car model he was testing capable of ‘snapping knickers elastic at 50 paces’.” Aside from the ram-pant sexualisation and subsequent fantasies of women within modern culture, this advertising ploy strikes at a primeval level of being where the car is advertised as fulfi lling societies (spe-cifi cally men’s) needs. The issue here is that if automobiles are being advertised in such an emotive manner how can other forms of transport compete. As Whitelegg (1997, p.37) further discusses “going by bike, walking or catching the bus are not

likely to conjure up anywhere near a powerful a cocktail…it is for these reasons that inducements to leave the car at home or use an alternative mode of transport need to be equally powerful.” This is especially hard in a society that is heavily motorised such as Australia, where as Whitelegg explains (1997, p.38) “walking is seen as a deviant activity, cycling is dangerous and fume sodden, and public transport spare to non-existent.” Advertising has suc-cessfully created a class gap between the automobile and other transport systems (Bannister, 2005), allowing for all other forms of transportation to become psychologically and socially backcast. 2.5 The automobiles role in city planning.

This exponential rise of the car and its subsequent effect on cul-ture raises the question as to whether technology shapes society or society shapes technology. This can be seen by Bannister (2005, p.6) in the manner to which the transport, specifi cally the automo-bile has shaped city planning. “…(the) car (has) both socially and spatially divisive as it allows cities to spread with consequences that all people have to travel much longer distances than before, with space becoming something that you want to pass through rather than stop in.” This idea resonates to a greater extent when one considers the percentage of society who do not have access to an automobile; this new fragmented city becomes somewhat hostile in that some areas are diffi cult to travel to. Even reluctant users are forced to use their car in this environment, exacerbating the problem of pollution and congestion.

Indeed the above mentioned notion of fl exibility from the auto-mobile has direct physical implications to housing distribution. As Paul Mees (2000, p.37) discuss, “suburbanisation of both the popu-

lation and activities has been attributed to the fl exibility of the car, which enables both residents and activities to spread at low densities in all directions.” The active use of the automobile cre-ates suburbanisation and in turn creates further automobile use (Mees, 2005). This is an example of an advertised attribute of the automobile physically affecting not only our lifestyle but also the layout of our cities.

2.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy.

Bannister then moves to discuss the viability of whether the ‘car as an icon’ could be removed from society. He details the extent to which the car has been embedded in society and whether this culture will move onto developing worlds with disas-trous consequences. As Bannister explains (2005, p.6) “the car may however become a victim of its own success as the means to accommodate it will never expand as fast as ownership levels, so it will become less attractive to use it as congestion increases.” This success story is explained in the ability of the car to morph and transform itself to meet the changing demands of society. As Bannister cities (2005, p.7) “In the early days, car drivers inhabited the roads with the pioneering spirit of freedom and the image of the road….this changed to inhabiting the car, where the car drivers were ‘safe’ in the metal boxes with complete privacy…the last stage is inhabiting the intelligent car, where some of the routine tasks are allocated to the vehicles rather than the driver.” Thus the car itself is a developed being; it continually updates itself to meet the needs of a changing soci-ety. Public transport has not met this transformation, indeed the car culture cannot be underestimated since it does not simply follow the economic world. Single policy strategies are, accord-

ing to Bannister (2005, p.15) “…limited in their scope,” whereas a package of strategies must be developed in order to commu-nicate to the automobile world the importance of a sustainable society.

2.7 Conclusion

Society as a whole cannot continue to assume that private au-tomobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sustained with the predicament of climate change and substantial global population growth. In response to the research into the automo-bile, it has become evident that the automobile has negatively shaped society in a physical and emotional sense. Therefore in a future context, other means of transportation needs to be explored in order to meet societies needs whilst address conges-tion and pollution. Tram transportation offers potential not only in its current mass commuter setup, but also in how Melbourne’s extensive infrastructure investment can be utilized in a future concept.

