Donnan Inka-Chimu Pot

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A Chimu-Inka Ceramic-Manufacturing Center from the North Coast of Peru

Christopher B. Donnan

Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 8, No. 1. (Mar., 1997), pp. 30-54.

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A CH IMU-INKA CERAMIC-MAN UFACTURING CENTERFROM THE NORTH COAST OF PERU

Christopher B. DonnanA Chimu-lnka ceramic-manufacturing center; dating ca. A.D. 1470-1532 has been located in the Jequetepeque Valley ofnorthern Peru. An analysis of a large sample of m olds and over-fired sherds from the site indicates that the potters producedboth local and Inka-derived forms-primarily mold -mad e utility wares. Since Inka aryballoid bottles were produced here, theirproduction, and presumably their use, was more akin to utility wares for comm oners than to ceremonia administrative warefor the elite. Although there were num erous potters involved in the production of large numbers of vessels, the production wasnot organized w ith strict division of labor; but rather w ith each individual potter working o n most stages of production.Un centro de manufactura de ceramica C himu-lnka, fechado alrededor de 1470-1532 d.C., fue descubierto en el Valle deJequetepeque, en el norte de Peru. El analisis de un gran numero de ejemplos de moldes y m aterial descartado del sitio indicaque 10s alfareros producian formas derivadas del estilo Inka y tamb itn formas locales-principalmente ceramica de usodo m bt ic o, hec ha en moldes. Ya que las botellas de tipo aribalo fueron produ cidas en este lugar, su produccidn y, presunta-men te, su uso, estaba asociado a la ceramica u sada por la genre del com un, mas qu e a1 uso ceremonia administrativo de lae lite. Aunque habian muchos ceramistas trabajando en la produccidn de un gran numero de vasijas, e sta no estuvo organi-zada con una estricta divisidn del trabajo, pero donde cada artesano trabajaba en la mayoria de las etapa s de la produccidn.

he north coast of Peru was an important Precolumbian ceramics were manufactured havearea of ceramic production before been investigated (H ayashida 1994; Russell et. al.European contact. It was the source of 1994a, 1994b; Shim ada et. al. 199 4; Tschauner et.

some of the most remarkable and well-known al. 1 994). Recently, a Chimu-Ink a ceramic manu-Precolumbian ceramic s tyles , including facturing center was located, and its preliminaryCupisnique, Tembladera, Moche, Huari-Norteiio, investigation provides im portant new insights intoLambayeque, Chimu, and Chimu-Inka. During the nature of Precolumbian ceramic production.the first centuries A.D., molds for producingceram ics began to be used in this area, and mold- The Sitemaking technology subsequently developed here The site is located in the lower part of theto a degree that surpassed most other regions of Jequetepeque Valley, approximately 15 km north-the Western Hemisphere before European con- east of San Pe dro de Lloc (F igure 1). It is in thetact. area known as, Caiioncillo, approximately 100 mWhile hundreds of thousands of ceramic east of the Duros of Caiioncillo, on a sandy hill-objects from the north coast of Peru have entered side at the north m argin of an extensive algarrobomuseums and private collections, very little is forest.known about their production. A few studies have The site covers the ridge of a sand dunebeen made of north coast ceramic technology (Figure 2). It is recognizable by the abundant(Bennett and Bird 1964; Collier 1955; Donnan ceramic sherds, shell, and ash on the surface,1965, 1971, 199 3; Grossm an 1969-1970; which contrast sharply with the surrounding sand.Shimada 1994b), but only a few sites where The site is oval shaped, measuring approximately

hristopherB. Donnan Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1549Latin American Antiquity, 8(1), 1997, pp. 3G54.Copyright O by the Society for American Archaeology


