CULTURE ANDCOMPARATIVE STUDIES

William W. Cobern, Section Editor

Diversity and Equity for Asian American Students in Science Education

OKHEE LEEDepartment of Teaching and Learning, School of Education, University of Miami, CoralGables, FL 33124, USA; e-mail: OLEE@UMIAMI.IR.MIAMI.EDU

Received 14 September 1995; revised 22 May 1996; accepted 15 July 1996

ABSTRACT: Asian American students have been described as a “model minority” for their academic achievements, particularly in the natural sciences and related fields. The model minority label, however, has serious flaws and masks the learning needs of many students. This article addresses issues of diversity and equity with Asian American students in science education. The article first describes barriers as well as promising practices in science learn-ing with Asian American students. Then, current science education reform and its implica-tions for Asian American students are discussed. Finally, equity agenda with Asian Ameri-can students in science education are proposed. In contrast to a sizable body of research on achievement tests and attitude surveys, the literature provides little specific information about effective instructional practices or programs with the Asian American student popula-tion. Science educators need to look beyond stereotypes for a better understanding of the strengths and limitations of Asian American students for science achievement, as well as ways to enhance their social and emotional adjustment. ©1997 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Sci Ed 81:107–122, 1997.

INTRODUCTION

During a recent episode of the cartoon television program “The Simpsons,” Principal Skinner,while showing his school’s science fair to a visitor, remarked: “Pretty good science projects for aschool with no Asian students, wouldn’t you say?” The remark is telling. Asian American stu-dents have been described as a “model minority” for their academic achievements in general, and

© 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Inc CCC 0036-8326/97/010107-16

Correspondence to: O. Lee

mathematics and science performance in particular. The model minority label, however, has seri-ous flaws. This stereotype neglects the diversity among Asian American groups. The success sto-ries of some students obscure the struggle and ultimate failures of many others. Even those whodo well in school often succeed at high costs of emotional stress and social isolation.

Current waves of science education reform stress “science for all” to achieve equity as wellas excellence: “All students . . . should have the opportunity to attain high levels of scien-tific literacy” (National Research Council [NRC], 1996, p. 20; see also American Associationfor the Advancement of Science [AAAS], 1989, 1993). To achieve equity in science, all stu-dents should be given a fair chance of success through the equality of opportunities, re-sources, and outcomes (Lynch et al., 1996; Secada, 1994). The diversity of Asian Americancultures as well as equity with individual students, however, have often been ignored becauseof apparent academic successes in mathematics and science.

Science educators need to look beyond the stereotypes for a more accurate understandingof the strengths and limitations in science learning with the Asian American population. Atpresent, aside from achievement test scores and attitudinal survey data, there is little research,theory, or working models about teaching and learning processes with Asian American stu-dents in science education. In addition, little is known about differences among diverse groupswithin the Asian American population or differences within each group (Min, 1995; Trueba,Cheng, & Ima, 1993; Walker-Moffat, 1995). Even less is known about ways to meet the learn-ing needs of individual students to achieve equity in science education.

This article addresses issues of diversity and equity with Asian American students in sci-ence education. Major barriers as well as promising practices in K–12 science education forAsian American students are described. Then, current national science education reform andits implications for Asian American students are discussed. Finally, equity agenda with AsianAmerican students are proposed.

FACTORS INFLUENCING SCIENCE LEARNING WITH ASIAN AMERICANSTUDENTS: BARRIERS AND PROMISING PRACTICES

Asian American students face many barriers to academic success and social adjustment inschool. Despite these barriers, there are practices and beliefs that promote science learningwith Asian American students. In this section, major barriers as well as promising practices inK–12 science education for Asian American students are discussed.

Barriers to Science Learning

Although some of the barriers facing Asian American students occur commonly with ethnicminority groups, others are unique to the Asian American population. Even within the AsianAmerican population, some groups face the challenges more seriously than others. The dis-cussion focuses on how the model minority image obscures the diversity among Asian Ameri-can groups, overlooks the learning needs of many students who perform poorly in school, andunderestimates the burdens placed on academically successful students.

Model Minority Stereotype. Although the stereotypes of Asian Americans in the UnitedStates have changed, a dominant image currently is a model minority. There are major indica-tors that appear to give credence to this assertion. First, academic performance of AsianAmerican students, especially in the natural sciences, has been highly touted (Campbell,1991; Divoky, 1988; Lee & Rong, 1988; Wong, 1980). Second, some of the most prestigiousuniversities have become wary of the overrepresentation of Asian American students (Chan &

108 LEE

Wang, 1990; Endo, 1990; Hsia, 1988). University admission for these students is even morecompetitive in mathematics, science, and engineering, compared to social sciences and hu-manities (Biemiller, 1986; Endo, 1990). Third, popular magazines and mass media carry sto-ries of academic success by Asian American students, such as winners of prestigious awards,heads of the class, or whiz kids (e.g., Brand, 1987; Butterfield, 1986).

The perception of Asian Americans as a model minority has been strengthened by interna-tional studies that indicate that students in some industrialized Asian countries perform betterthan their American counterparts in mathematics and science (International Association forthe Evaluation of Educational Achievement, 1988; Lapointe, Askew, & Mead, 1992). Someeducators, however, question the accuracy of the data and interpretations in these studies(Bracey, 1992a, 1992b, 1996; Hess & Azuma, 1991; Lawson, 1990; Westbury, 1992). Thecurrent fear of Asians’ success is analogous to the nation’s reaction after the launch of the So-viet Union’s Sputnik I during the late 1950s (Lee & Salwen, 1994).

The model minority label is a burden for Asian American students, often producing complexpressures (Kember & Gow, 1991; Peng, & Lee, 1991; Suzuki, 1989; Wei, 1986; Yee, 1989).The media, teachers, parents, and fellow students all place high, sometimes unrealistic, acade-mic expectations on Asian American students. Teachers perceive that these students, especiallyacademically successful students who live up to expectations, do not require any help, whileignoring their social and emotional needs, such as perfectionism, stress, and anxiety.

The model minority label also masks the problems facing Asian American students. It hasdrawn attention away from the substantial instructional needs of many Asian American studentswho do not meet their “expected” potential. With students who perform poorly in school, theirpsychological and social isolation often results in failure in school, drop out, and delinquent orcriminal activities (Kember & Gow, 1991; Peng & Lee, 1991; Suzuki, 1989; Wei, 1986).

