The diachrony of color term systems: Insights from South AmericaPatience Epps, Raanan Robertson, & Lauren Burleson

University of Texas at AustinCILLA-V, Oct. 5, 2015

1. IntroductionCross-linguistic approaches to the encoding of color have attracted decades of debate, initiated by Berlin & Kay’s (1969) influential proposal that the distribution of ‘basic’ color terms across languages (morphologically simplex terms with primary reference to color) conforms to particular universal principles:

a) basic color terms partition the perceptual color ‘space’ in predictable ways across languages, centered around universally relevant focal values;

b) the values of basic color terms follow from the number of terms in a given language, such that in a language with only two terms, these must designate ‘black’ and ‘white’, a language with three terms will include ‘red’, and so on.

We focus here on Berlin & Kay’s observation (b): While essentially synchronic, Berlin & Kay emphasized its diachronic implications – that languages build their color lexicons according to a universal evolutionary progression:

{BLACK, WHITE}> {RED} > {YELLOW, GREEN} >{BLUE} > {OTHER}

Despite a massive subsequent literature, there has been very little effort to apply an actual diachronic perspective to test the question of how languages build their color lexicons.

Most forays into questions of diachrony have been limited to specific languages, e.g.: - the problem of defining ‘basic’ color terms in a given language when there is evidence

of transition from non-basic (e.g. Kay 2001); - the question of how a particular language may develop or elaborate a color lexicon

over time, and the implications of this process for a fully partitioned color space (e.g. ‘freshness’ > ‘green’; cf. Lyons 1999, Kay 1999, Levinson 2001);

- in a very few studies, the role of language contact in driving the restructuration and/or elaboration of a given language’s color term system (van Gijn et al. 2010, Grimm 2014)

South America provides an ideal context in which to investigate the diachrony of color systems, in light of:

- the region’s high level of genetic diversity, allowing for comparison across many distinct language families;

- the relatively small and simple nature of many of its color systems, attributable e.g. to the absence of an extensive dye tradition in the lowlands that might have promoted their elaboration (e.g. Casson 1997, Gage 1999).

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OUR GOALS IN THIS PAPER:To explore the evolution of color terms (black, white, red, yellow, and green/blue) across South American language families in the context of Berlin & Kay’s diachronic predictions.

We consider:- variation in reconstructibility of terms across 23 language families and their

subgroups- evidence for innovation of terms from non-color terms, or from other color terms- evidence for borrowing of terms from other languages

2. MethodologyOur investigation draws from the available literature on South American languages – mostly dictionaries, word lists, & grammars.

Constraints:- in many (most?) sources, lack of an attested term does not necessarily mean it is not

present in the language;- presence of a term does not always mean that the term is widely used/

conventionalized in the language, let alone ‘basic’;- sources rarely provide information about the etymology or alternative meanings of a

term.

For these reasons, we focus on the most commonly elicited color terms (black, white, red, yellow, and green/blue); assessments of etymological histories are not exhaustive.

Further methodological considerations:- historical work on most of the language families considered is limited, so judgments

of reconstructibility are tentative (and proposed forms are very tentative indeed);- actual chronologies of the different language families vary widely; our focus is on

relative chronologies of the different color terms only.

For each language family:- data collected for each color term in each language, where information is available

(some data collection still ongoing);- tentative reconstructions proposed for each protolanguage and subgroup, where

apparent cognates are present in multiple primary branches;- potential etymological sources of terms considered where possible.

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Table 1. Example: Color terms and reconstructions in the Arawan language familyBLACK *kori (Authors)Madi-Madihá

Madihá *kiriDení: kiɾiɗeKulina: sowe, mawa (Juruá dialect only);kiri (archaic)

Madi *sokiJarawara: sokiBanawa: sosoki na

Paumarí: baɾa- ‘dark’, poɾoɾo-Suruahá: a:ʃjɛ

YELLOWMadi-Madihá

Madihá *wesheDení: βetsʰeɗeKulina: wetsʰe

MadiJarawara: babatoBanawa: no info

Paumarí: korikori-; notxoro- (‘ripe fruit’)Suruahá: no info

WHITE *Bakho (Dixon 2004)Madi-Madihá

Madihá *pakoDení: pakuKulina: gese-wi, wese-wi (Rivet), mopo,pako (Dienst)

