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    Cultural Genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina; Destroying Heritage, Destroying Identity

    Pamela de Condappa

    Introduction

    The killing of a person destroys an individual memory. The destruction of cultural

    heritage erases the memory of a people. It is as if they were never there (Riedlmayer

    2002). It is in this context that the intentional and systematic destruction of Muslim

    cultural heritage in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the run up to and during conflict in the

    early 1990s has been described as a form of cultural genocide, to some a heinous

    counterpart to the crime of genocide (and/or ethnic cleansing) itself. The topic of

    cultural genocide is a controversial one, it is nevertheless a term that has seen a

    seemingly exponential increase in usage in recent years, along with associated

    neologisms such as culturalcannibalism, identicide, warchitecture and urbicide (cf.

    Meharg 2000; Bevan 2006; Coward 2001). In this paper I want to examine the

    potential import of actions that have been described as such, in the context of Bosnia-

    Herzegovina. One of the most infamous images of conflict in that region was the

    obliteration of the beautifully constructed StariMost, the old Ottoman bridge at

    Mostar. It was an image that arguably focused the outraged lens of international

    condemnation more immediately than some of the preceding human rights abuses. It

    is also a heuristic lens, for the ability of damage to cultural heritage to provoke

    emotive responses is revealing. Revealing because material culture in the form of

    cemeteries, religious monuments, historic buildings and so on, provides a powerful

    and potent nexus fusing both group and individual memories, and equally importantly

    in the context of the significance of cultural genocide; also offers a palpable and

    potentially malleable reservoir of legitimacy which can be used to authenticate

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    historic claims over territory and identity, especially ethnic identity.1 I also want to

    consider the relationship between cultural genocide and genocide. To destroy material

    culture which defines or is perceived to define a group is certainly in part an exercise

    in erasure, a form ofdamnatae memoriae that has characterised and consolidated the

    victors version of history throughout the ages. But is this tantamount to genocide?

    This question will be subject to debate across a variety of fields, however I do suggest

    that such debates will be further informed by a wider understanding of the role of

    cultural heritage in the formation, justification and delineation of group identity; a

    role that firmly places such heritage as an latent weapon in the arena of conflict and

    ultimately therefore genocidal activities.

    Defining Cultural Genocide

    Genocide, contrary to the views of some commentators, is never simply the result of

    simmering primordial tensions imploding to create deadly schisms in society; it is

    instead part of a complexprocess of dehumanisation (Roth 2002). As such, genocide

    can be understood as the worst case scenario of a broad, fluid continuum of social

    dynamics that involves the re-conceptualisation of group identity and legitimacy.

    Moreover, processes of dehumanisation, which may or may notacquire genocidal

    properties, are informed by didactic practices that draw upon resonant and symbolicsources of culture, including material culture. Thus, for ideologies that facilitate

    genocide to be successful they need to resonate with the societies involved, and

    therefore involve drawing upon a shared cultural base (Smith 1999:4). Equally,

    destroying a victim groups culture can act as a threat to the group, as well as to deny

    1 Utilising another term coined by Lemkin, ethnocide has also been used to describe the deliberatedestruction of that which is associated with a group's way of life (Hovanissian 1999:147).

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    that group a critical source of legitimacy.

    Raphael Lemkin developed the term genocide in his 1944 book Axis Rule in

    Occupied Europe, combining the Greek word genos (race or tribe) with the Latin

    word cide (to kill). The United Nations Genocide convention, ratified on 9 December

    1948, defined the crime of genocide as the intent to destroy in whole or in part, a

    national, ethnic, racial or religious group by (a) killing members of the group, (b)

    causing serious bodily harm to members of the group, (c) deliberately inflicting on the

    group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or

    in part, (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group, and (e)

    forcibly transferring children of the group to other groups.

    Lemkin, had also wanted to include the term cultural genocide as a crime to describe

    the deliberate destruction of a groups cultural way of life (1944:84-5). He argued that

    efforts to destroy the foundation of the life of groups would include the breakdown of

    the political and social institutions of culture, language[and] national feelings

    (ibid.). Utilising another term coined by Lemkin, scholars often refer to cultural

    genocide as ethnocide to describe the deliberate destruction of that which is associated

    with a group's way of life (Hovanissian 1999:147). It is however, a contentious term.