3.0 Historical Background

3.0 Historical Background

3.1 Tram Applications in Victoria

Public transport in Melbourne was initially served by horse buses and steam railways in the 1860s (Keenan, 1985). Horse tram-ways were initially proposed for inner city transportation, but as Keenan (1985, p.5) explains “it was the successful development of cable trams in San Francisco. U.S.A., which saw this form of propulsion chosen for Melbourne’s tramway system.” The op-eration of this system was through a private public relationship whereby the Trust of Municipal Councils provided the track and engine houses which the private company supplied the cars and shed whilst operating the system. “The fi rst line opened in 1885,” (Keenan, 1985) which then developed to sixteen by 1891. Maximum capacity reached 1200 dummies over 74 kilo-metres in 1923 (Keenan, 1985).

Electrifi cation of tram lines was initially created in the Eastern suburb of Box Hill between 1889 and 1896 (Keenan, 1985). This acted as a public transport link to the local train station; this though was short lived due to planning matters. The electric tram movement became signifi cant with the formation of an interim which later became the Melbourne and Metropolitan Tramways Board in 1919 (Mees, 2000). With the expiration of the cable tramway company’s lease in 1922, the board took con-trol with the immediate with the development of electric tram-ways in 1925 with the fi nal cable lines closing in 1940 (Keenan, 1985). With the arrival of the 1960s, much development had tak-en place, yet pressures within government asked if Melbourne should follow the example of other cities (such as Chicago) and remove trams in view of bus services (Keenan, 1985). This view of inner city public transport did not persist, mainly in view of the

substantial 50 year development program the government had invested in. This decision was reinforced when in 1973 an order was placed that confi rmed “with subsequent contracts for more then 300 additional trams.” (Keenan, 1985) The system then ex-panded with the inclusion of the East Burwood, Latrobe University and Bundoora tram lines.

3.2 Living with the Motor Car: A Melbourne Context

Confl ict often arises between trams and automobile drivers share commonplace among the Melbourne road network. As Keenan describes (1985, p.9) “it is intended that the effect of traffi c con-gestion on operating effi ciency will be lessened by the progressive

introduction of traffi c management schemes which include sections of street track where motor traffi c is segregated full or part time (known as the “Fairway”) and priority given to trams at traffi c signals.” This separa-tion of motorists and tram ways has continued with the introduction of su-per stops which signifi cantly alter the road way in order to create a raised platform hub for high volumes areas.

3.3 Recent development

Darebin Council has proposed, in conjunction with Yarra Trams and the Department of Transport, to improve

and develop the route 86 tram service. The proposals are pre-dominately concerned with pedestrians, particularly improving the manner to which the public can use the tram system.

Plenty Rd – Northern End

The route 86 proposal wishes to create a central tram zone a strictly tram only environment. This separation of tram and vehi-cle traffi c is concerned with tram priority as well as pedestrian safety.

Central Superstops

The Darebin council proposal in-cludes a number of “Superstops” on High Street. “Superstops” are a centrally located platform in the middle of a road. The trams will operate either side allow safe en-try and exit of users since they are separated from road users. While it offers an improvement for tram users, it decreases the space available for road users, cyclists in particular. This then incurs further planning problems as to whether cyclists, as Bicycle Victoria sug-gests should “incorporate signal-advances for the trams and bikes to allow us to get through this

squeeze point…without confl icting with vehicles.”

‘Le Bump’ Superstops

A “Le Bump” is a tram stop which features a raised road section which allows tram users to easily board trams. Typically these bumps are 5 metres in length which is comparable to the length of a tram. The bump is an appropriate development since it doubles as an aid for drivers to recognize a tram stop while slowing the vehicles down at the same point.

Curb extensions of Super Stops

The curb extension of the superstop which is intended to clam the traffi c fl ows of busy roads. As described by Bicycle Victoria, the curb

“will be a rasing and extension of the curb, coming out to meet the tram. Vehicles will be allowed to follow the tram through this central area. Bikes will be allowed to ride up and over the plat-form in our own dedicated space, when pedestrians are not get-ting onto a tram. This will separate the cars away from the bikes. This essentially is a narrow ‘Le Bump’ platform without cars. ”

Whilst the concept is an improvement for pedestrian users, the integration of cyclists and pedestrians is not particularly a great

development because dangerous incidents can still be cause as a result of the high speed of cyclists. The other element that needs to be considered is tram priority. By combining vehicles and trams into a reduced space will have a negative effect on tram reliability and speed, hurting the system as a whole.

