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1 Deservingness and perceptions of procedural justice in citizen encounters with the police Jason Sunshine (Institute for Law & Society, New York University) & Larry Heuer (Barnard College, Columbia University)

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Deservingness and perceptions of procedural justice in citizen encounters with the police

Jason Sunshine

(Institute for Law & Society, New York University)

&

Larry Heuer

(Barnard College, Columbia University)

2

Distributive justice theories (e.g., relative deprivation, equity, justice motive theory) have

consistently postulated that disputants’ satisfaction with the outcomes of social conflict is

influenced by the extent to which allocations are consistent with salient standards of

deservingness or entitlement. So, for example, relative deprivation theorists (e.g. Crosby, 1976;

Davis, 1959; Gurr, 1970; Runciman, 1966) have shown that feelings of indignation or outrage

stemming from deprivation are moderated by notions of entitlement. They revealed that

judgments about what individuals feel they deserve are based on comparisons with what others

within their group or within a similar context have received rather than on absolute outcomes.

This theory explains why those in an objectively positive situation can evaluate their situation

negatively and why those in a seemingly poor situation can view their situation optimistically.

Crosby’s (1982), study of working women identified two preconditions essential for relative

deprivation—lesser outcomes than one wants and lesser outcomes than one deserves.

Similarly, equity theorists (Adams, 1965; Homans, 1961; Walster, Berscheid, & Walster,

1976) assume that an individual’s sense of equity acts as a powerful norm influencing social

behavior. This norm is comprised of the belief that outcomes, both positive and negative, should

be proportional to ones contribution and involvement within the group. When an inequitable

distribution of outcomes is perceived, it is argued that individuals will experience “inequity

distress”. It is theorized that the dissonance this perception creates will motivate the individual

to restore equity. Adams (1963) asserted that even individuals profiting from inequity would

feel “inequity distress” and attempt to restore equity. Thus, individuals experience dissonance

both when they get more as well as less than they perceive they deserve.

Although distributive justice theories have consistently included notions of deservingness

in their models, none have located it as centrally as Mel Lerner’s Justice Motive Theory (Lerner,

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1977, 1987). So, for example, while equity theory includes justice as one of various motives that

influence people’s satisfaction with the outcomes of social conflicts, Justice Motive Theory

(JMT) assumes a “preeminent guiding principle or motive in the commitment to deserving which

serves to organize most goal-seeking behavior” (Lerner, 1977, p. 23). Subsequently, Lerner

(1987) asserted that “…the experience of entitlement is the essential psychological ingredient of

an entire family of human events associated with social justice” (pp. 107-108).

According to JMT, the justice motive is not merely a consequence of enlightened self-

interest, as assumed by equity theorists (e.g., Walster, Berscheid, & Walster, 1976; Walster,

Walster, & Berscheid, 1978). Rather, notions of entitlement are shaped by unconscious

processes occurring in the early stages of cognitive development. One consequence of the

centrality of deservingness in JMT is that violated entitlements are explicitly identified as the

essential ingredient that distinguishes injustices from simple disappointments or frustration—it is

injustices that lead to anger and outrage (Lerner, 1987). Thus, while equity theory points to a

variety of motives (including self-interest as well as justice) to explain individuals reactions to

inequity, JMT emphasizes the preeminence of the commitment to deserving.

However, despite the centrality of deservingness in theories of distributive justice,

theories of procedural justice are largely silent about its role in perceptions of fairness and

satisfaction. So, for example, in their seminal theory of procedural justice, Thibaut and Walker

(1975, 1978) asserted that variations in the degree of control over conflict resolution procedures

impacts perceptions of fairness. According to this theory, procedures will be perceived as fair to

the extent that they promote fair outcomes. Thus, control over the presentation of evidence

(process control or ‘voice’) and control over the final decision (decision control), is predicted to

be important to disputants because it is expected to influence decisions; in other words, it is

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important for instrumental reasons. Because of the underlying assumption of self-interested

individuals present in Thibaut and Walker’s theory (an assumption this theory shares with equity

theory), Lind and Tyler (1988) have referred to it as a self-interest model. While an abundance

of research has been overwhelmingly supportive of their prediction that process and decision

control are crucial determinants of procedural fairness (e.g., Folger, 1977; Kanfer, Sawyer,

Earley & Lind, 1987; LaTour, 1978; Lind, Kurtz, Musante, Walker, & Thibaut, 1980; Lind,

Lissak, & Conlon, 1983; Tyler, Rasinski, & Spodick, 1985) the theory is largely silent about the

role of entitlement in the control-fairness relationships except as it is involved in equity theory.