Madi *sawaJarawara: sawaBanawa: sawa

Paumarí: bokʰo-, poɾa-, βaɸoɾi-Suruahá: no info

GREENMadi-Madihá

MadiháDení: ɗeɾepʰeɗeKulina:

MadiJarawara: kini (Vogel); tefe-na (Dixon)Banawa: no info

Paumarí: kori ni-Suruahá: no info

REDMadi-Madihá

Madihá *makhoDení: makʰuɗeKulina: makho, mapara (rare)

Madi *mawaJarawara: mawa (Dixon)Banawa: mamawa na

Paumarí: dana-, nadaɾa-Suruahá: no info

BLUEMadi-Madihá

Madihá *nepedeDení: ɗeɾepʰeɗeKulina: (?)bari-bunu-biri-aru (Rivet),napana (Juruá dialect only - Dienst)

MadiJarawara: teteyo (Vogel); tefe-na (Dixon)Banawa: no info

Paumarí: kori- (blue, green, yellow)Suruahá: no info

Sources: Dení: Koop & Koop 2008; Kulina: Dienst 2014, Rivet 1940; Jarawara: Vogel 2006, Dixon 2004; Banawa: Anonby & Anonby 2007; Paumarí: Salzer & Chapman 1998; Suruahá: Suzuki 1997.

Map 1: Arawan languages (Glottolog.org)

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3. Results: Color terms and their historiesNR = does not reconstruct (data available); Blank = not enough data available to determine whether the term reconstructs or not.(NB: Authors’ reconstructed forms are highly tentative; some family-internal developments need further investigation. Jean and Jabutian are both Macro-Je but are treated separately here because of this family’s considerable time-depth.)

Table 2: Reconstructed color terms in South American language familiesLanguage families and subgroups

black white red yellow green/blue source of reconstructions

Arawan *kori (‘dark’) *Bakho NR NR NR Authors; Dixon 2004 Madi-Madihá *kiri, *mawa

(‘dark’?)*pako NR NR NR Authors

Madihá *kiri *pako *makho (cf. ‘white’)

*weshe (‘yellow, light’)

*nepede Authors

Madi *soki *sawa (cf. Tacanan)

*mawa Authors

Arawakan *khuere *kath *k aɨɾ * puleʃɨ Payne 1991Barbacoan NR NR NR *lah- NR Curnow & Liddicoat 1998 S. Barbacoan *pa’ba * i’baɸ *lu'ba *lahke- *luʃ Authors N. Barbacoan Coconucoan *jalɨ *polɨ *pikɨ *ɨskɨ *pilji AuthorsBoran *k e-neɨβ́ *ts ts -neɨ ́ ɨɨ *t -ppai-neɨ ́ *gíí(-gi a)-ne; β

*gí(kká)-ne-( )ɨβ́ɨ ́*aitt á-neɨβ́ Aschmann 1993

Cahuapanan *ajara (cf. Quechua jana)

NR NR * a pi( )ʃ ʔ ʔ *kani Pilar Valenzuela 2011 and p.c.

Cariban (*apuru?, *k r ? ɨ ɨcf. Arawak)

*amutu (?) *aCmiru NR *tuku (?) Sergio Meira p.c., Authors

N. Cariban (*apuru?, *k r ?)ɨ ɨ

*amutu *amiru * epe (?)ʃ *tuku Sergio Meira p.c., Authors

S. Cariban (*apuru?, *k r ?)ɨ ɨ

*apeku *aCmiru NR *tuku Sergio Meira p.c., Authors

Chapakuran (Branch 2)

*tom (‘burn, black’); *mitʃem

*towa (‘white, ʔlight color, dawn’)

*kotem, *mem (‘red, ripe’)

*-tʃik (?) Lima 1997, Joshua Birchall p.c., Authors

OroWin-Wari’- Wanham

*tom, *miʃem *towaʔ *paka , *mem ʔ(‘red/ripe’)

Guahiban NR *po *tso *wajan NR Authors, cf. Queixalós 1993 Sikuani-Cuiva- Macaguan