Public Transport Users Association:

The Public Transport Users Association (PTUA) sees merit in the existing tram infra-structure and in im-provements through minor developments. As described in their transport proposal (It’s time to move, 2002, p. 22) “Melbourne’s

iconic tram network functions well and is popular with travellers. However, it also suffers from some minor defi ciencies, in particu-lar the historical legacy of lines that terminate half a mile from train stations and major trip generations.” The PTUA rationale (2002, p.22) behind these extensions is the idea of a feeding sys-tem, whereby the “short, inexpensive extensions of these lines would render the network much more effective as a feeder to the rail backbone.” This then suggests that tram transportation is a secondary form of mass public transit, where the train net-work is the major carrier and it is reliant of trams for feed off its success.

The PTUA views the tram network as the major feeder to ‘hot spots’. As described by the PTUA (2002, p.22) “Trams have a car-rying capacity intermediate between heavy rail and buses, and can therefore serve as access modes to ‘hot spots’ where rail ex-tensions are diffi cult or not otherwise warranted.” The system, with is extensive infrastructure, allows new, often recently new suburbs access to public transport in a mass sense. An examples cited by the PTUA (2002, p.22) is ”the $22 million extension of the Mont Al-bert tram line to the Box Hill District Centre is a good example of a useful…tram extension…for the fi rst time, residents of suburbs such as Balwyn and Mont Albert North have convenient public trans-port access not only to Box Hill Shops, but also to eastern subur-ban train services.” This allows a single network to prosper through feeding, rather than the separate systems fi ghting against each other in a form of competition.

3.4 Government Policy Development

Densifi cation of Tram Lines:

Current government policy in view of tram transportation is fo-cused on the density around existing infrastructure. As described by Geoffrey London (The Age, 2009) “The city of Melbourne and the state government are interested I exploring the densifi cation along tram corridors and that has, I think, real potential.” The idea central idea is the redevelopment of buildings around the tram lines. As London explains (The Age, 2009), “it makes great sense to make proper use of transportation nodes and corridors. A lot of them are single storey for great lengths of the roads.” This would then have the transfer effect of moving the density away from public transport poor areas; in turn enabling small green belts to

prosper. In a broader sense this allows a capitalisation of infrastruc-ture that has had over 100 years of investment, as well as reducing automobile related problems which plague efforts to make Mel-bourne sustainable for future generations.

4.0 International city development

4.1 International city planning

London and the development of Congestion Taxes.

The city of London, England, has introduced measures to re-duce congestion through taxation. The system works on a scale whereby commuters are charged a fee for entering the central business district of London. As Santos and Shaffer explain (2004, p.1) “On February 17, 2003, the London Congestion Charging Scheme came into effect. Preliminary results show a signifi cant response to the €5 (U.S. $8) charge.” From this point, any motor-ist wishing to drive and park within the zone of central London has to pay a fee.

The rationale behind the tax system is to reduce congestion and pollution. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.179) “the preliminary results suggest that the London Scheme has so far succeeded in achieving the stated congestion reduction targets. Traffi c decreased by more than expected.” The de-creased traffi c allowed an increase of traffi c speed through the city, as Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.169) “ the average travel speed in the charging zone in the fi rst few months after the Scheme was implemented, was 17 km/hour…(which) com-pares with the average speed recharging, which was 14 km/hour.” The reduction in traffi c reduced the primary emissions with the added benefi t transferring these passengers to public transport. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.171) “TfL pre-dicted that approximately 20,000 individuals would switch from car travel to public transport during the morning peak period as a result of the Scheme. Of this number, 5,000 were expect-ed to sue the Underground system;14,000, the buses; and the

4.0 International city development

remainder, rail system without transfers to bus or underground…this increased in line with expectations.” This increased level of usage is managed by the investment of the congestion charge in public transport. As Santos and Shaffer states (2004, p.178) “The mayor’s transport strategy, as well as congestion reduction, also includes objectives such as investing in the Underground, improv-ing bus services, and integrating National Rail with other transport systems.” This reinvestment allow an effective absorption in a long term sense that will sustainable the shift in transportation.