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San Pedro de loc

Figure 1 Map of the lower Jequetepequ e Valley showing the location of the ceram ic production site180 m N S by 60 m E-W, and slopes downwardfrom north to south.Extensive deflation of the ridge top has left aremarkable abundance of sherds on the surface,but has removed nearly all depth of midden.Although a few areas have up to 10 cm of middenbeneath the present surface, in most areas thesherds and shell are now resting on sterile sand.The surface of the site appears to be undifferenti-ated by sector, with an essentially homogeneousinventory of material evenly distributed over theentire area. There is no surface evidence of archi-tecture.The area where the site is located has abundantevidence of Prehispanic occupation, includingconcentrations of refuse, adobe and stone archi-tecture, ancient roads, imgation canals, and fieldsystems (Eling 1986; Hecker and Hecker 1990;Wier and Eling 1986). Most of the material is

Chim6, or Chim6-Inka, although some Mocheand Moche-Huari occupation also has been noted.Our knowledge of the site is based almostexclusively on a study of its surface features.With the exception of several shallow holes dugwith a trowel to determine if there was any mid-den beneath the surface, and a small exploratorypit excavated into an ash deposit, no excavationwas conducted. On the other hand, all diagnosticsherds (rims, lugs, bases, decorated sherds, andmold fragments) were collected from the surface.The collection, consisting of 1,359 sherds, pro-vides the primary data for this report.

ChronologyThe site probably had only a brief period of occu-pation. There appear to be no ceramics earlierthan Chimu, nor any with European influence.Moreover, the inventory of ceramic forms is


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Figure 2 The ceram ic production site looking northeast. The fence extends east to west across the southern portionof the site.

extremely limited, suggesting that it is all rela-tively contemporary material rather than theresult of a long period of occupation.Although no Cuzco Inka ceramics were found,numerous sherds were from vessels with formsand decorations that are clearly Inka derived.These indicate that the site was occupied after theInka conquest of the north coast of Peru, an eventthought to have begun around A.D. 1470. Sincethere were no European-influenced ceramics, norany other European goods (glass beads, iron,brass, porcelain, etc.), it is likely that the site wasabandoned by the early part of the colonial period.In sum, it would appear that the site was occu-pied between approximately A.D. 1470 and1535. The ceramics produced at that period onthe north coast of Peru are generally referred to asChim6-Inka.

Evidence of Ceramic ProductionThe most obvious indication of ceramic produc-tion at the site was the high frequency of over-fired ceramic fragments on the surface (Figure 3).Hundreds of these were fairly evenly distributed

throughout the site area. They were clearly thediscarded remains of ceramic vessels that hadbeen destroyed by excessive temperature duringthe firing process. The excessive temperatureresulted in warping of the vessel walls and rims,blistering and partial vitrification of the surfaces,and the predominant dark color that characterizedthese sherds.No complete over-fired vessels were found,but 108 of the sherds could be identified by ves-sel form or decoration. They included fragmentsof nearly every vessel form and decoration thatwas represented in the other ceramics from thesite (see Ceramics below).Another clear indicator of ceramic productionwas the quantity of mold fragments found on thesurface of the site. Sixty-three mold fragmentswere collected. The most common were for mak-ing olla chambers (Figure 4a, b). These wouldproduce the chamber in two parts, with a horizon-tal seam at the equator. Most were smooth on theinterior and would have created either the lowerhalf of the olla chamber or the undecorated upperhalf. Some molds were incised (Figure 4a, b) to


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Figure 3. Fragments of over fired ceramics.


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igure 4. ragments of molds for producing ollas a-b) and jars c-e).


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5EPORTScreate the upper half of an olla chamber decoratedwith a low-relief design Figure 5f . No moldswere found that would have produced the rimsand handles of ollas-these apparently were handmodeled and attached after the chambers wereremoved from the molds see Paste Types below).

At least three of the molds were for the pro-duction of jars. These would have produced ves-sels with vertical seams. One was a nearlycomplete mold for forming one half of a jar cham-ber with a low relief design depicting anthropo-morphized bird and animal figures Figure 4c).Another would have produced a face neck jarwith a human face Figure 4d), while a third wasfor the production of both the chamber and neckof a jar Figure 4e).