So, for example, virtually none of the research testing the control model has examined situational

variables that might be expected to affect disputants’ judgments that they are entitled to process

or decision control (see Brockner, et al., 1998 for a notable exception).

Recently, responding in part to findings inconsistent with the self-interest model of

procedural justice, Lind & Tyler (1988, Tyler 1994; Tyler & Lind, 1992) proposed a Group

Value theory of procedural justice. The Group Value model emphasizes individuals’ concern

about their relationship with social groups and the authorities representing those groups. It

assumes that group identification and group membership is psychologically rewarding, and that

individuals are motivated to establish and maintain group bonds. According to this theory, when

individuals are focused on their long term relationship with groups, they evaluate the fairness of

procedures according to a different set of criteria than the control variables proposed by Thibaut

and Walker. Lind and Tyler proposed that under such circumstances procedures are evaluated

according to three criteria: the trustworthiness of the authorities enacting the procedures; the

neutrality of those authorities, and; information emanating from the procedure about the

individuals’ standing in the group. Numerous studies provide indirect support for Lind and Tyler's

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suggestion that individuals are sensitive to issues such as polite or respectful treatment (e.g., Bies

& Moag, 1986; Bies & Shapiro, 1987; Tyler & Bies, 1990; Tyler & Folger, 1980) or information

about their standing in the group (Huo, Smith, & Tyler, & Lind, 1996; MacCoun, et al., 1988;

Tyler & DeGoey, 1995). Additional research (e.g., Tyler, 1989; 1994) is directly and strongly

supportive of Lind and Tyler’s (1992; Tyler, 1989) claim that trust, neutrality, and standing are

strongly linked to procedural justice judgments, and that these relational concerns explain

considerable variation in justice perceptions that is not explained by the control variables or self-

interest motives specified by Thibaut and Walker’s (1975; 1978) model. It is clear from such

research that individuals evaluate the fairness of their treatment on more dimensions than simply

their opportunity for control.

However, like the self-interest model of procedural justice, the Group Value model does

not explicitly address the role of entitlement for the effect of trust, neutrality, and standing on

procedural fairness. So, for example, the Group Value model asserts that respectful treatment,

because of the positive message it communicates about an individual’s within-group standing,

enhances procedural fairness.

We suspect that the relationship between respectful treatment and procedural fairness is

more complex. Our reasoning here borrows heavily from the distributive justice theories reviewed

above--just as distributions are perceived as fair and satisfactory according to the extent that they

are consistent with peoples notions of entitlement, we hypothesize that procedural fairness

judgments are a function of the fit between peoples’ beliefs that they deserve respectful and their

beliefs that they received it (see Heuer, Blumenthal, Douglas, & Weinblatt, 1999, for a more

thorough explication of theoretical considerations consistent with our reasoning about the reasons

that people might feel entitled to respectful treatment).

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The moderating effect of deservingness on the relationship between respect and

perceptions of fair procedure has been previously examined by Heuer et al., (1999). Drawing

upon Feather’s (1992) matching hypothesis, which states that positive outcomes are perceived as

fair when they follow positively valued acts, as are negative outcomes when followed by

negatively valued acts, Heuer et al. proposed that the same pattern of matches would exist

between the valence of a person’s attributes (such as but not limited to within-group status), and

the manner in which individuals are treated by others. A similar view was put forth by Pepitone

and L’Armand (1996) who proposed that a state of justice is perceived when the valence of the

person observed has the same sign as the valence of the outcome experienced by that person. In

other words, good things are perceived to happen to those with positive attributes and bad things

to those with negative attributes. In the Pepitone and L’Armand study, matches between

attributes and outcomes were perceived as significantly more fair than mismatches.