4.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning

Zurich: Beschleunigungsmassahmen

Central Europe, specifi cally the German city of Zurich, offer insight into how tram services can be drastically improved to meet the needs of society. As described by the public transport user group (PTA, 2002) “This comprehensive approach to tram priority was pioneered in Zurich between 1975 and 1985.” Here all impedi-ments to tram travel were removed in order to create a reliable system that did not depend on congest levels in order to operate successfully. The result as published by the PTA (2002, p.19) is that “patronage increased from 32% of travel to 42%.”

As described by the PTUA (2002, p.19), the elements of the Zurich tram policy:- “Traffi c signals that respond to trams as they arrive, inter-rupting the ordinary cycle to allow trams straight through.”- “On intersections where absolute tram priority is not feasi-ble, short signal cycles to prevent long delays to trams.”- “Effective barriers on wide streets to separate trams from

cars.”- “Traffi c signal changes, partial road closures and other meas-ures to prevent long queues of traffi c forming on streets to narrow for trams to be completely separated from cars.”- “Traffi c islands, turn bans, hook turns and other measures to pre-vent turning traffi c obstructing trams.”

Melbourne’s own tram network is comparatively sized to Zurich, of-fering potential to rival these established system. Melbourne though is a car orientated city, which is evident in tram priority. As the PTUA describes (2002, p.19) “Far from allowing trams through quickly, many traffi c lights have special right-turn phases that delay trams carrying fi fty or a hundred passengers, in order that one or two bars can turn right from an adjacent land.”

Moreland City Council:

Moreland council create a street festival once a year by closing Syd-ney road off from traffi c. This then allows vendors to create a market-place on the road whereby pedestrian have access to the complete road. The closing off of the road to traffi c also results in tram services being re directed for the complete day.

This hence makes the Sydney street festival a diffi cult case study because vendors only need resources for a day of trading before normal services resume the next day. This is compounded by a lack of tram transport through the festival, making it diffi cult to gauge how tram networks and dynamics could be affected if trams had com-plete solidarity on the road.

5.0 Approach

5.0 Approach

5.1 Participatory action research technique

“Participatory Action Research involves an imaginative leap from a world of ‘as it is’ to a glimpse of the world ’as it could be’.”

Wadsworth (1999, p.6)

Historical Background

Participatory action research (PAR) has, stated by McIntyre (2008, p.1) “underlying tenets that are specifi c to the fi eld of PAR… (a) a collective commitment to investigate an issue or problem, (b) a desire to engage in self- and collective refl ection to gain clarity about the issue under investigation, (c) a joint de-cision to engage in individual and/or collective action that leads to a useful solution that benefi ts the people involved, and (d) the building of alliances between researches and participants in the planning, implementation, and dissemination of the re-search process.” In other words, PAR is a type of research where the participants become the researchers through the course of the research. This can take place through a number of forms of research, whether discussion based, or the manner to which this project proposes; a three dimensional toolkit. Participatory action research has no one direct origin; it draws from a multitude of “principles, methodologies, epistemologies, and characterization” (McIntyre, 2008) in order to create a re-search methodology. As McIntyre states (2008, p.2) an early ex-amples of PAR within a social context was “in the late 1970s and 1980s, for example, Tandon (1981) and Kanhare (1980) initiated

PAR projects I India that addressed adult education and wom-en’s development, respectively.” Since then, the applications of PAR have broadened to political, addressing violence related issues, general community issues and feminist policy. Feminism, particularly has contributed substantially to the development of participatory action research (McTaggart, 1997). Feminism has as McIntyre explains (1997, p.3) “enhanced the fi eld of PAR with per-spectives that have evolved out of a refusal to accept theory, re-search, and ethical perspectives that ignore, devalue, and erase women’s lives, experiences, and contributions to social science research.” This then added framework that helped articulate how this new form of feminist inspired PAR could be applicable across a multitude of contexts (Kanhare 1980, Lykes 1989, Maguire 1987).

