Credit Crunch Theory

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teoria del credit crunch

Text of Credit Crunch Theory

  • Kevin L. Kliesen and John A. Tatom

    Kevin L. Kliesen is an economist and John A. Tatom is anassistant vice president at the Federal Reserve Bank ofSt. Louis. James P. Kelley provided research assistance. Thisarticle was written while Tatom was a visiting economist atthe Austrian National Bank Tatom received useful commentsin seminars on this paper at the Bank of the Netherlands,the Swiss National Bank and the institute of AdvancedStudies in Vienna.

    The Recent Credit Crunch:The Neglected Dimensions

    ONVENTIONAL WISDOM HAS IT THAT acredit crunch occurred in the U.S. economy in1990-92, causing, or at least contributing to, thelatest recession and jeopardizing the strength ofthe recovery. Much has been written about thecauses and consequences of the credit crunchand about remedies for it?

    While the term is widely used, the precisedefinition of a credit crunch is not widely agreedupon. Credit crunches have in common, however,a slowing in the growth ofor an outright declineinthe quantity of credit outstanding, especiallybusiness loans at commercial banks. Analysts whoespouse the credit crunch theory typically havea more specific definition in mind. In their view, acredit crunch arises from a reduction in thesupply of credit. Accordingly, this article uses theterm credit crunch to refer only to a reductionin the supply of credit. It addresses the creditcrunch hypothesis by examining the existenceand implications of competing potential sourcesof a decline in credit, including the recent

    behavior of interest rates, interest rate spreadsand commercial bank business loans. This papersuggests that recent movements in short-terminterest rates and changes in relevant interestrate spreads cast doubt upon the conventionalcredit crunch view.

    .~., (.:ji.t~.t.J.f~I~ ~nr?The traditional notion of a credit crunch originally

    involved the process known as disintermediationa decline in savings-type deposits at banks andsavings and loans that result in a decline inbank lending.2 Episodes of disintermediationoccurred when market interest rates) especiallyrates on Ti-easury bills and commercial paper,rose above Regulation Q interest rate ceilings atthese financial institutions. As this occurred,depositors withdrew their funds from banksand savings and loans to invest at higher openmarket rates, and bank credit, especially forbusiness loans, fell.

    The Chairman of the Federal Reserve System, Alan Greenspan,has expressed concern over the slowing in credit growth andthe extent to which it was induced by bank regulatorsattempts to raise bank capital. See Greenspan (1991). OtherFederal Reserve officials who have expressed concern overthe credit crunch during this period include LaWare (1991),Forrestal (1991) and Syron (1991). Concern over a potentialglobal credit crunch has been raised by the Bank forInternational Settlements (1991) and Japans EconomicPlanning Agency [see Reuters (1991a)1. Concern for anational crunch has also surfaced in France [see Reuters(1991b)1. Also see OBrien and Browne (1992).

    2See Kaufman (1991) for a discussion of the origin of this termin his work with Sidney Homer and for a brief sketch of thehistory of credit crunches. For detailed analysis of previouscredit crunches, see Wojnilower (1980).

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    The phrase credit crunch was coined inmid-1966 when the Federal Reserves monetarypolicy became more restrictive; the Fed wantedto slow the growth of demand for goods andservices in order to fight inflation. In 1966, theFeds actions to slow the growth of money andcredit were reinforced by allowing short-terminterest rates to rise above the Regulation Qceiling rate on hank deposits. As a result,depositors withdrew their funds from regulateddeposits to seek higher market rates. The reductionin bank deposits, in turn, limited banks abilityto lend and their supply of credit. What madethis event significant was the Feds refusal toaccommodate the rise in short-term marketinterest rates by raising the Regulation Q ceilingrates at banks and savings and loans, as it haddone in the past.4 Since financial deregulationin the early 1980s ended interest rate ceilings)such regulatory-induced disintermediation canno longer occur.

    A more encompassing view of a credit crunchis based on any non-price constraint on banklending, not simply on disintermediation. In itsrecent application, the source of this constrainthas presumably been the response by bankersto increased regulatory oversight and their ownreaction to recent deterioration of bank assetvalues and profitability. Increased savings andloan failures, as well as increased capital require-ments, may also have played a part.