Ethnic Diversity. As with other ethnic groups, the use of the covering term, Asian Ameri-cans, conceals the enormous diversity within this population (Min, 1995). The Asian Ameri-can population consists of many subgroups with distinctly different ethnic backgrounds. Themajor groups of Asian Americans in the U.S. include: (a) East Asians (i.e., Chinese, Filipino,Japanese, Korean); (b) Pacific islanders (i.e., Fijian, Guamanian, Hawaiian, Marshall islander,Melanesian, Samoan, Tahitian, Tongan); (c) Southeast Asians (i.e., Cambodian/Kampuchean,Hmong, Indonesian, Lao, Malayan, Singaporean, Thai, Vietnamese); and (d) South Asians(i.e., Bangladeshi, Burmese, Asian Indian, Nepali, Pakistani, Sri Lankan).

All these groups have different historical, social, and cultural backgrounds that influence acad-emic performance in various ways. Some groups, including those under the influence of Confu-cianism and Buddhism traditions, have self-determination and personal responsibility to excel,whereas others, such as Pacific islanders, have more relaxed attitudes toward achievement(Trueba, Cheng, & Ima, 1993). There are significant differences in mathematics and science per-formance among these groups, with some groups generally doing well, whereas others seem tohave difficulties (Endo, 1990). Many Southeast Asians, many of whom are war refugees, sufferfrom emotional traumas from wars, and some of the children experience difficulties academicallyand socially in school (First, 1988; Kellogg, 1988; Olsen, 1988; Walker-Moffat, 1995).

Cultural Differences. Asian American students cope with cultural differences betweenhome and school. East Asian parents expect their children to obey the authority of teach-ers, to work hard, to succeed academically, and to behave well in public (Hamilton,Blumenfeld, Akoh, & Miura, 1989; Hess, Chih-Mei, & McDevitt, 1987; Lee, Ichikawa, &Stevenson, 1987; Mordkowitz & Ginsberg, 1987). Parents of Southeast Asian students also

ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS 109

expect academic success from their children, even in severe hardships, such as little formalschooling while living in relocating camps, emotional traumas from wars, and limitedknowledge of English language (Caplan, Choy, & Whitmore, 1992; Smith-Hefner, 1990;Yao, 1988).

Academic success comes with high costs. Asian American students often feel pressuredto meet the high expectations of their parents and teachers in academic achievement, par-ticularly in mathematics and science. A negative consequence of this pressure is that manyAsian American students become high achievers with good grades, but passive learnerswho avoid risk-taking or creative process — attributes that are important for advancementin scientific and technological fields (Benjamin, 1986; Fallows, 1987; Hirayama, 1989;Rohlen, 1983; White, 1987). Academic pressures often lead to emotional, mental, and so-cialization problems associated with continuous stress related to high achievement. Also,real needs of a large number of Asian American students who perform poorly in school arefrequently ignored.

In addition to academic pressure, many Asian American students face the task of inte-gration into the mainstream culture (Trueba, Cheng, & Ima, 1993; Walker-Moffat, 1995).Some Asian American students express their frustration through rebellious behavior whentheir traditional cultures come in conflict with the mainstream culture in school. Identityconfusion or crisis is a problem when integration occurs without adequately understandingboth cultures, losing or actively denying either home culture or the mainstream culture.One example is the growing trend for Southeast Asian students who, as a solution of cul-tural rifts between parents’ values and school expectations, leave their homes and formgroups with friends from similar family backgrounds, which may lead to dysfunctionaland delinquent behavior (Ingrassia, King, Tizon, Scigliano, & Annin, 1994; Trueba,Cheng, & Ima, 1993).

Socioeconomic Status. Although some Asian American groups approach socioeconomicparity with the Caucasian population due to their high educational attainment (Barringer,1990; Hirschman & Wong, 1984; Lee & Rong, 1988), others rank low in socioeconomic sta-tus. Some Southeast Asians, for instance, display a high unemployment rate (as high as 20%)and a high poverty rate (as high as 67%) (Bach, 1984; National Center for Education Statis-tics, 1992, p. 16; United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1992, p. 15).

Asian Americans have a relatively short history in the U.S. For instance, 48% of AsianAmerican eighth graders in a 1988 national sample were first generation Americans, 31% ofsecond generation, and only 21% of third generation or beyond (National Center for Educa-tion Statistics, 1992, p. 16). The short history of immigration means that they are not well in-tegrated in American society and that they have not yet learned how to mobilize the politicalsystem to work on their behalf (United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1992). AsianAmericans often maintain their own culture, language, and identity, rather than integrate intothe mainstream culture.

In the history of Asian American immigration into the U.S., early immigrants are better ad-justed in the mainstream society than the recently arrived. The first wave of Asian immigrantscame from China beginning in the mid-19th century, followed by Japanese immigrants during1890–1910. The second wave, starting from the mid-1960s, were mostly from the Philip-pines, Korea, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. The latest wave, since the mid-1970s, were largelySoutheast Asians from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. Compared to earlier groups of immi-grants, the latest group have fewer human capital resources and no established ethnic enclavesfor support (Wong, 1986).

110 LEE

Language Minority. Many Asian American students have limited English proficiency.For example, of the 1988 national sample of Asian American eighth graders in the U.S., 73% were identified as language minorities, defined as children from homes inwhich a non-English language is spoken (National Center for Education Statistics, 1992,p. 19). Among language minority groups in the U.S., language problems are particularlyacute with Asian Americans because Asian languages bear little similarity to English. Inaddition, Asian Americans speak a variety of languages and dialects, including Cambo-dian, Hmong, Lao, Vietnamese, Cantonese, Mandarin, Japanese, Korean, Tagalog, andSamoan.

The number of Asian languages makes it extremely difficult to find bilingual teachersfor each of these language groups (Goodwin, 1991; Goodwin & Genishi, 1994). Trueba,Cheng, and Ima (1993) stated, “the foreign-born Asian groups, which were not exposed tothe English language prior to their arrival in the U.S., represents at-risk groups, perhapsthe most neglected groups in America” (p. 66). Asian American students’ positive perfor-mance in the fields of natural sciences, despite their disadvantages in English language,may be an attempt to compensate for a relative weakness by excelling in these disciplineswhich do not require English proficiency as much as social sciences or humanities. Thus,language difficulties may limit Asian American students from a wide range of career op-portunities (Endo, 1990).