Participatory Action Research and relevant ethical challenges

Before examining specifi c modes of PAR, it is necessary to con-struct a frame work that addresses ethical challenges found in PAR. The main concern is focused on the duty of care with the participants. This is in to allow a respectful space where individual who previously have not had the opportunity to share their ex-periences can do so without prejudice or bias. As McIntyre states (2008, p. 12):

1. Participants engage in all aspects of the project.2. Practitioners have and appreciation of the capacity for individuals to work together to effect change.3. Practitioners participate with participants in the overall PAR process, contributing resources and knowledge when necessary.4. Attention is given to reducing barriers between participants

and practitioners of PAR. That includes cocontruction of con-sent procedures, documentation of data, and ensuring that the language used in the research project is understood by partici-pants. 5. Participants are encouraged to learn about the research methods that are appropriate to the project.6. Practitioners make a distinction between professional ethical considerations and contextually specifi c ethical consid-erations, which can be negotiated and modifi ed to best serve the participants.7. Practitioners take every precaution to protect the confi -dentiality, privacy, and identity of participants.8. Practitioners do not disseminate any research data with-out the explicit consent of those involved.9. Practitioners are trustworthy; scrupulous in their efforts to give primacy to participants’ goals; responsible for the well-be-ing of all involved; fair, just, and willing to relinquish their agen-das if they confl ict with participants’ desires.

McIntyre’s ethical structures allow the research project to spe-cifi cally focus on the needs of the participants. This is highly important because these perspectives, realties, truths come from people who have not had, as McIntyre states (2008, p.12) “the opportunity to speak their truths into public life and there-fore must be provided with a space to do so.” The framework by no means alleviates any related issues or problems that arise from this refl ection/action based research technique. Rather, the structure of PAR insures researchers and participants work closely together in order to create a relevant and empathic project.

Participation in defi nition:

Participation, and the recognition of its relevant, is crucial to the research technique achieving a tangible result. As McIntyre states (2008, p.16) in a recent PAR project involving underprivileged young adults, “I invited them to discuss how they would defi ne participatory action research.” This resulted in a dictionary defi -nition being sought in order for the group to discuss and defi ne their own framework of the project. This framework was further developed by the group moving to install attendance and group involvement regulations in order for maximum participation. The basis for this suggestion was as McIntyre explains (1999, p.17) “the process of linking the meaning of participation to the actualiza-tion of participation was slowing and time-consuming.” This ex-ample has relevance in the application of my three dimensional toolkit in that the participants need to, as a group, realise that they are crucial in the exercise accomplishing a result. This rec-ognition is fed by the idea that though the participants have the power to change there issues, fi rst they need to become critically aware of the issue and its associated problems.

Precedents in the application of 3D Participatory Action Re-search:

The use of three dimensional forms in the process of participatory action research has precedents. The process was used by McIn-tyre (2002) in the exploration of women in Belfast and their expe-riences of war. These women, as McIntyre (2008, p. 41) explains “they wanted to present a version of their experiences as women growing up in and surviving a war that spoke to the multidimen-sionality of their individual lives, as well as to their collective com-

mitment to maintaining and sustaining a community of well-being.”

This process of exploring the experiences needed as McIntyre explains (2008, p. 41) a “place where the women felt comfort-able revealing their experiences to outsiders was a process intertwined with issues of power, authority, and identity.” This in turn allowed women a place whereby stories and experiences can be shared without confl ict. The particular method McIn-tyre used in order to share these experiences was 3D modelling through clay (2002, p.41)

“I invited the women to use clay as a way to tell stories about their lives. I asked them to silently picture themselves sitting against a tree. On the other side of the tree was a storyteller. The storyteller was there to tell each of the women a storey that she wanted to hear. I told the women it could be historical story, a mystery, a fantasy, and/or a story about any person, place, or thing that came to mind. The women sat silently for

about 5 minutes imagin-ing the story they wanted the storyteller to relate to them. After that time of refl ection, I invited each of the women to use modelling clay and cre-ate a symbolic represen-tation of he story she had ‘hear’.”