    There are scholars who see the phenomenon as act of genocide in itself. Hence, Totten

    argues that vandalism against Armenian cultural monuments constitutes an act of

    genocide (1997; 1987:9-10), and Denitch suggests that genocide must now be

    extended to include the disappearance of cultural markers from a territory (1993:50).

    Other argue that cultural genocide is an inaccurate term, noting that 'cide' implies

    killing, yet does not occur in all cases where ethnocide or cultural genocide occurs.

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    I want to look at cultural genocide from a material perspective because as

    contemporary archaeological paradigms assert; material culture is notpassive, objects

    actively construct and re-structure society (Tilley 2000:421-2; Giddens 1984 cf.

    Renfrew 2004). Just as material culture structures society, so I suggest that material

    culture has the potential to de-structure societies as groups effectively disengage

    with other groups cultural identity. The potency of material culture as historically

    and socially constructed discourse must also be considered as a factor in intentional

    attempts at its re-negotiation and destruction. Thus, as contexts change for example

    during times of conflict and stress, so does the potential role of material culture that

    symbolizes, or is perceived to symbolize group identity (Sluka 1992:24 cf. Harrison

    1995; Saunders 2002).

    Archaeology and Destruction

    The field of cultural destruction has increasingly become the subject of archaeological

    scholarship, focusing on a variety of areas including the destruction caused by looting

    (Renfrew 2000). Damage as a result of war has also been highlighted by

    archaeologists and associated experts (Pollock & Lutz 1994 cf. ICOMOS statement

    2002, University of Chicago Oriental Institute Statement of Concern 2003). Both

    ICOMOS and the Oriental Institute have called upon authorities in charge in Iraq to

    comply with the requirements set out by the Hague Convention on the protection of

    Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (1956).2 International recognition of

    the importance of heritage led to the destruction of the Mostar Bridge and areas of

    2 However, this convention has not been ratified by either the US or UK (cf. Merryman 1986).

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    Dubrovnik being prosecuted as a war crime by the ITCY (Prott, de la Torre & Levin

    2001:13), and Colin Renfrew has argued that the time is ripe for an international

    convention to make the destruction of cultural artefacts a crime against humanity

    (Bone 2001). The destruction of the Bamiyam Buddhas by the Taliban (Colwell-

    Chanthaphonh 2003, Meskell 2002) also attracted worldwide condemnation. Such

    landmarks have been described as prized targets for terrorists targeting the cultural

    icons that bind and inspire communities around the world (Meskell 2002:557; Perry &

    Burnham 2001:3). Decried as cultural terrorism the iconic destruction in

    Afghanistan amounted to a provocative affirmation of sovereignty not only upon the

    territory but also upon values (Gamboni 2001:11). It is this conflation of material

    culture and values that makes the arena of cultural destruction so potent. This position

    reflects the international recognition of the importance of cultural heritage. Thus

    UNESCOs draft declaration concerning the Intentional Destruction of Cultural

    Heritage states that cultural heritage is a component of cultural identity and social

    cohesion so that its intentional destruction may have adverse consequences on human

    dignity and human rights.

    Philip Roth, the head of the influential organisation, Human Rights Watch has argued

    that; 'understanding the architecture of a society is valuable not only in its own

    right...but also as a blueprint for change. It helps us identify the social pathologies that

    lead to human rights abuse and the steps that can be taken to end or to prevent them'

    (2002:ix). Archaeology as a discipline is equipped with the theoretical tools necessary

    to elucidate some of the processes behind such social pathologies, and arguably has a

    responsibility to do so (cf. Carman 1997). This is not to suggest that the discipline is

    itself entirely objective. Indeed, it has been increasingly recognized that

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    archaeological and historical narratives are deeply imbricated within sociopolitical

    realities (Meskell 1998:2 cf. Abu El-Haj 2001; Atkinson, Banks & OSullivan 1996,

    Daz-Andreu & Champion 1996, Galaty & Watkinson 2004; Hall 2000, Kane 2003;

    Kohl & Fawcett 1995; Silberman 1989). In particular, the work of Gustav Kossina,

    which was influential in propagating ideas that supported the agenda of the Third

    Reich, has been discussed as one of the darker points in archaeology's history (Arnold

    2002 cf. Arnold 1990; Arnold & Hassmann 1995; Hrke 2002; Hassmann 2002;

    Junker 1998; Wiwjorra 1996). Archaeologists are well aware of the passion and

    violence that...surround the right to possess a culture, and themselves play a role in

    such discourses (Layton, Thomas and Stone 2001). Thus, material culture provides a

    tangible nexus that combines culture, identity and power, and a means to re-negotiate

    such relationships. Discourses that parallel and draw upon this potent combination

    have been critical elements in the vocabulary of many genocidal regimes.