Gender. Gender issues for Asian Americans in mathematics, science, and engineeringhave not received adequate attention. Asian American female students participate in sci-ence areas more than other groups of male or female students, except for white malestudents (Chipman & Thomas, 1987; National Science Foundation [NSF], 1994). How-ever, their participation varies depending on areas of science, with engineering andphysical sciences having much lower rates. In addition, Asian American female stu-dents’ academic participation and performance is much lower than their male counter-parts (Chipman & Thomas, 1987). Of the racial/ethnic groups, the difference in scienceenrollments and academic performance by gender was greatest among Asian Americanstudents (NSF, 1994). Even among gifted students, such as high school students in ad-vanced mathematics and science classes or winners of prestigious Westinghouse awards,female students have lower confidence levels and are more frequently oriented awayfrom scientific and technological fields than their male counterparts (Campbell, 1991;Campbell & Connolly, 1987).

Asian American female students often face conflict participating in science areas (Mau,1990; Lee & Rong, 1988; Yao, 1988). On the one hand, they are attracted to these areas be-cause of the learning opportunities provided by the U.S. education system and the potential ofsocial mobility and economic security in these fields in the U.S. On the other hand, the tradi-tional role expectations of women discourage them from these traditionally male-dominantfields.

In summary, Asian American students have far more difficulties than is generally realized.The model minority stereotype exacerbates the problems facing many Asian American stu-dents, particularly in mathematics and science. Asian American students come from a rangeof language and cultural backgrounds that differ drastically from the mainstream. Many AsianAmerican students, especially those at risk of failing in school, require instructional supportthat can meet their learning needs. Even the academically successful students require appro-priate assistance for social and emotional adjustment as well as better chances for academicsuccess.

ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS 111

Promising Practices in Science Learning

Little is known about effective instructional practices or programs for Asian Americanstudents in science classrooms. In contrast to a sizable body of research on achievementtests and attitude surveys of students or parents, little research is available on observationsof teaching and learning processes or teacher – student interactions in classroom settings(as an exception, see Tobin & McRobbie, 1996). Likewise, special intervention or instruc-tional programs are virtually nonexistent. Although there are some science curriculum andassessment materials designed for Asian American students in large states with large AsianAmerican populations, such as California and New York, these materials focus more on thedevelopment of English proficiency than the instruction of science content (e.g., ChicagoBoard of Education, 1980; Los Angeles County Office of Education, 1984; Lynch, 1993).Asian American students in geographic areas without sizable Asian concentration lackeven this minimal support.

Research on cross-cultural education indicates major social and psychological factors thatcontribute to the successful participation and performance of Asian American students in aca-demic subjects, including science. It is noted that the literature focuses largely on East Asianstudents, mostly those of Chinese and Japanese backgrounds. The literature also highlightsfactors related to academic success of Southeast Asian students, despite severe hardships oftraumatic war experiences, poverty, and limited English proficiency. Little research is avail-able with other Asian American groups.

Beliefs in Efficacy of Effort. Asian American students express strong beliefs in the efficacy of hard work, concentration, and persistence in achievement settings (Hess, Chih-Mei, & McDevitt, 1987; Holloway, 1988; Lee, Ichikawa, & Stevenson, 1987; Mordkowitz &Ginsberg, 1987; Stevenson, 1987; Stevenson, Lee, & Stigler, 1986). Compared to other ethnicgroups, Asian American students demonstrate stronger beliefs that effort, rather than ability, isthe key to academic success (Willig, Harnisch, Hill, & Maehr, 1983). They also think thatthey can enhance ability through effort (i.e., incremental or instrumental theory of intelli-gence), rather than seeing ability as a stable and global trait that a person is born with (i.e., en-tity theory of intelligence) (Dweck, 1986; Dweck & Elliott, 1983). Beliefs in effort andincremental theory of intelligence guide these students to choose adaptive learning strategiesin academic settings.

Parental Support. Asian American parents demonstrate strong commitment and supportfor their children’s academic performance. East Asian parents have high expectations foracademic achievement, motivation, and good citizenship from their children (Hamilton,Blumenfeld, Akoh, & Miura, 1989; Hess, Chih-Mei, & McDevitt, 1987; Lee, Ichikawa, &Stevenson, 1987; Mordkowitz & Ginsberg, 1987). These parents, who are often immigrantsor first-generation Americans, perceive education as a means for social mobility or humancapitalism. The emphasis on education as the key to social acceptance and economic secu-rity is particularly strong with Southeast Asian parents (Caplan, Choy, & Whitmore, 1992;Lee & Rong, 1988; Yao, 1988).

Along with their high expectations, Asian American parents strive to provide educationalopportunities for their children, even at high expense and personal burdens. Many enroll theirchildren in special summer programs, field trips, enrichment programs, science fair competi-tions, and prestigious academies in mathematics and science (e.g., Westinghouse Awards).The pattern of high expectations and dedication of the parents, followed by academic success

112 LEE

of their children, seems to lead to a cycle of achievement for Asian American students inschool (Ogbu, 1992).

Role Models. Asian American students have an ample supply of successful adults to emu-late in the fields of science and engineering. In addition, a large number of Asian-born foreigngraduate students in these fields remain in the U.S. after completion of their studies and serveas role models for Asian American students. It is estimated that one fourth of Asian scientistsand engineers are not U.S. citizens (NSF, 1990, 1992). The 1990 U.S. census data indicatethat Asian Americans account for about 3% of the overall labor force, but about 7% as naturalscientists and engineers (NSF, 1994). Although Asian American scientists and engineers areequally represented as their Caucasian counterparts, they are far less represented in positionsof leadership and decision making (NSF, 1990, 1992; Rotberg, 1990).

CURRENT SCIENCE EDUCATION REFORMAND IMPLICATIONS FOR ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS

Science education reform since the late 1980s has stressed “science for all,” not just for theselected few who will become scientists and engineers (AAAS, 1989, 1993; NRC, 1996). Asthe first step toward achieving this dual goal of equity and excellence, national science organi-zations have attempted to define scientific literacy for all Americans. In this section, majorcomponents of scientific literacy are described in terms of what constitutes excellence in sci-ence education. Then, implications of science education reform for Asian American studentsare discussed as a way of achieving equity with this population.