This precedent illustrates the preparation needed to introduce and prepare the participant before the three dimensional process is used. This process if impor-tant to the overall participa-tory process in that it allows themes to be found and developed in a physical sense. Resultantly the proc-ess contributes to the understanding society’s experiences in tram travel, and in defi ning what future they see.

3D toolkit design:

In many ways by creating a three dimensional toolkit design of this participatory toolkit, by defi nition the toolkit needs participation in order to design it. As McIntyre explains (2008, p.15) researchers and participants need “to take responsibility for developing the group’s version of what it means to participate in a PAR process. When researchers and participants work together to defi ne the most practical ad doable ways for them to participate, there is less pressure on individuals to conform to a way of participating.” Thus the participation within the process of research and the for-mal research itself will endeavour to avoid the concept of group participation as an imposition, rather a choice to express oneself.

The toolkit will need a number of iterations in order to develop a functional and effective system. Initially this will be sought through

basic cardboard and foam modelling. This form of ‘quick and dirty’ prototype will allow a process of design through experi-mentation, whereby through making ideas and development direction can be found. 5.2 Ethnography

Historical Background

The ethnographic methodology was born, as Gobo explains (2008, p.7), in “the period between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It developed internally to ethnog-raphy, a discipline in the fi rst half of the 1800s split away from traditional anthropology, which was then dominated by the physical and biological paradigm.” This new method dif-fered from traditional ethnology in that it is concerned with the study of people through their material artefacts and cul-tures (Gobo, 2008). Traditional ethnology saw important in statistics, documentation; this in turn separated the researcher from the subject. This in turn led to the belief, as Gobo explains (2008,p.8), that ethnology researchers “considered the mem-bers of native peoples to be ‘primitive’: they were savages to be educated, and they could not be used as direct informants because they could not be trusted to furnish objective infor-mation.” This prejudice was opposed by ethnography, which saw the understanding of people and cultures signifi cant in research. Among early ethnographers, Bronsilaw Malinowski (1844 – 1942) became a signifi cant in his text Argonauts of the Western Pacifi c. The book researched the Trobriand Islands, and as Gobo explains (2008, p.8) “described the methodol-ogy principles underpinning the main goal of ethnography,

which is ‘to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, and realise his vision of his world.” This understanding was undertaken through Malinowski living in the islands for two years, he became fl uent in their language (Kiriwinian), befriended and used locals as informants and observed everyday life of the village (Malinowski, 1966). This participation in their society created the concept of the view ‘from within’, a concept which created the core of mod-ern ethnography (Gobo, 2008).

Technique

This project will use ethnography, defi ned by Dawson (2007, p.19) is “describing and interpreting cultural behaviour,” as a main methodology to explore user behaviour in regard to the auto-mobile. In ethnography the researcher immerses themself in the lifestyle and cultural groups being studied (Dawson, 2007). It spe-cifi cally seeks the everyday nature of behaviour and as a result the hypotheses are often not formed at the beginning of the research. An example is living within an African tribe for months in order to become one of the tribe. Researchers often participate in, as Dawson describes (2007, p.19) “group activities whilst ob-serving its behaviour, taking notes, conducting interviews, analys-ing, refl ecting and writing reports.” Other commonly used names for ethnography include fi eldwork or participant observation (Dawson 2007, p.19).

Ethnography strives to as Crocket and Redvers-Mutton describes (2002, p. 288) “fi nd the order within an activity rather than impose any framework of interpretation on it.” The users simply continue their regular behaviour to which the observer watches. This immer-sion into the user’s environment allows the observer to participate

in daily tasks and speak with the users personally. This methods, de-scribed by Crocket and Redvers-Mutton (2002, p. 288) is based on the idea of making the research “implicit explicit.” In that the everyday techniques and actions that might not be of any importance to the user can be observed, recorded and feed into the design process.