Several molds were for the production of stir-rup spout bottles. Two of these Figure 6a, b)were exclusively for producing the stirrup spout.Once the stirrup spout was completed in moldssuch as these, it would have been joined to achamber that was presumably made in another setof molds. In contrast, the other two molds formaking stirrup spouts Figure 6c, d) would haveproduced both the stirrup spout and the chamberin a single operation, thus eliminating the need forchamber molds, and the additional step of joiningthe spout to the chamber.

One mold Figure 6e) was for the production ofgarnbreled plates with lyre-shaped cross sectionsFigure 7a-j). The interior surface of this mold had

a design created with punctation, and thus wouldhave produced plates whose bottoms were deco-rated with dots in low relief. One fragment of aplate decorated in this way was found at the site.4

One mold was for producing aryballoid bottles.These bottles are characterized by an oblate cham-ber with strap handles on opposite sides, a tall flar-ing spout, a pointed bottom, and a lug on the uppershoulder of the chamber. They are one of the mosttypical forms of Inka ceramics and were producedboth in the Cuzco area and in areas incorporatedinto the Inka empire. The aryballoid bottle moldfound on the surface of the site Figure 6f)includes the portion for making the strap handleon the side of the chamber Figure 8a-e).

There were numerous molds for producingheads andlor bodies of humans, birds, and ani-mals Figure 9).5Among those recognizable from

Table 1. Frequency of C eramic Forms and Decora tion.

Sherds Over-firedn n

MoldsOllas with recurved rimsOllas with straight or flaring rimsOllas with handlesJarsStrap-handlejarsStrap-handlejars with birdBowls with two handlesLyre-shaped bow ls

Tall-sided 28 2.2Short-sided 11 .9Rounded bowls 59 4.7 .9Straight-sided bow ls 9 .7 2 1.8Aryballoid bottles

Rim and neck fragments 36 2.9 13 11.9Chamber fragments and bases 7 .6 2 1.8Strap handles 21 1.7Lugs 2 . 2 -

Polychrome-painted sherd 156 12.5 21 19.3Press-molded blackware sherds 59 4.7Press-molded redware sherds 30 2. 4Paddle-marked sherds 3 . 2Miscellaneous sherds 48 3.8Total 1,250 109the fragments are molds to make one half of theheads of felines Figure 9a, b, c), llamas Figure9d), and humans Figure 9e, f .

The mold fragments collected from the surfaceof the site are remarkably similar to one anotherin appearance. All but one is oxidation fired. Theyare normally very smooth and well finished onthe interior, but coarse and irregular on the exte-rior. The exterior of many of the molds had one ormore small bumps near the edges, presumably toalign with similar bumps on the complimentaryhalf of the mold to facilitate alignment of the twohalves when they were lined with moist clay.

One lump of unfired clay, weighing approxi-mately 107 g, was found on the surface of the site.It appears to be pure clay, without temper added,and its light cream color suggests that it may havebeen to create the white slip painted on many ofthe ceramic vessels from this site.


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Figure 5 Ollas with flaring rims a-c), handles d-f), and a bird face g), and a jar h).


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Figure 6 Fragments of m olds for producing stirrup spout bottles a-d), plates e), and aryba lloid bottles 0.


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Figure 7 Bowls


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Figure 8 Aryballoid bottle fragm ents of handles a-e ) and gambrels of lower chambers f-i).


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Figure 9 Fragments of molds for producing feline heads a-c ), llama heads d), human faces e), and human bodies 0.


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One final piece of evidence for ceramic pro-duction at the site was the abundance of charcoalon the surface, and the presence of several largedeposits of ash. The ash deposits were not sys-tematically excavated, but their surface appear-ance suggests that they were round or slightlyoval shaped with a diameter of approximately 2m. They contained dense deposits of light grayash, up to 10 cm deep. Sterile sand beneath theash showed.evidence of intense heat that causedthe sand to oxidize and become slightly reddishorange. The ash deposits are presumably wherethe ceramics were fired.

eramicsThe ceramics collected from the surface of thesite reflect both the ceramic use and ceramic pro-duction that occurred there. In most instances, itis not possible to determine if a ceramic fragmentwas from a vessel that was broken during orshortly after manufacture-before it was used-or if it was from a vessel that was used by peopleworking at the site.