In the Heuer et al. (1999) inquiry, the deservingness hypothesis was strongly supported in

3 studies. Studies 1 & 2 used vignettes to test the hypothesis that the relation between

respectful treatment and procedural fairness is qualified by the positive or negative value of the

treatment recipient’s behaviors. In the first vignette subjects read and responded to someone

else’s treatment of another. The value of behavior by respectful treatment hypothesis was

supported, as was a hypothesized three-way interaction showing that the relation between respect

and the value of one’s behavior was further qualified by attributions about the actor’s

responsibility for their behavior (the two-way interaction between respect and fairness was

strongest when the recipients were viewed as being responsible for their positively or negatively

valued behaviors). One finding reported in this study that is especially supportive of the

deservingness view is that respondents rated disrespectful treatment as more fair than respectful

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treatment of individuals who were responsible for performing negatively valued behaviors—a

reversal of the typically reported relation between respect and fairness. In a second vignette,

students imagined themselves in an encounter with a professor. The results of this study also

supported the three-way interaction, showing that respect was most fair when individuals were

responsible for positively valued classroom behaviors, but least fair when individuals were

responsible for negatively valued classroom behaviors. This study also included a measure of

the respondent’s belief that they deserved the treatment that they received. This additional

measure permitted a test of the expectation that deservingness beliefs mediate the relation

between respect and fairness. The mediation hypothesis was supported when the deservingness

judgment was entered as a covariate in the analyses. Its presence in the equation reduced,

substantially and significantly, the effect of respect on fairness as well as reducing the significant

three-way interaction to non-significance.

Study 3 surveyed several hundred New Yorkers about a recent encounter with another

individual and then asked a series of questions about the encounter, including ones about how

respectfully they had been treated by the other individual and how fair they thought their

treatment by the other individual had been. Additional measures included items from the

Coopersmith Self-Esteem inventory (Coopersmith, 1981). These data enabled a test of the

hypothesis that high self-esteem individuals would be more likely than low self-esteem

individuals to evaluate the fairness of their treatment according to the relational concerns

described by Tyler & Lind (the self-esteem hypothesis follows from Feather’s matching

hypothesis with the assumption that high self-esteem is equivalent to a positive appraisal of one’s

self value). This interaction hypothesis was strongly supported.

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While these studies are supportive of our predictions, the present research improves upon

this work in several ways. First, two of our earlier studies tested our hypothesis by having the

participants read imaginary vignettes. The third studied actual encounters, but not ones in which

the encounter was necessarily one between a subordinate and an authority (participants in our

previous field survey were asked to think of an encounter with another individual, with no

mention of whether the other individual had more or less decision authority than they did), as has

typically been the case in previous tests of the Group Value theory. Thus, it is conceivable that

the previous findings are at least partly an artifact of the type of encounter examined. The

present study examines the perceptions of civilians in a recent encounter with a police officer.

In addition, while the previous study tested the deservingness hypothesis by looking for

matches between respect and either the value of one’s behavior or self-esteem, the present study

looks for matches between civilians’ perception of their standing in a valued social group and

their perception of the police officer’s judgment of their intra-group standing. Thus, the present

study addresses the concern with intra-group standing specified by Lind & Tyler’s (1988) Group

Value theory.

Finally, the present study extends the test of the matching hypothesis to look for the

match between perceptions of the treatment deserved and the treatment received on several

dimensions in addition to within-group standing. Thus, civilian respondents in this study are

asked to report what manner of treatment they feel entitled to and what manner of treatment they

received from the police officer that would reflect the officer’s views of the value of their

behavior, their self-esteem, and the value of their group. While our earlier (Heuer et al., 1999)

research found support for the matching hypothesis on the dimensions of the value of one’s

behavior and self-esteem, this study is the first to test the matching hypothesis on the dimension

9

of one’s perception of one’s group standing vis-à-vis other groups (as opposed to the intra-group

perceptions addressed by the Group Value theory). Arguably, most of our civilian respondents

will perceive police officers as out-group members, and will be sensitive to what the police

officer’s behavior indicates about their impressions of the civilian’s salient social group.