In National Science Education Standards, scientific literacy is defined as, “the knowledgeand understanding of scientific concepts and processes required for participation in civic andcultural affairs, economic productivity, and personal decision making” (NRC, 1996, p. 22).According to Science for All Americans (AAAS, 1989), a scientifically literate person is onewho:

is aware that science, mathematics, and technology are interdependent human enterprises withstrengths and limitations; understands key concepts and principles of science; is familiar withthe natural world and recognizes both its diversity and unity; and uses scientific knowledgeand scientific ways of thinking for individual and social purposes. (p. ix)

Scientific literacy, proposed in both documents above, involves two-tier process of sciencelearning, “to acquire both scientific knowledge of the world and scientific habits of mind atthe same time” (AAAS, 1989, p. 190). More specifically, the development of scientific knowl-edge involves “knowing” (a body of knowledge and vocabulary), “doing” (inquiry andprocess skills), and “talking” (discourse and communication). The cultivation of scientifichabits of mind include scientific values and attitudes as well as the scientific world view, asshared and practiced in the science community.

What types of instructional practices and programs are effective in promoting scientific lit-eracy, as emphasized in current science education reform, with Asian American students? Al-though little research-based knowledge exists in science classrooms, the literature providesinsights and speculations about Asian American students’ strengths and learning require-ments. While the proposed reform holds much promise, it also poses a challenge in achievingpotential benefits. Within the Asian American population, great variations exist among sub-groups and individuals. Some key points about the implications of current science educationreform for Asian American students are discussed next.

ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS 113

Knowing Science

Science education stresses the role of prior knowledge and experiences in new learning(AAAS, 1989, 1993; NRC, 1996). Scientific understanding requires students to constructknowledge by integrating new information with prior knowledge and to make meaning of thenewly constructed knowledge (Driver et al., 1994). Prior knowledge is especially importantfor diverse students, because they may have alternative conceptions that differ from commonnotions in the mainstream (Barba, 1993; Matthews & Smith, 1994). Some students may havehad little, if any, previous experiences with science topics in the U.S. science curriculum (Atwater, 1994; Lee, Fradd, & Sutman, 1995). The studies mentioned here emphasize the im-portance of incorporating culturally relevant and familiar examples, analogies, and contexts.In helping students develop scientific conceptions, teachers need to be aware of students’ al-ternative ways of making sense of the world.

While focusing on scientific understanding of key concepts and theories, the proposed re-form de-emphasizes science vocabulary, except for a small number of essential technicalterms. As described earlier, many Asian American students are immigrants or first-generationwho are in the process of learning English as a new language. Some students come from lan-guage backgrounds where science terms in the U.S. science curriculum may not exist. Evenwhen science terms exist in their home languages, the meanings of these terms may not beequivalent to English counterparts. In fact, the words of one language are never completelytranslated into another, and the meanings of words or statements should be understood withincultural contexts or communication situations (Cobern, in press; Maddock, 1981). Thus, thede-emphasis on science vocabulary will benefit many Asian American students who are devel-oping English proficiency while learning academic content in science simultaneously.

The focus on scientific understanding and sense-making poses a challenge for Asian Ameri-can students. These students have been described as relying heavily on memorization of fac-tual information (Benjamin, 1986; Fallows, 1987; Hirayama, 1989; Rohlen, 1983; White,1987). In mathematics learning, for instance, Asian American students tend to overemphasizethe mechanical, rather than the conceptual, understanding of mathematics (Tsang, 1988).Memorization, which has been commonly practiced in Confucian cultures, enables students toachieve “reproductive understanding” by which the students remember ideas and principlesstructured according to texts and lectures (Bain, 1994). Reproductive understanding is differ-ent from “surface understanding” of terms and facts arranged in unstructured lists. Althoughreproductive understanding can produce substantial learning achievements (Biggs, 1994), it isa less powerful form of learning compared to “transformative understanding” in which stu-dents construct knowledge and meaningful understanding. Changes from reproductive under-standing into transformative understanding, as emphasized in the proposed reform, requiresconcerted efforts of Asian American students.

Doing Science

The key emphasis in recent science education reform involves inquiry or “doing science.”To make sense of the world around them, students engage in scientific inquiry by formulatingquestions, proposing hypotheses, manipulating materials, describing objects and events, ex-perimenting with variables, gathering data, verifying evidence, making inferences, construct-ing explanations, and drawing conclusions.

The emphasis on doing science poses a challenge to Asian American students. Related tothe distinction between reproductive and transformative understanding discussed above, AsianAmerican students tend to be receptive learners, rather than exploratory learners. Studentsfrom Confucian cultures are ingrained with respect for knowledge transmitted by authority

114 LEE

figures, including teachers and textbooks, rather than the desire to seek and initiate inquiryand investigation (Trueba, Cheng, & Ima, 1993).

The emphasis on doing science may also pose a challenge to students who have not beenexposed to science activities that involve abstract, decontextualized thinking. These studentsmay have difficulty differentiating explanations from observations and descriptions (Lee,Fradd, & Sutman, 1995). Literacy development in native languages as well as in English is re-lated to abilities to think in logical, abstract, and hypothetical terms in science (Lee & Fradd,in press). Asian American students, especially Southeast Asian students, who have not devel-oped basic literacy because of little formal schooling or oral language traditions tend to expe-rience difficulties with scientific inquiry (Walker-Moffat, 1995).

The current science education reform stresses certain instructional strategies that are partic-ularly effective in promoting scientific inquiry with Asian American students, while also ben-efiting other ethnic groups. Cooperative learning, which reflects the collaborative practices ofthe scientific community, is also consistent with the Asian culture of group work and sharedresponsibilities (Fyans & Maehr, 1990; Tobin, 1993; Tobin & McRobbie, 1996). Hands-onapproaches and use of concrete materials can encourage these students to participate activelyin inquiry and exploration. Both cooperative learning and hands-on approaches seem espe-cially beneficial to Asian American female students whose interest in science is not encour-aged by parents or teachers to the level of their mail counterparts (Campbell, 1991; Campbell& Connolly, 1987; Mau, 1990). Cooperative learning and hands-on approaches also benefitstudents who are not proficient in English language, because these practices are less depen-dent on language proficiency than conventional teacher lecture and textbook use.