More than 37 percent of the diagnostic sherdson the surface of the site were fragments ofnecked ollas Figures 5a-g, 10). These can bedivided into three basic types: those withrecurved rims Figure lo), those with straight orflaring rims Figure 5a-c), and those with handlesFigure 5d-g). The most common are those with

recurved rims. These and the ollas with straight orflaring rims tend to be somewhat larger than ollaswith handles, and are generally undecorated.Some, however, have a red slip applied to the rimand upper part of the chamber Figure 5b, c) orare decorated with an application of thin whiteslip applied in uneven lines or crude dots on therim and upper chamber Figures 5a, 10d). Someollas had one or more rows of bumps on the upperchamber Figure 10a, b) created by reachinginside the chamber while the clay was still moistand pressing outward with one finger.

Some ollas with handles are undecorated orsimply have an uneven application of white slipand/or bumps on their upper chambers. In mostinstances, however, they have low relief press-molded designs Figure 5e, f)-a decorative formnot found on ollas without handles. The press-molded designs are geometric, consisting of lines,

dots, and scroll motifs forming a continuous hor-izontal band around the upper chamber. Oneexample has a bird face modeled into the rim,with earlike elements projecting out from the rimon two sides Figure 5g).

Fragments of jars also were abundant on thesurface of the site Figures 5h, 1 a-c) . These aregenerally crudely made, with uneven surfaces. Afew were painted with an overall red slip, andsome had traces of a thin white slip applied totheir rims and upper chambers.

Numerous sherds of strap-handled jars alsowere found Figure 1 d-h). They tend to have thesame uneven surface treatment as the other jars. Afew have an overall red slip on their exterior sur-face. The handles are generally lenticular in crosssection, although some have round cross sections.

One distinctive form of strap-handled jar has aneck modeled in the form of a bird. The smallestone found is complete and exhibits some organicblack pigment painted on its chamber and handleFigure llh). It is 9.4 cm high, but fragments of

others indicate that they were normally muchlarger-some as much as 27 cm high.

Bowls with two handles were very commonFigure 12). Their form is probably derived fromInka bowls with two handles Rowe 1944:Figure8 0 The handles, which project from oppositesides of the chamber near the rim, exhibit consid-erable variation in size, form, and placement.They can be round, oval, or lenticular in crosssection. The bowls are generally undecorated, butsome have the interior of the rim and part or all ofthe exterior surface painted with red slip Figure12a, h). A few have thin white slip applied in anirregular horizontal band on their exterior near therim Figure 12e, h) or on the upper part of thehandles.

Bowls without handles also were common.They exhibit considerable variation in form,although most have either lyre-shaped Figure7a-j) or rounded Figures 7k, 13a-d) profiles.Less common are bowls that have relativelystraight sides and a sharp angle near the baseFigure 13e-h). The latter are generally reduction

fired, while those with lyre-shaped profiles aregenerally oxidation fired. All examples of bowlswith rounded profiles are oxidation fired.

Four fragments of rounded bowls have unusual


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Figure 10 Ollas with recurved rims


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Figure 11 Jars a-c), strap-handled ars d-g), strap-handled ar with bird head h-i).


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Figure 12. Double handled bowls.


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Figure 13. Bowls a-h), aryballoid bottle rim i), aryballoid bottle lug j).