*tse-bia *po-bi *tso-bi *wajan NR

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Language families and subgroups

black white red yellow green/blue source of reconstructions

Jivaroan * uwínaʃ *púhu *kapántu *(j)angkúu (cf. ‘yellow parrot’)

*samek ‘green’*wigka ‘blue’

Payne 1981, Authors

Jean (Macro-Je) *tyk *za-ka *ka-mrek Davis 1966Jabutian (Macro-Je)

NR NR *nũr( )oǝ̃ *numuj *kap ‘green’ɨ Ribeiro & Voort 2010

Mascoyan *paisiam *mopa *jiɬwas *jatik *japak AuthorsNadahupan *c'a NR *heɟ NR NR Authors Hup-Yuhup-Dâw *c'a *ho *no NR *pɔ̃ AuthorsNambikwaran *(ta3)ton3 *pãn3 *h iǝ 3n *sa3t' i: ǝ 3sa3t' inǝ 3

(‘yellow/green/blue’)

NR (cf. ‘yellow’) Price 1978

Panoan *wiso; *tʃɨʃɨ *hu uʃ *hu inʃ NR * oo ‘green, ʃimmature’

Authors

Mainline Panoan *wiso; *tʃɨʃɨ *hu uʃ *hu inʃ *pa inʃ *pa a ‘raw, green’ʃ Shell 2008, AuthorsQuechuan *jana *juraq *puka *qarwa ~ qa wa λ

(Quechua II: *qi u)λ

*ĉiqja(.q)(Quechua II: *q(‘)umir); *anqa (?) ‘blue’ʃ

Heggarty 2004

Aymaran *ĉ’ijara *anq’u *wila (cf. wilu ‘blood’), *t upikaʃ

*qarwa ~ qa wa; λ *qi uλ

*t ’uqñaʃ Heggarty 2004, cf. Hardman 1981

Tacanan *zewe *pasa (cf. Pano) *nui ‘plant w/ red fruit’

*sawa (cf. Arawa; also ‘ripe)

*zawa (also ‘immature’)

Girard 1971

Tukanoan *~tj’i *p’o NR NR *t meɨ Thiago Chacon p.c. E. Tukanoan *~ji’i *bo *~sua NR *s me, *ja’saɨ Chacon p.c., Authors W. Tukanoan *~tj’i *p’o *ma (‘red

parrot’)*s oɨɲ NR Chacon p.c., Authors

Tupian NR *k taɨ *wup NR *k t (‘green’, ɨ‘unripe’)

Rodrigues 2007, Authors

Tupi-Guaranian *pitsun, *un *tiŋ (cf. ‘smoke’) *piraŋ, p taŋɨ *juβ *o , *k rβɨ ɨ Mello 2000Witotoan *hu t ()ʔ ɯ NR *hĩã (hĩ)ɨ ̃ *bora() *mokó- Echeverri & Seifart 2011,

Aschmann 1993Yanomaman *u iʃ *au( i)ʃ NR *frãre *ruw (‘green’, ǝ

‘unripe’)Authors, cf. Migliazza 1972

Yan-Yano-Ninam *u iʃ *au( i)ʃ *wakǝ *frãre *ruwǝ AuthorsZaparoan NR *u iʃ *naatu NR *nɨɨ Authors Iquito-Arabela *muero *u iʃ *naatu NR *nɨɨ Authors

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3.1. Relative reconstructability of terms across families and subgroups

Table 3: Proto-languages/subgroups in which color term(s) can/cannot be reconstructedNumber of proto-languages (Reconstr./NR)

Number of subgroups (Reconstr./NR)

Black/dark 18/5 16/0White/light 18/5 16/0Red 18/5 15/1Yellow 14/7 9/5Green/Blue 16/5 11/3

Reconstructability of black/white/red is marginally higher than yellow/green-blue in our sample; reconstructed red/yellow/green-blue terms are more likely to show evidence of derivation; several languages use the same term for yellow/ green-blue.

3.2. Associations between reconstructed color terms and other lexical itemsNB: Not an exhaustive assessment, due to lack of etymological information in sources.