Talking Science

Although “knowing” and “doing” have long been acknowledged as important parts of sci-ence, the recent reform emphasizes “talking” science (Lemke, 1990; Palincsar, Anderson, &David, 1993). Through communication, students clarify thoughts, organize ideas, share views,and inform one another. Students also learn a specialized language of science or its ways oftalking. In addition, clear and precise communication is necessary to express one’s proce-dures, findings, and interpretations for public examination and replication. As students de-velop ways of talking in science, their language and communication patterns also change. Ineffect, the process of learning science represents a new culture and a new discourse that mustbe integrated with previously established ways of communicating.

Talking science is closely related to language and literacy development. Scientific discourseoccurs through the medium of language in oral, written, or pictorial forms (Rosebery, Warren,& Conant, 1992; Warren, Rosebery, & Conant, 1989). Students with limited literacy develop-ment in reading and writing often have not developed abstract and hypothetical reasoning.These students also experience difficulties “appropriating” scientific modes of discourse.Thus, they face the challenge of learning to talk in science as well as developing literacy si-multaneously.

Language and communication are interwoven with cultural contexts, and communicationpatterns vary across languages and cultures (Cazden, 1988; Heath, 1983; Maddock, 1981).Students from diverse backgrounds often have different interpretations about how to commu-nicate in verbal discourse, how to use nonverbal responses of gestures, hand motions, and fa-cial expressions, and how to present ideas in written and graphic forms (Lee & Fradd, inpress). Asian American students who appear reserved and quiet may be perceived as lackinginterest or motivation in science when, in fact, they intend to communicate their deference tothe authority of teachers.

ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS 115

The proposed reform’s emphasis on discourse and communication can benefit Asian Ameri-can students in two important ways. First, communication and discourse involve collaborativework, which is congruent with Asian American cultural norms. Second, opportunities to dis-cuss science content in social contexts can encourage students learning English as a new lan-guage to actively engage in communication with others, thus promoting English languageproficiency as well as science learning. In discussing science content, teachers can promotescience learning through multiple forms of communication—oral, written, pictorial, graphic,and mathematical.

Scientific Values and Attitudes

Science is characterized by certain values and attitudes, including reasoning, logic, intellec-tual honesty, integrity, fairness, curiosity, imagination, and openness to new ideas. Scientificvalues and attitudes also include the use of empirical criteria, logical arguments, legitimateskepticism, questioning, critical and independent thinking, openness to criticism, tolerance ofambiguity, and rules of evidence rather than authority.

Developing scientific values and attitudes, while respecting their own cultural norms, willpose a great challenge to Asian American students. For instance, according to Confucian andBuddhism traditions, these students are enculturated to be in harmony with others, reach con-sensus in a group, and sustain mutual loyalty (Levine, 1993; Smart, 1991; Spence, 1993),rather than engage in criticism, critical and independent thinking, and tolerance of ambiguity.Their cultural norm of respecting the authority of textbooks and teachers is in conflict withscientific values and attitudes, involving rules of evidence and empirical criteria rather thanauthority, questioning the established practices, and legitimate skepticism. Thus, Asian Amer-ican students experience difficulties in reconciling their cultural practices with the scientificvalues and attitudes expected in science classrooms.

Scientific World View

Science involves a way of knowing that is different from other ways of knowing (AAAS,1989; NRC, 1996). The scientific world view is based on the Western tradition of seeking tounderstand how the world works (i.e., describe, explain, predict, and control natural phenom-ena), which differs from other ways of knowing based on personal beliefs, myths, religiousvalues, and supernatural forces.

The cultivation of the scientific world view poses a serious challenge to Asian Americanstudents. The concepts of science, nature, and knowledge have different meanings betweenAsian and Western cultures (Gutman, 1992; Kawasaki, 1996; Nakamura, 1980; Ogawa,1995). In Western cultures, the role of science is to master the laws of nature and to use thisknowledge through experimental manipulation and control for the good of humans. In con-trast, Asian cultures view nature as to be appreciated and revered, to coexist with humans, andto be associated with the supernatural.

In addition, the world views of Asian cultures are fundamentally different from the scien-tific world view. For instance, the Hmong culture believes in ancestor spirits and the world ofspirits (Walker-Moffat, 1995). Many Asian cultures are influenced by Taoism, which com-bined with their ancestral worship and animistic beliefs in spirits (Nakamura, 1980). The un-schooled adults in Papua, New Guinea expressed their world views based on traditionalreligious attitudes (Maddock, 1981, 1983). Nepalese children gave explanations for naturalphenomena based on myths, religious rituals, legends, and folk tales (Dart, 1972; Dart &Pradhan, 1967). Even science teachers from non-Western cultures, including Asian back-

116 LEE

grounds, held views different from the science they teach and did not make clear distinctionsbetween the scientific and nonscientific world views (Ogunniyi, Jagede, Ogawa, Yandila, &Oladele, 1995).

The cultivation of the scientific world views is a complicated issue. In Asian world views,the way of knowing or the criterion for the validity of knowledge about nature is often the au-thority of knowledge sources, be it religion, myths, legends, ancestors or elders, rather thanexperimentation or observation of natural phenomena. Serious conflicts can occur when onecultural view is imposed upon the cultural views of other groups, resulting in the alienation oractive resistance of the members of these groups in science (Maddock, 1981). There is agrowing concern that a linear model of looking at science from one world view may be mis-leading and myopic (Cobern, 1991, 1993, in press). How to cultivate the scientific world view,while respecting alternative world views, is an issue facing science education in general.

EQUITY AGENDA FOR ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS

The goal of current science education reform is to provide quality instruction for all students,including those from diverse languages and cultures. The reform efforts, however, are often silenton specific plans to carry out this stated goal. Without specific plans of action, the concept of“science for all” will remain more rhetoric than reality. Much emphasis has been placed on acad-emic achievement of some Asian American students in mathematics, science, and engineering.Although these accomplishments are real and deserve recognition, they should not overshadowthe great learning needs of many other Asian American students. The following agenda is pre-sented to achieve equity for Asian American students in science education.

Instructional programs and practices should consider the diversity among many subgroupsand individuals within the Asian American population. Asian American students are not amonolithic, homogeneous group. On the contrary, the population consists of many subgroupswith vast differences in ethnic origins, language systems, and cultural values and practices.Within each group, there are also wide variations among individuals depending on their immi-gration history, English language proficiency, socioeconomic status, levels of acculturationand assimilation in the mainstream society, and parents’ attitudes toward home cultures versusthe mainstream.