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decorative elements on their rims-two nearlyflat half circles of clay with shallow incisionsnear the outer edge (Figure 13b-d). It is likelythat they are derived from Inka plates that havethis form of decorative element.6 Unfortunately,none of the four fragments is sufficiently com-plete to determine what may have been present onthe rim opposite the decorative elements.However, two complete examples of similarChimu-Inka bowls in the Museo Bruning inLambayeque have identical pairs of decorativeelements on opposite sides of the rim.'The bowls without handles generally areundecorated, but some have red slip on their inte-rior surface and on the exterior near the rim(Figure 7k). Others have a rim decoration consist-ing of black-slip dots on a white-slip stripe(Figure 7e), white-slip dots on a red-slip stripe(Figure 7h), or simply black-slip dots (Figure 7g)or stripes (Figure 7k) on an unslipped surface.One fragment was decorated with a scroll-and-line motif in black slip on the unslipped exteriorof the chamber (Figure 7i).One small sherd had a polychrome slip designpainted on its concave surface (Figure 14a).Although this sherd has no trace of a rim, it musthave been from an open vessel form-presum-ably a bowl. The design is reminiscent of the fernpattern that is characteristic of Inka ceramics andknown to have been painted on the interior sur-face of Inka plates.Another vessel form that is clearly borrowedfrom Inka ceramics is the aryballoid bottle.Numerous fragments of this form were recovered,including rim and neck fragments (Figures 13i,15), lugs (Figure 13j), chamber fragments(Figures 8f-i, 16), and strap handles (Figure8a-e). Only three sherds of the bases of aryballoidbottles were found--each had a small, but dis-tinctly flat bottom.The production of aryballoid bottles clearlyinvolved much more effort and skill than the pro-duction of other ceramics at this site. Surfaces werecarefully smoothed and painted with polychromeslip. The slips were of better quality and were morecarefully applied than those on the other vesselforms. Some aryballoid bottles were painted withthe fern pattern (Figure 16b-e, g), a typical CuzcoInka aryballoid decoration (Rowe 1944:47).

Although many of the polychrome paintedceramic fragments could not be attributed to spe-cific vessel forms, it is likely that nearly all arefrom the chamber portions of aryballoid bottles.The variety of color combinations and designmotifs (Figure 14b-1) implies a considerable vari-ation in the decoration of aryballoid bottles.Some fragments of press-molded blackwareand press-molded redware vessels were recoveredfrom the surface of the site (Figure 17). Moldfragments for producing press-molded ceramicswere also recovered. Only three paddle-markedsherds were found, and two of these may be fromthe same vessel. This implies that paddle markingwas rare in the Chimb-Inka ceramic inventoryfrom the Jequetepeque Valley.Other miscellaneous ceramic fragments recov-ered include several sherds of large ollas, one ofwhich was decorated with circular depressions(Figure 18a), a miniature jar with double handles(Figure 18b), and a variety of bottle spouts(Figure 1 -f). Also found were two figurinefragments (Figure 19a, c), a fragment of a faceneck jar (Figure 19d), several grater bowl frag-ments (Figure 19e), and miscellaneous lugs andhandles (Figure 19f-i). A few fragments of bothstirrup spout and double-chambered whistlingbottles were recovered, but these were too smallto provide a clear idea of the vessels from whichthey were derived.

aste TypesAll of the ceramics are made of terra-cotta clay;no examples of kaolin paste were found. The tem-per is consistently sand or fine gravel. There is,however, a remarkable range of variation in thesize of the temper grain, as well as the amount oftemper used in the ceramics.Some vessel categories were consistentlymade of clay with fine sand temper. These includeall bowls without handles (Figures 7, 13a-h),strap-handled ars with necks modeled in the formof bird heads (Figure llh), and press-moldedblackware (Figure 17). Cooking ollas (Figures5a-g, lo), on the other hand, almost invariablyhad coarse temper in the clay that was used toconstruct the chamber, but a much finer temper inthe clay used to construct the rim. If the ollas hadhandles (Figure 5e-g), the handles also were


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igure 14 Polychrome slip painted sherds.


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Figure 15 Fragments of aryballoid bottle rims a-h) and neck i).


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Figure 16 Aryballoid bottle chamber fragments


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Figure 17 Press-molded blackware sherds.

Figure 18 Rim of a large olla a), miniature doub le-handle d ar b), and bottle necks c-0.