    Material conditions radically shape human actions, creating a charged field through

    which power-relations operate (Graves-Brown 2000). Mead described artifacts as

    collapsed acts in that they embody all that has been enacted upon them (1934 cf.

    Appadurai 1986; Gell 1998). Understanding how such artifacts are used in cultural

    strategies of destruction may therefore be a heuristic process. Halpern has argued that

    there is a need for an ethno-archaeology of architectural destruction to understand

    acts, which manifest strongly held cultural values (1993:2). Material culture makes up

    symbolic and cultural landscapes which create a particularity of place, they also act as

    narratives of collective memory that underpin the cohesion and identity of groups

    (Meharg 2001 cf. Connerton 1989; Fentress & Wickham 1992; Gillis 1994;

    Halbwachs 1992; Hutton 1993, Nora 1996). Destruction or debasement of such

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    landscapes therefore has the power to revise memory to the point where group

    identity is itself endangered. Such destruction often takes place during times of stress

    and conflict where groups feel the need to reappraise and reassert the past through

    material processes. Rowlands has also noted that materiality is peculiarly responsive

    to claims of authenticity and possession of unique identities (2002:108). Conversely

    if the past resists revision, it can simply be destroyed (Rathje 1999:94). Cultural

    memory has been described as highly selective, it highlights and foregrounds whilst at

    the same time it silences and disavows, eliding those episodes that form the

    opportunity for alternate narratives (Hall 2001:5). Cultural genocide therefore

    threatens such opportunities, critically impacting on emic and etic conceptualisations

    of group identity.

    Cultural Heritage in Bosnia-Herzegovinia

    Bosnia-Herzegovina had a distinct identity. It owed this distinction and its political

    autonomy to two factors. One that is sat astride the main trade route from the East,

    leading across Asia Minor towards Venice at the top of the Adriatic, which was

    Europes gateway to the Orient. Since the Middle Ages, Bosnia had been a complex

    and multi-faceted society, where cultural and religious influences had met and

    impacted on each other. Alone in medieval Europe, the Kingdom of Bosnia was a place where three Christian churches, Roman Catholicism and schismatic local

    Bosnian church, and around 500 years ago Islam arrived, by the 1700s more than half

    the population had adopted the faith (Riedlmayer 2002:102). This is the second factor

    that made Bosnian heritage so rich, as Ottoman sultans, including Sultan Suleyman

    the Magnificent poured wealth into architectural and urban building projects, as a

    distinct Bosnian-Muslim culture was formed also reflecting the cosmopolitan nature

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    of the region and its influences (ibid.). Among the new Ottoman towns in Bosnia were

    Sarajevo, Banja Luka and Mostar, these were towns where Muslims, Christians and

    Jews lived, worked and worshipped.

    Riedlmayer has written that the placement of architecture is an intentional, thoughtful,

    political act. People who cannot stand the thought of each other will not build their

    houses and the most important monuments of their religious and communal life in the

    shadows of those others. The mutual acceptance of communities is also illustrated by

    architecture as building styles became cross-cultural, there are a number of mosques

    in Bosnia which have the look of medieval churches, with minarets that resemble

    Romanesque church steeples. Cultural heritage in Bosnia to put it reflected a multi-

    cultural, urbane and sophisticated society, which apparently crossed symbolic

    boundaries relatively un-problematically. This is not to suggest that society was

    totally harmonious, but that the architectural landscape does suggest a certain amount

    of cohesion.

    Cultural Destruction

    The Bosnian war was characterised by the deliberate targeting and destruction of

    cultural, religious and historic landmarks. Targets included: the National Library at

    Sarajevo, the Regional Archives in Mostar, local and national museums, the Academy

    of Music, the National Gallery, entire historic districts, Muslim and Jewish cemeteries

    and particularly places of worship. It is important to point out that the heritage of all

    ethnicities were damaged, but by far the worst damage occurred to Muslim heritage.

    The total number of destroyed objects has been estimated in several sources.