More research is needed to explain what accounts for the successes as well as the too-oftenneglected limitations of Asian American students in science. Despite the attention given toAsian American students’ performance in mathematics and science, there has been surpris-ingly little research beyond achievement tests and attitude surveys. Studies on teaching andlearning processes in classroom settings are rare. For instance, do these students focus onmemorization at the expense of conceptual understanding, as it is commonly perceived? If so,what is required to help them develop understanding and sense-making? If they are develop-ing understanding, how might they be encouraged to apply their understanding and developcritical thinking? At present, educators have little specific knowledge about how Asian Ameri-can students learn science, beyond general notions of such global factors as work ethic, per-sistence, and positive attitudes. Collaboration between cognitive scientists examiningscientific knowledge and inquiry and ethnographers observing social and cultural processes inthe classroom could produce valuable information.

There is a great need for teacher preparation that promotes sensitivity to the needs of AsianAmerican students. Some states with high proportions of Asian American students, includingCalifornia, Hawaii, and New York, are trying to meet this challenge. Although there are manyAsian Americans in the fields of science and engineering, there are far less in the social sciences, including science education. Asian American science teachers and professionals

ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS 117

might be able to provide instructional programs and curricular materials suited for diverseAsian American groups better than those currently available.

This article has examined the literature on Asian American students to better understandtheir learning needs and strengths in light of current science education reform. Although theiracademic success seems to confirm the model minority image, this achievement masks the ex-tensive amount of effort and time required to reach their level of success. Also, their hard-wonacademic success in the face of great difficulties often comes at the expense of social andemotional adjustment at home and in society. In addition, academic achievement of some stu-dents overshadows the learning needs of many others who do not have access to learning op-portunities due to their limited English proficiency, poor academic preparation in mathematicsand science, and lack of resources and support at home. The current science education reformholds much promise as well as a challenge in achieving equity with this population. With abetter understanding of learning needs and strengths of Asian American students, science edu-cators can help them achieve to their full potential and make contributions to the nation.

This article is based on the draft Equity Blueprint report commissioned by Project 2061 of the AmericanAssociation for the Advancement of Science as part of its examination of how the educational system willneed to change to accommodate the curriculum reforms it recommended in Science for All Americans (1989)and Benchmarks for Science Literacy (1993). Questions about this draft Blueprints for Reform should be di-rected to Project 2061, 1333 H Street, Washington, DC 20005.

The author appreciates the generous support of William Cobern with his constructive and insightful sug-gestions, as well as sharing of valuable documents and materials for the revision of the paper. The author alsoappreciates the support of Sharon Lynch, Jo Ellen Roseman, and other members of the Equity BlueprintCommittee of Project 2061.

REFERENCES

American Association for the Advancement of Science (1989). Science for all Americans. Washington,DC: Author.

American Association for the Advancement of Science (1993). Benchmarks for science literacy. NewYork: Oxford University Press.

Atwater, M. M. (1994). Research on cultural diversity in the classroom. In D. L. Gabel (Ed.), Handbookof research on science teaching and learning. New York: Macmillan, pp. 558–576.

Bach, R. L. (1984). Labor force participation and employment of Southeast Asian refugees in theUnited States. Washington, DC: Office of Refugee Resettlement (DHHS).

Bain, J. (1994). Understanding by learning or learning by understanding? How shall we teach? An Inau-gural lecture by the Professor of Teaching and Learning, Faculty of Education, Griffith University.

Barba, R. H. (1993). A study of culturally syntonic variables in the bilingual/bicultural science class-room. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 30, 1053–1071.

Barringer, H. (1990). Education, occupational prestige, and income of Asian Americans. Sociology ofEducation, 63, 27–43.

Benjamin, D. (1986). The Japanese school: Lessons for industrial America. New York: Praeger.Biemiller, L. (1986). Asian students fear top colleges use quota systems. Chronicles of Higher Educa-

tion, 33, 1 and 34–36.Biggs, J. B. (1994). What are effective schools? Lessons from East and West. Australian Educational

Researcher, 21, 19–39.Bracey, G. W. (1992a). Culture and achievement. Phi Delta Kappan, 72, 568–571.Bracey, G. W. (1992b). Of elephants and achievement. Phi Delta Kappan, 73, 643–644.Bracey, G. W. (1996). International comparisons and the condition of American education. Educational

Researcher, 25, 5–11.Brand, D. (1987). The new whiz kids: Why Asian Americans are doing so well, and what it costs them.

Time Magazine, 130, 49–51.Butterfield, F. (1986). Why Asians are going to the head of the class. New York Times, August 3.

118 LEE

Campbell, J. R. (1991). The roots of gender equity in technical areas. Journal of Research in ScienceTeaching, 28, 251–264.

Campbell, J. R., & Connolly, C. (1987). Deciphering the effects of socialization. Journal of EducationalEquity and Leadership, 7, 208–222.

Caplan, N., Choy, M. H., & Whitmore, J. K. (1992). Indochinese refugee families and academicachievement. Scientific American, 266, 36–42.

Cazden, C. B. (1988). Classroom discourse: The language of teaching and learning. Portsmouth, NJ:Heinemann Educational Books.

Chan, S., & Wang, L. (1990). Racism and the model minority: Asian-Americans in higher education. InM. T. Nettles (Ed.), The effect of assessment on minority student participation (New Directions forInstitutional Research, No. 65). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, pp. 43–67.

Chicago Board of Education (1980). Supplement for curriculum guide for science: Vietnamese-speakingstudents, kindergarten-upper two. Chicago: Chicago Board of Education.

Chipman, S., & Thomas, V. G. (1987). The participation of women and minorities in mathematical, sci-entific, and technical fields. In E. Z. Rothkopf (Ed.), Review of research in education, vol. 14. Wash-ington, DC: American Educational Research Association, pp. 387–430.

Cobern, W. (1991). World view theory and science education research (NARST monograph no. 3).Kansas State University, KS: The National Association for Research in Science Teaching.

Cobern, W. W. (1993). Contextual constructivism: The impact of culture on the learning and teaching ofscience. In K. Tobin (Ed.), The practice of constructivism in science education. Hillsdale, NJ: Erl-baum, pp 51–66.