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Figure 19 Miscellaneous ceramic fragments


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made of clay with fine temper.Strap-handle jars (Figure 1 d-g) are similar tocooking ollas in that the chamber usually wasmade of clay with coarse temper, but the necksand strap handles were made of clay with muchfiner temper. This suggests that they also mayhave been made for cooking. The same is true ofbowls with two handles (Figure 12), whose cham-bers are made of coarse-tempered clay but han-dles are made of fine-tempered clay.Aryballoid bottles were distinct from all theother vessel categories in having virtually no con-sistency in paste type. To some extent, the largerthe aryballoid bottle, the coarser the temper, butthere were many exceptions. Moreover, some ary-balloid bottles had coarser temper in their cham-bers than in their rim, while others used the samepaste type throughout. Nor did the temper charac-teristics correspond to the complexity or qualityof the polychrome slip painting.One possible explanation for the remarkablywide variation in paste type used in the aryballoidbottles is that the sample may include vessels oflocal manufacture as well as those made else-where. While this may account for some of thevariation, the fragments of over-fired aryballoidvessels (which presumably are all of local manu-facture) include considerable variation in pastetype. This implies that aryballoid bottles weremade at this site by various potters working withtheir own distinctive clay.

onclusionsThe ceramic-manufacturing center provides newinsights into the nature of Precolumbian ceramicproduction, particularly as it was practiced on thenorth coast of Peru during the last decades beforeEuropean contact. At that time, the north coasthad been conquered by the Inka, and the ceramicsused in the area included both traditional localforms and new forms that were borrowed fromInka ceramics. Both traditional and new formswere produced at this center, with a system ofproduction that was heavily dependent on the useof molds for constructing the vessels.Although a great variety of ceramics was pro-duced at the center, it did not include the fullrange known to exist on the north coast at thistime. The emphasis was on utility wares-pri-

marily vessels for cooking and serving food. Theceramics were generally well made, and emi-nently functional, but little effort was spent tosmooth and polish the surfaces or decorate thevessels with carefully incised or painted designs.When paint was used, it was normally a thin,poorly made white slip that was applied in wideuneven lines or irregular, randomly placedblotches. With the exception of the polychromeslip-painted aryballoid bottles, few vessels in thesample had a slip-painted decor that would haverequired even a minute of the potter s time. Theceramic production was clearly aimed at quantityrather than quality and must have been tied to alarge population creating a constant demand forcommon utility vessels.

Vessels generally thought to have been used bythe religious and administrative elite are notice-ably absent from this site. These include kero-shaped drinking cups, pacchas (ceremonialvessels), and high-quality blackware vessels withelaborate press-molded designs and/or highlyburnished surfaces. Presumably they were pro-duced in other centers that functioned under moredirect state control. The fact that aryballoid bot-tles w r produced at this site, suggests that theirproduction, and presumably their use, was moreakin to that of utility ware for commoners than itwas to ceremonial administrative ware for theelite.The wide range of paste types used in the man-ufacture of the ceramic vessels implies that theclay was not prepared in large quantities to beused communally by various potters, but rather inrelatively small quantities by individual potters,or family units, each of whom prepared the claysto their own specifications.Furthermore, within each vessel form pro-duced at this site, subtle differences between ves-sels imply that we are looking at the work ofmany different potters. This is well exemplifiedby the variation in two-handled bowls (Figure12). Each example of this vessel has essentiallythe same form and would have served the samefunction. Yet the subtle differences in shape, rimform, handle form, and position of the handlestrongly suggest that they were made by differentpotters. The same is true of each of the other ves-sel forms, including aryballoid bottles, where