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    According to the data from the Institute for the Protection of the Cultural, Natural and

    Historical Heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina 1454 cultural monuments were

    destroyed or damaged. Of those, 1284 were Islamic sacred and other objects, 237

    Catholic, and 30 Serbian Orthodox. Other figures cited refer to over 1100 destroyed

    mosques and Muslim buildings, over 300 Catholic churches and monasteries and 36

    Serbian Orthodox churches (Bublin 1999:243; Perry 2002:2). Non-sacred structures

    were also targeted for their symbolic significance, including the Ottoman-era Bridge

    in Mostar, Roman ruins, archives, libraries, and medieval and archaeological sites.

    Collateral damage is unfortunately a necessary fact of warfare, whilst this may

    account for a small amount of the damage to cultural heritage in Bosnia Herzegovina,

    there is indisputable evidence that the destruction of such material culture was

    intentional and systematic. Indeed, the worst destruction actually occurred outside the

    sites of direct military conflict. The majority of destruction has been attributed to

    Bosnian Serbs. For example on the 25 August, 1992, the National Library at Sarajevo

    was bombarded and set ablaze. It held rare documents and huge archives of material

    that documented Bosnias history. The library was located in the centre of Sarajevos

    old town, according to eyewitnesses the shells came from seven different Bosnian-

    Serb army positions. Only the library was hit and adjacent building remained

    unscathed, once the library had been set alight the shelling stopped but when firemen

    and volunteers tried to save books from the building they came under direct gunfire.

    A librarian who was there described the scene;

    The fire lasted for days. The sun was obscured by the smoke of books and all over

    the city sheets of burned paper, fragile pages of grey ashes, floated down like a dirty

    black snow. Catching a page you could feel its heat, and for a moment read a

    fragment of text in a strange kind of black and grey negative, until as the heat

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    dissipated, the page melted to dust in your hand.3 An estimated 1.5 million books

    were destroyed, the largest single incident of book burning in modern history.

    Consequences

    Material culture presences communities, equally cultural destruction may also act to

    cleanse a particular territory, for example the destruction of mosques. Such

    destruction had powerful consequences. One report notes the destruction of a Mosque

    in Hercegovina on the 27 January, 1993 by Serbian militiamen;

    It burned all nightBy morning Trebinjes 500 year old mosque was ashes

    andKemal Bubic, 29, joined thousands of numbed people moving eastward. At

    that moment everything I had was burned down he said Its not that my family was

    burned down, but its my foundation that burned. I was destroyed.4 In the eastern

    Bosnian town of Zvornik, there were once a dozen mosques which were destroyed

    systematically from April to September, 1993. At the same time its Muslim

    population was systematically expelled. A 1991 census put 60% of its residents as

    Bosnian Muslims. After the ethnic cleansing the town is officially 100 % Bosnian

    Serbs, and Branko Grujic, the new Serb-appointed mayor, told foreign visitors;

    There were never any mosques in Zvornik. At Banja Luka, all sixteen historic

    mosques were destroyed. The place where the main mosque of Banja Luka, Ferhadija

    (dating from 1579) once stood was turned into a car park after the mosque was

    destroyed in 1993. Just months after in 1994, an exhibition opened marking the 65th

    anniversary of Banja Luka as regional capital, it was organised by the regional

    museum which had since been renamed The Museum of the Republika Srpska and3

    Eyewitness account by Kemal Bakar_i_, 1994, in The Libraries of Sarajevo and the Book ThatSaved Our Lives, The New Combat: A Journal of Reason and Resistance, 3:13-15.4 Du_ko Doder, On Serb Holy Day, Hellfire for Foes, The Boston Globe, 10 February 1993

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    included historical photographs of Banja Luka from the 1920s and 30s. All the

    photographs had been airbrushed; all traces of the mosque, which had formed such an

    integral part of the town, had vanished. History proves that Banja Luka had in fact

    always been a Serb town.

    Denitch has argued that understanding the conflict in the Former Yugoslavia does not

    lie in observable behaviors, but in perceived pasts as manipulated by elites (1994).

    Such perceived pasts were substantiated and created through materiality, and its

    erasure. There is a reason why some of the first victims of the conflict were cultural

    monuments, cultural destruction in Bosnia was not aimed not just to cleansing a

    particular ethnic group, but also to deny the possibility of a heterogeneous, tolerant

    and multi-ethnic past (Riedlymayer 1995:1; Anteri_; Adams 1993; zkan 1994 cf

    Hayden 1996:783). Denial of a tolerant past was epitomized by the destruction of

    Stari Most. The ancient bridge at Mostar, has come to symbolise the ability of a

    culturally pluralistic society to flourish for almost five centuries, despite the very real

    tensions among different religious groups (Sells 1996:xv). The bridge was finally

    destroyed after consistent shelling by Croatian gunners on 9th November, 1993, A

    horribly ironic date, as fifty five years earlier on the same day, Jewish synagogues and

    cultural institutions were destroyed onKristallnacht.