Cobern, W. W. (in press). Worldview theory and conceptual change in science education. Science Edu-cation.

Dart, F. E. (1972). Science and the worldview. Physics Today, 25, 48–54.Dart, F. E., & Pradhan, P. L. (1967). Cross-cultural teaching of science. Science, 155, 649–656.Divoky, D. (1988). The model minority goes to school. Phi Delta Kappan, 70, 219–225.Driver, R., Asoko, H., Leach, J., Mortimer, E., & Scott, P. (1994). Constructing scientific knowledge in

the classroom. Educational Researcher, 23, 5–12.Dweck, C. S. (1986). Motivational processes affecting learning. American Psychologist, 40, 1040–1048.Dweck, C. S., & Elliott, E. S. (1983). Achievement motivation. In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.), Socializa-

tion, personality, and social development (vol. 4). New York: Wiley, pp. 643–691.Endo, J. J. (1990). Assessing the educational performance of minority students: The case of Asian and

Pacific Americans. In M. T. Nettles (Ed.), The effect of assessment on minority student participation(New Directions for Institutional Research, No. 65). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, pp. 37–52.

Fallows, J. (1987). Grandgrind’s heirs. Atlantic Monthly, 16–24.First, J. M. (1988). Immigrant students in U.S. public Schools: Challenges with solutions. Phi Delta

Kappan, 70, 205–210.Fyans, L. J., Jr., & Maehr, M. L. (1990). “School culture,” student ethnicity, and motivation (project re-

port). Urbana-Champaign, IL: Beckman Institute for Advanced Science and Technology, NationalCenter for School Leadership, University of Illinois.

Goodwin, A. L. (1991). Problems, process, and promise: Reflections on a collaborative approach to theminority teacher shortage. Journal of Teacher Education, 42, 28–36.

Goodwin, A. L., & Genishi, C. S. (1994). Voices from the margins: Asian American teachers’ experi-ences in the profession. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational ResearchAssociation, New Orleans, LA.

Gutman, M. C. (1992). Cross-cultural conceits: Science in China and the West. Science as Culture, 15,208–239.

Hamilton, V. L., Blumenfeld, P. C., Akoh, H., & Miura, K. (1989). Citizenship and scholarship inJapanese and American fifth grades. American Educational Research Journal, 26, 44–72.

Heath, S. B. (1983). Ways with words: Language, life, and work in communities and classrooms. NewYork: Cambridge University Press.

Hess, R. D., & Azuma, H. (1991). Cultural support for schooling: Contrasts between Japan and theUnited States. Educational Researcher, 20, 2–8.

Hess, R. D., Chih-Mei, C., & McDevitt, T. M. (1987). Cultural variations in family beliefs about chil-

ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS 119

dren’s performance in mathematics: Comparisons among People’s Republic of China, Chinese-American, and Caucasian-American families Journal of Educational Psychology, 79, 179–188.

Hirayama, Y. (1989, January). Where Japan is second-best. World Press Review, 55.Hirschman, C., & Wong, M. G. (1984). Socioeconomic gains of Asian Americans, Blacks, and Hispan-

ics: 1960–1976. American Journal of Sociology, 90, 584–607.Holloway, S. D. (1988). Concepts of ability and effort in Japan and the United States. Review of Educa-

tional Research, 58, 327–345.Hsia, J. (1988). Asian Americans fight the myth of the super student. Educational Record, 68, 94–97.Ingrassia, M., King, P., Tizon, A., Scigliano, E., & Annin, P. (1994). America’s new wave of runaways.

Newsweek, April 4, 64–65.International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement. (1988). Science achievement

in seventeen countries: A preliminary report. New York: Pergamon Press.Kawasaki, K. (1996). The concepts of science in Japanese and Western education. Science and Educa-

tion, 5, 1–20.Kellogg, J. B. (1988). Forces of change. Phi Delta Kappan, 70, 199–204.Kember, D., & Gow, L. (1991). A challenge to the anecdotal stereotype of the Asian student. Studies in

Higher Education, 16, 117–128.Lapointe, A. E., Askew, J. M., & Mead, N. A. (1992). Learning science. Princeton, NJ: Educational

Testing Service.Lawson, A. E. (1990). Science education in Japan and the United States: Are the Japanese beating us at

our own game? Science Education, 74, 495–501.Lee, E. S., & Rong, X. (1988). The educational and economic achievement of Asian-Americans. The

Elementary School Journal, 88, 545–560.Lee, O., & Fradd, S. H. (1996) in press. Literacy skills in science performance among culturally and

linguistically diverse students. Science Education.Lee, O., & Salwen, M. B. (1994). New York Times’ coverage of education reform during the 1950s and

1980s. In P. Farber, E. F. Provenzo, Jr., & G. Holm (Eds.), Education in the light of popular culture.Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, pp. 131–148.

Lee, O., Fradd, S. H., & Sutman, F. X. (1995). Science knowledge and cognitive strategy use amongculturally and linguistically diverse students. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 32, 797–816.

Lee, S., Ichikawa, V., & Stevenson, H. W. (1987). Beliefs and achievement in mathematics and reading:A cross-cultural study of Chinese, Japanese, and American children and their mothers. In M. L.Maehr & D. A. Kleiber (Eds.), Advances in motivation and achievement: Enhancing motivation. Or-lando, FL: JAI Press, pp. 149–179.

Lemke, J. L. (1990. Taling science: Language, learning, and values. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing.Levine, A. J. (1993). The difference culture makes: The United States played a major role inthe success-

ful development of East Asia, but Asian ethical and cultural virtues were also decisive factors. TheWorld & I, 8, 334–343.

Los Angeles County Office of Education (1984). Materials for Indochinese students. An annotated bib-liography (2nd ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Los Angeles County Office of Education, Division of Curricu-lum and Instructional Programs.

Lynch, J. (1993). Chinese bilingual math and science. Brooklyn, NY: New York City Board of Educa-tion. Office of Research, Evaluation, and Assessment.

Lynch, S., Atwater, M., Cawley, J., Eccles, J., Lee, O., Marrett, C., Rojas-Medlin, D., Secada, W.,Stefanich, G., & Wiletto, A. (1996). An equity blueprint for Project 2061 science education reform:Second draft. Washington, DC: American Association for the Advancement of Science.