Method

Participants

Respondents were 354 males, 110 females and 52 who left the gender question

unanswered yielding a sample size of 516. The respondents ranged in age from 14 to 83 (M =

30.6). The ethnic breakdown of the sample consisted of 291 Caucasians, 75 African-Americans,

30 Hispanics, 55 indicating “other” and 63 individuals who left this question unanswered.

Procedure

In order to test the moderating effect of deservingness across multiple motivations on the

relationship between respect and perceptions of fair procedure civilians were approached in

various locations throughout New York City and invited to participate in a study of police-

civilian encounters. Approximately half of the respondents had received a summons from a

police officer to appear in misdemeanor court. These respondents were approached while they

waited for their case to be called. Those who agreed to participate were asked to think about the

encounter with a police officer that resulted in their summons. The remaining respondents were

approached outside coffee shops in New York City. These respondents were asked to think

about a recent encounter with a New York City police officer. All participants were offered a

token of appreciation for completing the survey, with a value of approximately $1.50.

All respondents were asked to provide a brief description of their encounter with a New

York City police officer and to answer series of 158 questions in reference to that encounter.

10

Respondents were also asked to identify a social group that they belonged to and valued greatly

in order to enable them to respond to questions about what they thought the police officer ought

to think about their group as well as what they thought the officer actually did think of their

group. Except for demographic measures about themselves and the police officer, all questions

employed Likert-type scales designed to tap the relevant constructs such as treatment deserved

and treatment received (multiple items were used to measure of each of these constructs) on each

of the dimensions of group value/intra-group standing, inter-group standing, value of behavior

(VOB), and social self-esteem (SSE).

The moderation hypothesis (matches between “received” and “deserved” are perceived as

fairer than mismatches) will be tested by looking for interactions between the treatment deserved

(respectful-disrespectful) and the treatment received on each of these four dimensions. In

particular, we expect that individuals’ will think treatment is more fair not simply because police

officers’ treatment suggests that the police officer thinks highly of their standing in their social

group, or the standing of their group vis-à-vis other groups, or their behaviors, or their value as

individuals. Rather, we expect that such positive views will be related to fairness judgments to

the extent that the officer’s treatment suggests an evaluation on each of these dimensions that

matches our respondents’ notions that they are entitled to have others think favorably of their

within-group standing, their inter-group standing, their behaviors, or their value as individuals.

Measures

Multiple items were employed to measure each of the construct of treatment received

(questions asking respondents about the treatment received) and each entitlement judgment

(questions asking respondents about the treatment they felt they deserved) corresponding with

11

that attribute. Indices were constructed from the component scores obtained by a principal

component analysis on the questions that composed each theoretical construct.

Separate principal component analyses were performed on the items tapping each of the

four entitlement constructs and each of the four treatment constructs. The resulting component

scores were then used as an index for the construct. Indices were created this way in order to

maximize the relevant proportion of variance examined thereby increasing measurement

accuracy.i These constructs were measured as followsii: intra-group standing received (4 items,

e.g., 9 = I was treated like a high status member of the community; these questions yielded a

single component accounting for 75.5% of the variance); intra-group standing deserved (4 items,

e.g., 9 = I deserved to be treated like a high status member of the community; these items yielded

a single component accounting for 66% of the variance); inter-group standing received (three

items, e.g. 9 = The police officer seemed to have a favorable view of my group; these items

yielded a single component accounting for 75.6% of the variance); inter-group standing deserved

(three items, yielding a single component accounting for 76% of the variance); social self-esteem

received (two items, e.g. 9 = The police officer thought I’m popular with persons my own age;

these items were taken from the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (Coopersmith, 1987) and

yielded a single component accounting for 68% of the variance); social self-esteem deserved

(two items, yielded a single component accounting for 87% of the variance); VOB received

(three items, e.g. 9 = The police officer thought highly of my behavior; these items yielded a

single component accounting for 79% of the variance); VOB deserved (three items, yielding a

single component accounting for 79% of the variance). Procedural fairness judgments were

measured with four questions (e.g. 9 = The police officer treated me in a fair and reasonable

way) yielding a single component which accounted for 75% of the variance.