    This broader definition of a credit crunch hasbeen summarized by the Council of EconomicAdvisers (1992):

    A credit crunch occurs when the supply ofcredit is restricted below the range usuallyidentified with prevailing market interest ratesand the profitability of investment projects. (p. 46)

    A credit crunch, either through disintermediation,overzealous regulators or banks unwillingnessto lend for some other reason, is thereforeusually thought of as a supply phenomenon.The flow of credit, however, results from theinteraction of both credit supply and creditdemand. In other words, while supply consider-ations could certainly result in a decline in creditflows, a reduction in the demand for credit couldproduce the same result. Fortunately, economictheory indicates a criterion for assessing whichof these is the dominant source of a change inthe quantity of credit.

    (~~11:1iIiiTt~ iHIi~(I)Eii~

    Figures la and lb illustrate the typical analysis ofthe cr-edit market aspects of a credit crunch usingthe supply and demand framework for credit flows.In this framework, the quantity of cr-editdemanded varies inversely with the cost of creditthat is, the interest rategiven other factors thatinfluence overall demand for credit. Conversely,the quantity supplied of credit increases withthe interest rate, given the other factors thatinfluence credit supply decisions.~We will examinetwo scenarios. The first illustrates the credit crunchhypothesis, namely, a reduction in the quantityof credit supplied resulting from reduced bankwillingness to lend. The second scenario offersan alternative. In this case, a reduction in thedemand for bank credit occurs. As will beexplained below, this could be the result of adecline in business demand for credit associatedwith a reduction in inventory investment.~

    I i. n ~.1 ~ ~

    In figure la, an equilibrium in the credit market

    As a result of this policy action, interest rates rose and creditbecame more scarce. For example, in the third quarter of1966, the interest rate on three-month Treasury bills roseabove 5 percent for the first time in more than 30 years; the5.04 percent average rate during the quarter was up sharplyfrom the 4.59 percent rate in the previous quarter. The growthof the money stock (Ml) had already slowed from a 73 percentannual rate in the two quarters ending in the first quarter of1966 to a 43 percent rate in the second quarter of 1966.This was followed by a decline at a 1.2 percent rate in thethird quarter and a 1.2 percent rate of increase in the lastquarter of 1966. See Burger (1969) and Gilbert (1986) fordiscussions of this episode.

    4According to Burger (1969), p. 24, the Fed previously accom-modated the rise in rates in July 1963, November 1964 andDecember 1965 by raising the Regulation 0 ceiling. Thisbehavior is also discussed by Wojnilower (1980). One flawwith the disintermediation view is that a decline in intermedi-ation through banks does not reduce the total supply of

    credit unless some of the funds removed from banks are notfunneled into other credit instruments like Treasury bills orcommercial paper.

    5The latter idea is closely associated with Syron (1991), whohas termed the reduction in lending as a capital crunch.Greenspan (1991) has also supported elements of thisargument, as has the Council of Economic Advisers (1992).Also see Bernanke and Lown (1991) for a differentperspective on this hypothesis.

    Figuresla and lb are drawn conditionally on an expected rateof inflation. That is, the standard assumption that expectedinflation is not a cyclical phenomenon during business reces-sions is employed. Therefore, in this framework, a change ina nominal variable is also a change in a real variable.

    7Figures la and lb are not meant to imply that bank creditdetermines the level of economic activity. For alternativeexplanations about the linkage between bank credit andeconomic activity, see the shaded insert on p. 24.

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    Interest Rate


    Figure laDecline in the Supply of CreditCase I: Reduced willingness to lend

    Figure lbDecline in the Demand for CreditCase II: Reduced loan demand by businesses

    Interest RateS




    DC1 C0 Flow of Credit

    Ci Co Flow of Credit

  • / ///M~
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    Figure 3Short- and Long-Term Interest Rates

    Quarterly Data

    private domestic nonfinancial debt (excludingfederal debt) and the change in total domesticnonfinancial debtboth expressed as a percentof gross domestic product (GDP). lypically, inrecessions, the rate of debt accumulation declinesrelative to GDP. This reflects the fact that creditgrowth tends to be cyclical, especially the growthof private credit; typically, ciedit growth slowsrelative lo GDP during recessions and risesduring expansions.Thus, it is not possible toascertain from figure 2 whether the decline incredit in each instance caused the recession or

    was merely a reflection of the recession.To determine that, one must look at interestrate movements over the business cycle.

    The two scenarios shown in figure 1 provideus with a stark contrast: In figure Ia, the declinein credit results in a rise in the interest