Maddock, M. N. (1981). Science education: An anthropological viewpoint. Studies in Science Educa-tion, 8, 1–26.

Maddock, M. N. (1983). Research into attitudes and the science curricululm in Papua New Guinea.Journal of Science and Mathematics Education in S. E. Asia, VI, 23–35.

Matthews, C. E., & Smith, W. S. (1994). Native American related materials in elementary science in-struction. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 31, 363–380.

Mau, R. Y. (1990). Barriers to higher education for Asian/Pacific-American females. Urban Review, 22,83–97.

120 LEE

Min, P. G. (1995). (Ed.). Asian Americans: Contemporary trends and issues. Thousand Oaks, CA: SagePublications.

Mordkowitz, E. R., & Ginsberg, H. P. (1987). Early academic socialization of successful Asian-Ameri-can college students. The Quarterly Newsletter of the Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition,9, 85–91.

Nakamura, H. (1980). The idea of nature, east and west. In M. J. Adler (Ed.), The great ideas today,1980. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., pp. 234–304.

National Center for Educational Statistics. (1992). Language characteristics and academic achieve-ment: A look at Asian and Hispanic eighth graders in NELS: 1988. Washington, DC: U.S. Depart-ment of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement.

National Research Council (1996). National science education standards. Washington, DC: NationalAcademy Press.

National Science Foundation (1990). Women and minorities in science and engineering. Washington,DC: Author

National Science Founation (1992). Women and minorities in science and engineering: An update.Washington, DC: Author

National Science Foundation (1994). Women, minorities, and persons with disabilities in science andengineering, 1994. Washington, DC: National Science Foundation.

Ogawa, M. (1995). Science education in a multiscience perspective. Science Education, 79, 583–593.Ogbu, J. (1992). Understanding cultural diversity and learning. Educational Researcher, 21, 16–22.Ogunniyi, M. B., Jegede, O. J., Ogawa, M. Yandila, C. D., & Oladele, F. K. (1995). Nature of world-

view presuppositions among science teachers in Botswana, Indonesia, Japan, Nigeria, and the Philip-pines. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 32, 817–831.

Olsen, L. (1988). Crossing the schoolhouse border: Immigrant children in California. Phi Delta Kap-pan, 70, 211–218.

Palincsar, A. S., Anderson, C. W., & David, Y. (1993). Pursuing scientific literacy in the middle gradesthrough collaborative problem solving. The Elementary School Journal, 93, 643–658.

Peng, S. S., & Lee, R. (1991). Diversity of Asian American students and its implications for education.A study of the 1988 eighth graders (research report). Philadelphia, PA: Temple University, Center forResearch in Human Development and Education.

Rohlen, T. P. (1983). Japan’s high school. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Rosebery, A. S., Warren, B., & Conant, F. R. (1992). Appropriating scientific discourse: Findings from

language minority classrooms. The Journal of the Learning Sciences, 21, 61–94.Rotberg, I. C. (1990). Resources and reality: The participation of minorities in science and engineering

education. Phi Delta Kappan, 71, 672–679.Secada, W. (1994). Equity in restructured schools. NCRMSE Research Review: The Teaching and

Learning of Mathematics, 3, 11–12.Smart, N. (1991). The Pacific mind. The World & I, 6, 454–465.Smith-Hefner, N. J. (1990). Language and identity in the education of Boston-Area Khmer. Anthropol-

ogy and Education Quarterly, 21, 250–268.Spence, J. D. (1993). Confucius. The Wilson Quarterly, XVII, 30–38.Stevenson, H. W. (1987). The Asian advantage: The case of mathematics. American Educator, 11,

26–31.Stevenson, H. W., Lee, S. Y., & Stigler, J. W. (1986). Mathematics achievements of Chinese, Japanese,

and American children. Science, 231, 693–699.Suzuki, B. H. (1989). Asian Americans as the “model minority”: Outdoing whites? or media hype?

Change, 24, 12–19.Tobin, K. (1993). Research on learning and teaching science in challenging, culturally diverse settings.

NARST News, 35, 1–2.Tobin, K., & McRobbie, C. J. (1996). Significance of limited English proficiency and cultural capital to the

performance in science of Chinese-Australians. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 33, 265–282.Trueba, H. T., Cheng, L., & Ima, K. (1993). Myth or reality: Adaptive strategies of Asian Americans in

California. New York: The Falmer Press.Tsang, S. L. (1988). The mathematics achievement characteristics of Asian American students. In R. R.

ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS 121

Cocking & J. P. Mestre (Eds.), Linguistic and cultural influences on learning mathematics. Hillsdale,NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

United States Commission on Civil Rights. (1992, February). Civil rights issues facing Asian Ameri-cans in the 1990s. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Walker-Moffat, W. (1995). The other side of the Asian American success story. San Francisco, CA:Jossey-Bass.

Warren, B., Rosebery, A. S., & Conant, F. R. (1989). Cheche Konnen: Science and literacy in languageminority classrooms. Newton, MA: Bolt, Beranek, & Newman.

Wei, D. (1986). The Asian American success myth. Interracial Books for Children Bulletin, 17, 16–17.Westbury, I. (1992). Comparing American and Japanese achievement: Is the United States really a low

achiever? Educational Researcher, 21, 18–24.White, M. (1987). The Japanese educational challenge: A commitment to children. New York: The Free

Press.Willig, A. C., Harnisch, D. L., Hill, K. T., & Maehr, M. L. (1983). Sociocultural and educational corre-

lates of success– failure attributions and evaluation anxiety in the school setting for black, Hispanic,and Anglo children. American Educational Research Journal, 20, 385–410.

Wong, M. G. (1980). Model students? Teachers’ perceptions and expectations of their Asian and whitestudents. Sociology of Education, 53, 236–246.

Wong, M. G. (1986). Post-1965 Asian immigrants: Where do they come from, where are they now, andwhere are they going? In R. J. Simon (E.), Immigration and American public policy. The annals ofthe American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 487. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publica-tions, pp. 150–168.

Yao, E. L. (1988). Working effectively with Asian immigrant parents. Phi Delta Kappan, 70, 223–225.Yee, A. H. (1989). Cross-cultural perspectives on higher education in East Asia: Psychological effects

upon Asian students. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 10, 213–232.

122 LEE