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great variation in paste and slip-painted decora-tion has been noted. All this implies that, althoughthis site had numerous potters involved in the pro-duction of large numbers of vessels, the produc-tion was not organized under any centralauthority with strict division of labor.In this regard, it is interesting to consider theInka ceramic-producing site of Milliraya, locatednear the northern margin of Lake Titicaca.Colonial-period documents indicate that duringthe reign of Wayna Qapaq, the Inka took 1,000weavers and feather workers and 100 potters fromneighboring areas and resettled them in Millirayato produce for the state (Murra 1978; Spurling1992). The ceramic production site at Caiioncillomay have resulted from a similar state-directedresettlement of potters from neighboring areas,with the expectation that they produce for thestate.Inka-period ceramic production in the Mantaroregion of highland Peru involved a somewhat dif-ferent system (Costin 1986; Costin and Hagstrum1995). There the data suggest that Inka ceramicswere manufactured at state facilities that werephysically and organizationally distinct from thehousehold-based workshops where the localWanka-style pottery was produced. Apparently,local potters were recruited by the state on a part-time (mit a) basis to produce ceramics in the statestyle. There is no indication, however, that thepotters were brought in from neighboring areas.In the case of the ceramic-manufacturing cen-ter at Caiioncillo, it is not possible to determinewhether the potters were local people who hadbeen recruited by the Inka state on either a full-time or part-time basis or were simply local pot-ters working on their own. It is clear, however,that local Chimd- and Inka-style ceramics wereboth produced at this site.Studies of provincial Inka ceramic productionin the Mantaro Valley and Tarma regions of thecentral Peruvian highlands, as well as in theTiticaca area of the southern highlands, havedemonstrated that provincial Inka ceramics werenormally produced and consumed within regionsrather than transported far from their centers ofproduction (D Altroy and Bishop 1990). Theceramic production center at Caiioncillo, as wellas other contemporary ceramic production sites

on the north coast of Peru reported by Hayashida(1994) and Tschnauer et al. (1994), indicate thatceramics in this region also were produced locallyand were largely for local consumption.It is hoped that evidence of ceramic productionwill become available from more regions. AsSpurling (1992) concluded in his study of Inkaceramic production at Milliraya, the variationshave major implications for understanding theorganization of state-level production, specifi-cally in terms of internal task specialization, stan-dardization, administrative systems of indirectcontrol, and ultimately, the distribution of theceramics produced.

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1964 Andean Cultural History. American Museum ofNatural History. Natural History Press, Garden City,Ne w York.Collier, D.1955 Cultural Chronology and Change as Reflected inthe Ceramics of the Viru Valley Peru. Fieldiana:Anthropology Vol. 43. Field Museum of NaturalHistory, Chicago.Costin, C. L.1986 From Chiefdom to Empire State: CeramicEconomy Among the Prehispanic Wanka of Highland

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Antiquity 36:460 466.1993 Ceramics of Ancient Peru. Fowler Museum ofCultural H istory, University o f California, Los Ang eles.Eling, H. H.1986 Pre-Hispanic Irrigation Sources and Systems in theJequetepeque Valley, Northern Peru. In AndeanArchaeology Pap ers in Memory of Clifford Evansedited by R. Matos, S. Turpin, and H. E ling. MonographNo. XXVII. Institute of Archaeology, University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles.Grossman, J.1969 1970 A Huaquero s Discard: Eleven AssociatedMolds from Huaca Facho Peru. Nawpa Pacha Vol. 7 8.Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California.

Hayashida, F. M .1994 Produccidn ceramica en el imperio Inka: una visidnglobal y nuevos datos. In Tecnologia y organizacidn dela produccidn de cerdm ica prehispdnica en 10s Andes


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A Chimu-Inka Ceramic-Manufacturing Center from the North Coast of Peru


Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 8, No. 1. (Mar., 1997), pp. 30-54.

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References Cited

Standardization, Labor Investment, Skill, and the Organization of Ceramic Production inLate Prehispanic Highland Peru

Cathy L. Costin; Melissa B. Hagstrum

American Antiquity, Vol. 60, No. 4. (Oct., 1995), pp. 619-639.

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The Provincial Organization of Inka Ceramic Production

Terence N. D'Altroy; Ronald L. Bishop

American Antiquity, Vol. 55, No. 1. (Jan., 1990), pp. 120-138.

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Ancient Peruvian Potters' Marks and Their Interpretation through Ethnographic Analogy


American Antiquity, Vol. 36, No. 4. (Oct., 1971), pp. 460-466.

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