    Riedlmayer suggests that there is increasing awareness of the link between the

    systematic persecution and expulsion of ethnic and religious communities and the

    destruction of the cultural and religious heritage associated with the targeted

    community (2002: 3). If an ethnicity is a group that defines itself or is defined by

    others as sharing common descent and cultureethnic cleansing is the removal by

    members of one such group from a locality they define as their own (Mann

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    2004:11).5 Since ethnic groups are culturally defined, they can be eliminated if their

    culture disappears, even if there is no physical removal of persons (ibid.). Therefore

    the systematic and intentional destruction of material culture that in part comes to

    define such an ethnic group forms an integral part of such cultural cleansing.

    However, the erasure of such material culture does not just constitute cultural

    cleansing but actually justifies the process by denying that which had gone before,

    and in the case Bosnia, denied the existence and viability of ethnic heterogeneity.

    Thus, cultural cleansing is more than a counterpart to ethnic cleansing, but is part of

    the process whereby ethnic cleansing comes to be a legitimate and acceptable form of

    action.

    In effect material culture became ethnicised as categories of identity such as

    Muslim were reified according to political and social needs. In Mostar for example,

    before the war, Stari Mostwas not a Muslim monument but a Bosnian one, it was

    the war that transformed it. A dialectical relationship is informed through materiality;

    whilst groups engaged with material culture that defined a particular ethnicity, the

    self-same material culture presented a medium for processes that facilitated the

    delineation of the boundaries of group identity. This dialectic encapsulated and

    justified more than identity, which as a concept itself is always part of a larger nexus

    of meaning. Thus integrally linked to such processes were the territorial rights sought

    by an extremely vociferous ethno-nationalist project; territories that ultimately needed

    to be cleansed in order to assert those rights as well as legitimise them. Ethnic

    cleansing in this regard required more than the removal of the incorrect ethnic groups,

    but also the cultural markers that evidenced such groups

    5

    In discussing concepts such as ethnicity, one needs to note the danger of reproducing the categories ofnationalist thought, i.e. by using the terms Serb and Muslim; yet whole nations or ethnic groups neveract collectively (Mann 2004:20).

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    Conclusion

    Material culture is historically and socially constituted, these qualities allow material

    culture to serve as a source of discourse to be used, or negotiated, in processes of

    dehumanisation. To re-iterate my earlier arguments genocide has been described as an

    act that has plagued human beings for centuries: the intentional destruction of a group

    because ofwho they are (Hinton 2001:1, my italics). Communities are not simply

    imagined but materialized; as such symbols constitute agents, meanings and

    power/knowledge relations as well as represent them (Robb 1998). In Bosnia conflicts

    were symbolically manipulated to polarize public opinion along the lines of resurgent

    ethnic identities and utilized historically pertinent material culture in the process

    (Denitch 1994:369 cf. Bringa 1993; Werbart 1996). Moreover identity, and

    particularly group identity are relational phenomena; one defines oneself in relation to

    the other, communities are symbolically constituted at the boundaries (Cohen 1993;

    cf. Barth 1969). Material culture associated with a particular group may represent

    such differences. It also creates difference, even between groups that are actually

    quite similar. Ignatieff, using Freuds term the narcissism of minor difference,

    argues that as external differences between groups diminish, symbolic differences

    become more salientthe more important it becomes to wear the differentiating

    mask (1999:57). Particularly in times of stress, cultural symbols tend to take on

    iconic qualities which increasing come to define and create a sense of difference. As

    difference is reified, sameness can offer a source of legitimacy. Thus, Stolcke work

    on cultural fundamentalism, predicates that formal political equality presupposes

    cultural identity and hence cultural sameness is the essential prerequisite for access to

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    citizenship rights (1995). The conflation of bounded notions of culture and rights,

    provides powerful, mobilizing dialectics that can alternately privilege and negate,

    intimately affecting notions of legitimacy (Cowan et al 2001). The power to debase or

    erase culture therefore fundamentally impacts on the legitimacy of a group, and in

    extreme cases on its right to exist. For just as communities can be imagined; so it is

    possible that they can be unimaginedor dematerialized.

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