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Interaction terms were created by multiplying each received index with its corresponding

deserved index. Thus, high scores on the interaction variable indicate matches and low scores

indicate mismatches between perceptions of treatment deserved and treatment received.

Results

In order to test the matching hypothesis a principal components regression analysis was

performed (Belsley, 1991; Daling & Tamura, 1970; Farrar & Glauber, 1967; Greenberg, 1975;

Kendall, 1957; Massy, 1965; Sclove, 1968; Urban & Von Hippel, 1988). The PC regression

procedure is particularly appropriate for the current data set due to the risk of unstable

correlation matrices resulting from the fairly high correlations among the constructs tapping the

civilians’ perception that the police officer’s treatment reflected positive assessments of the their

intra-group standing and their inter-group standing (r = .75, p < .001).

PC regression avoids the collinearity problem by taking advantage of the orthogonal

structure of a principal component matrix. Regression is performed on a subset of uncorrelated

component scores constructed through principal components analysis. The beta weights

obtained for each component are then multiplied by the corresponding factor loading for each

variable within each component and summed across components. The result is a regression beta

weight for each original variable.

In the present analysis, principal components analysis on the 4 “treatment deserved”

variables, the 4 “treatment received” variables, and the 4 hypothesized deserved x received

interactions variables yielded three factors accounting for 60% of the variance. The 4 “received”

variables loaded on the first component, the 4 “deserved” variables loaded on the second and the

4 interaction terms loaded on the third component. The dependent measure of procedural

fairness was then regressed on the three principal components.

13

In block one, the first and second components (those upon which the main effects of

“treatment deserved” and “treatment received” loaded in the PC analysis) were entered. This

block accounted for a significant portion of the variance in the dependent variable, F(2, 359) =

109.76, p < .001, R2 = .38). Table 1 reports the beta weights for the original 8 main effects (the

products of the betas in the PC Regression and the factor loadings of the eight original main

effects on their respective components in the PC analysis). As can be seen in the Table, each of

the 4 “treatment deserved” effects are negative, indicating that procedures are generally

considered less fair with increases in civilians’ notions of entitlement. Alternatively, each of the

“treatment received” effects are positive, indicating that procedures are considered more fair

with increases in the favorability of the treatment received. In other words, for example, as the

police officer’s behavior was interpreted as indicating a favorable view of the civilian’s standing

within their group, the civilians report that they were treated more fairly. This is sensible, and is

supportive of the Group Value theory’s claim that procedural fairness is enhanced as a result of

the view that others view us as members of high standing in our valued social groups.

The second block added the hypothesized interaction terms to the equation, and

constitutes the test of our matching hypothesis. This block added significantly to the proportion

of variance accounted for by the equation, change in R2 change = .05, F(1, 358) = 32.17, p <

.001. The beta weights obtained for the original variables are presented in Table 1. Note that, as

hypothesized, the coefficients for each of the four interaction terms is positive, and at least three

(intra-group, inter-group, and VOB) are of a substantial magnitude. In other words, for at least

these three dimensions, procedural fairness is greater when there is a match between the

treatment deserved and the treatment received. Unfortunately, at present there is no procedure

available to determine the statistical significance of each beta weight for the original variables.

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As one way of understanding the implication of these interactions, we can solve for the effect of

‘treatment received” at both high (1 standard deviation above the mean) and low (1 standard

deviation below the mean) levels of ‘treatment deserved” (see Cohen & Cohen, 1975). Table 2

shows the values of treatment received at high versus low levels of entitlement on each of the

four dimensions examined in this study. For the dimensions of intra-group standing, inter-group

standing, and VOB, it is clear that favorable treatment has a considerably greater positive effect

on procedural fairness when civilians’ notions of entitlement are high, just as predicted by the

matching hypothesis. Although the magnitude of the effect for self-esteem is smaller, it too is

positive, and consistent with our prediction.