As a result of the variable and personal characteristics of ethnogra-phy, research results can come in various forms. As stated in ‘interac-tion design’ (2002, p.288) “It (ethnography) is an experience rather than a data-collection exercise. However, the experience must be shared with other team members, and therefore needs to be docu-mented and rationalized.” This documentation will allow for careful analysis and refl ection throughout the pre-major and major project next year.

Application to this Project

Ethnography is applicable within this project because it subjects the researcher to the culture that is being studied. This immersion allows an in depth knowledge of the culture, while at the same time being criti-cally aware through writing. The technique will be used as a research method in interviewing and observing tram users. During tram trans-portation users will be fi rstly observed and interviewed if granted. The interview will focus on the users defi nition of tram transportation, how it is and how it could be in a future context.

5.3 Camera Journal

Historical Background – IDEO

IDEO, a silicone valley design fi rm, specialises in innovative multi-

disciplinary design which is described by Jeremy Myerson (2001, p.30) as “understand, observe, visualise, evaluate, and implement.” What differentiates this fi rm is their study of society in the process of design. As Myerson explains (2001, p.30) “IDEO has pioneered the use of many forms of non-interventionist observation in its practise, including visual ethnography, in order to really understand how people behave.” This research captures the nature of how people behave, rather than how they perceive they behave (My-erson, 2001). This method allows the research, as Myerson explains (2001, p.30), to “deal with people are really doing and feeling” which in turn allows focused and important re-search that is not biased because of social, gender or race user concerns.

Applications within project

The process of camera journal’s will documentation of current users, specifi cally asking users to create a camera journal of their daily travels. This form of photography will capture tram travel in an effort identify micro events that of-fer insight into future uses of tram transportation. An exam-ple could be of trade transportation, current users might use small trolleys on trams in order to move personal or com-mercial goods. This could then offer a research tangent into how small businesses send and receive freight when cars and trucks are banned from entering the city centre.

The application of this method will come in the form of ad-vertising and creating a small group of tram users in order to document their individual travel. This user group will allow

a wider range of photography which in turn will limit any biases that could appear if one singular person was doing the research.

Results and applications

Initial results on a test student illustrated the unease of public photog-raphy.

Her feedback:

-The nature of the photography is impersonal and intruding.-Could be seen as a rude action, possible backlash?-Proposed use of disposable cameras would not be ideal because of the intruding fl ash, loud winding movement in loading the fi lm. -Could all the research be done by one individual since “I know what I want.”

Response to initial feedback:

I agree that photography in public raises privacy issues which need to be dealt with. It has been suggested by fellow student’s that the tram driver’s should be approached in order to receive their consent. As for the disposable camera, I agree the noise could be intruding and awkward; yet they offer the ability to give out to researchers, used and simply posted back. This is simpler than downloading photos due to time restraints. An added positive is that it is impossible to delete any photos that could be deemed unusable because they are out of focus for example; yet these photos could offer research information. As for the fi nal comment, I do not believe one sole person constructing this camera journal is of any use; it will allow biases to appear and only highlights certain area of travel. On another level, the photography

is not about what I want, indeed the research originates in order explore current transport peculiarities. Indeed if I were to constrict the process then it not only limit the scope of the project, but on a larger scale it would highlight an ignorance of the importance of research in general to the design process. Overall the test highlights the need to explain the intention of the camera journal to the researcher. The initial miscom-munication compounded the personal concerns of the test user. This in turn caused unease in constructing the journal, making the task somewhat of a burden rather than simple photography when commuting daily.

5.4 Survey

The construction of surveys will be used to research specifi c groups within the society. The fi rst survey will constructed to target businesses on Sydney Road, where a yearly festival closes the street entirely to traffi c. This in turn offers insight into how street dynamics change without traffi c, creating a window into a future scenarios. The survey will be printed out and physically handed to vendors with a stamped and addressed envelope.

The second survey will be used in conjunction with tram in-terviews in order to research current tram users. As with the Sydney road survey, this survey will examine user percep-tions what current tram transport is and how it could be.