Discussion

We began our inquiry with the observation that while distributive justice theories have

consistently noted the importance of deservingness for people’s judgments that the outcomes

they received are fair and satisfactory. These theories have explicitly distinguished their models

from straightforward hedonic theories by including the assumption that fairness and satisfaction

derive from obtaining what one is entitled to rather than simply what one desires. On the other

hand, procedural justice theories, such as Thibaut & Walker’s (1975; 1978) procedural justice

theory, interactional justice theories (e.g., Bies, 1987; Bies & Moag, 1986; Bies & Shapiro,

1987; 1988; Bies, Shapiro, & Cummings, 1988; Cropanzano & Folger, 1989; Folger & Bies,

1989; Tyler & Folger, 1980), or Group Value theory (Lind & Tyler, 1988; Tyler, 1989; Tyler &

Lind, 1992) have not obviously included the same assumption. So, for example, we suggested

that while Group Value theory offers a compelling link between respectful treatment and

procedural satisfaction or preference, the link between respect and justice judgments is less

clearly specified.

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Based upon arguments about the centrality of notions of entitlement for justice judgments

advanced most clearly by Lerner (1977; 1980; 1987) and supported in numerous studies by

Lerner and his colleagues (e.g. Braband & Lerner, 1975; Lerner, Miller, & Holmes, 1977;

Simmons & Lerner, 1968), we argued that notions of entitlement can be expected to play a

similar role in affecting the relation between people are treated and their reports that they have

been treated in a fair and satisfying manner. Thus, we proposed that people will evaluate the

way others treat them as fair not simply because it implies that others think highly of their

standing in social groups, but rather because the treatment they receive matches their judgments

about what they are entitled to have others believe about their standing in social groups.

In order to test this matching hypothesis, we surveyed civilians about a recent encounter

with a New York City police officer. Among the questions we asked them were first, ones

pertaining to their beliefs about whether they deserved to have the police officer think highly of

their standing in their community, the standing of their self-identified social group vis-à-vis other

social groups, the value of their behavior that led up to their encounter with the police officer,

and their beliefs about their individual social worth; and second, their perception that the police

officer’s behavior communicated that the officer actually did think highly of their standing in

their community, the standing of their self-identified social group vis-à-vis other social groups,

the value of their behavior that led up to their encounter with the police officer, and their

individual social worth. We predicted that the civilians procedural fairness judgments would be

influenced not simply by how favorably the officer treated them, but rather by the match between

the civilians notions of entitlement and the officers treatment.

Overall, this hypothesis was strongly supported. While the regression analyses revealed a

substantial main effect of being treated in a respectful manner, the magnitude of this effect was

16

considerably qualified by the civilians notions of the kind of treatment they were entitled to. On

each of the dimensions measured—intra-group standing, inter-group standing, value of behavior,

and self-esteem, favorable treatment had a greater positive effect on procedural fairness when

civilians’ notions of entitlement were high than when they were low.

This finding adds to the evidence from three earlier studies which were similarly

supportive of the deservingness hypothesis for procedural justice (Heuer et al., 1999). However,

this study extends that work in some important ways. First, two of our earlier studies were

experiments that varied respectful treatment and value of behavior in an orthogonal design, and

showed that respectful treatment was considered more fair when it followed positively valued

acts. This study produces a similar result regarding the match between positively valued

behaviors and respectful treatment in a field survey of civilians recounting their recent

encounters with police officers. Thus, the present findings converge with our earlier ones, while

employing a different method and different measures, and do so in a manner that strengthens our

claims to external validity while sacrificing a bit in terms of internal validity.

The present findings also extend the deservingness argument, and the theoretical

reasoning about the relationship between respect and procedural fairness, by looking at the effect

of respect on other motives in addition to the group value motive (the belief that we are members

in good standing of our valued social groups). Thus, the present findings suggest that respect is

also valued for its implications for what others’ behavior communicates about their view of the

standing of our group, the value of our behaviors, and our value as social beings. The main

effects of “treatment received” on each of the dimensions of inter-group standing, value of

behavior, and self-esteem point to the variety of messages communicated by respectful

treatment; and the evidence for matches resulting from the positive interactions between each of

17

these and the “treatment deserved” measures provides still further evidence for the deservingness

argument in procedural justice.

A final comment is in order regarding the positive main effects for each of the measures

of “treatment received” in this study—an effect which is qualified by deservingness perceptions,

but not eliminated even when entitlement is low. In its strongest form, the deservingness

argument suggests that fairness should result exclusively from the fit between what is deserved

and what is received, rather than from any direct effect of what is received. We think at least

two explanations for this effect are possible. First, equity theorists suggest that fairness is likely

to result from satisfaction of a variety of motives, including hedonic ones as well as the justice

motive. So, for example, Adams (1965) suggested that the threshold for inequity distress was

higher when the inequity worked to our advantage rather than our disadvantage. One possibility

is that a similar process affects the relationship between positive treatment and procedural

justice.

Alternatively, we think another process, one that is consistent with the deservingness

argument advanced here, is likely. The argument is advanced most clearly by Major (1994) who

summarizes theoretical and empirical evidence (e.g., Berger et al., 1972; Deutsch, 1985; Heider,

1958; Homans, 1974) suggesting that people tend to legitimate the status quo, whether it is

advantageous or disadvantageous to the self. As Major points out, this legitimating effect can

work in two ways—people can come to view their overly favorable and their overly unfavorable

outcomes as deserved. So, for example, Major suggests that this legitimating effect is part of the

reason that women who are clearly disadvantaged relative to men fail to perceive their relative

deprivation as unfair. On the other hand, Lerner’s Just World hypothesis (e.g., Lerner 1975;

Lerner & Miller, 1978; Lerner et al, 1976) argues that the motivation to believe in a just world

18

can lead people to infer that those who are advantaged must be more deserving. Just as we think

the deservingness argument extends to procedural justice, we suspect such reasoning about

legitimating processes are likely to affect peoples’ beliefs about the nature of their treatment.

Such processes are capable of explaining the positive main effects of favorable treatment

observed in our data, independent of the matching effect observed in the interactions.

Overall, we think these findings considerably strengthen our claim that procedural justice

researchers should integrate notions of entitlement into their procedural justice models. At the

same time, we think the findings underscore the importance of Lerner’s early claims about the

centrality of entitlement to justice judgments. Our findings merely apply Lerner’s insights about

entitlement to the domain of procedural justice.

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Authors Notes

The research reported in this chapter was funded by a grant to the second author from the

National Science Foundation (SBR-9710946).

We wish to thank Steven Penrod for comments on earlier versions of this manuscript and

Mel Lerner for his thoughtful feedback throughout our efforts to develop the line of reasoning

presented here.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Larry Heuer, Department

of Psychology, Barnard College, 3009 Broadway, New York, NY 10027-6598,

[email protected].

26

Table 1

Beta weights obtained from principal component regression of perception of fairness on received, deserved and received X deserved variables

Main Effects ββ Received Intra-group 0.53 Deserve Intra-group -0.25 Received Inter-group 0.49 Deserve Inter-group -0.2 Received VOB 0.49 Deserve VOB -0.08 Received SSE 0.38 Deserve SSE -0.19 Interaction Terms ββ

Deserve X Received Intra-group 0.27

Deserve X Received Inter-group 0.27

Deserve X Received VOB 0.25

Deserve X Received SSE 0.07

27

Table 2 Standardized coefficients for treatment received at high and low levels of treatment deserved Deservedness Low High Received Intra-group 0.26 0.81 Received Inter-group 0.22 0.76 Received VOB 0.24 0.75 Received SSE 0.31 0.45

28

Endnotes

i All correlations between the unit-weighted composite measures and the respective principal component were > .9 (p < .001). The coefficient alpha for the items on every construct employed exceeded .7. ii Since for each deserved-received pair employed highly similar items, we report the received items for the first dimension only. The wording of all items employed for each of the constructs employed in this study are available from the second author upon request.