Black: – burn (Chapakuran, maybe Yanomaman)– genipap (black dye plant, Witotoan)

White:– smoke (Tupi-Guaranian; apparently replaced earlier ‘white’ term)

Red: – blood (Aymaran)– red dye plant / achiote (Tacanan; secondary terms in Nadahup,

Nambikwara)– red parrot (W. Tukanoan)– ripe (Chapakuran)

Yellow:– yellow parrot (Jivaroan)– ripe (Tacanan)– type of mud (Tupi-Guaranian, Tukanoan)

Green/Blue: – immature, raw (Panoan, Tacanan, Tupian, Yanomaman)– parrot (Witotoan)– leaf (Tupi-Guarani)

Directionality (original vs. secondary meaning) unclear in some cases; some non-color terms (e.g. ‘ripe’) may be derived from the color terms.

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3.3. Associations among reconstructed color terms within families

Table 4: Evidence of possible historical associations within color inventoriesAssociations Languages TermsWhite > red Panoan

Arawan*hu u > *hu inʃ ʃ*Bakho > *makho

Red > yellow Tupi-Guaranian

Nambikwara

*wup (Tupi) > *ju (TG) (Rodrigues 2007)β*sate- *h iǝ 3n (‘continuous/heavy’ + red) > *sa3t' i: ǝ3sa3t' inǝ 3 (yellow/green/blue)

Black/dark > green/blue TacananArawakArawan

(??) *zewe > *zawa*khuere reflexes in Wapishana, Baré*kori reflexes in Jarawara, Paumari

White > green/blue/yellow

Tupian *k ta > *kitɨ

Green/blue > yellow Mainline Panoan *pa a ‘raw, green’ > *pa inʃ ʃYellow > green/blue Carib *šewe reflex in Yukpa

- See also resemblances between some reconstructed forms for black and red: Proto-Arawak *khuere ~ *k ra, Cariban ɨ *apuru ~ *aCmiru

- Other examples of related terms referring to different colors are found among sister-languages, with directionality unclear

- Likelihood of semantic extension from white > other colors by means of white-yellow similarity (cf. Arawan ‘yellow/light color’, where yellow is not distinguished from green/blue or red

3.4. Evidence of possible borrowing of color terms across familiesWe focus here on borrowing among indigenous languages; some borrowing from Spanish/Portuguese is also attested, particularly in green/blue terms.

Black:Cariban *k r (?) ~ Arawakan ɨ ɨ *khuere ‘dark, black’ > Arawan *kori ‘dark’

(cf. other evidence of Arawakan > Arawan influence)Quechuan *jana ~ Cahuapanan *ajara (esp. Chayahuita jara)

White:Zaparoan *u i ~ ʃ Panoan *hu u > Ese Ejja (Tacanan) ʃ o eʃ 1

Tacanan *pasa ‘white’ ~ Mainline Panoan *pa a ‘raw, green’, *pa in ‘yellow’ʃ ʃ

Red: Arawakan *k aɨɾ ~ Tupian *k ta (?Arawak > Puinave ɨ k tɤ )Aymara *čupika > Cajamarca Quechua2

Quechuan *puka > Wari’ (Chapakuran) paka ʔ (?)

1 Note also Yanomaman *u i ‘black’ and *au( i) ‘white’.ʃ ʃ2 See Adelaar w/Muysken (2004:261).

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Yellow:3

Aymaran *qarwa/qa wa ~ λ Quechuan *qarwa/qa wa λ> Kabiyari (Arawakan) karawa, Itonama kabala i ʔ (?) ‘green’

Aymara *qi u > Quechua λ qi uλ , Chipaya k il uˀ ʸ , Cofan kijopaTacanan *sawa ‘yellow’ ~ Madi *sawa ‘white’

Green/blue:Quechuan *ĉiqya(.q) ~ Aymaran *t ’uqña > ʃ Chipaya č ox aˀ ɲAymara larama ‘blue’ > Chipaya larama ‘blue’

4. Synchronic inventoriesWe also surveyed a wide sample of Amazonian languages for which color terms appear to be relatively thoroughly documented, in order to test the degree to which the diachronic distributions correspond to synchronic ones:

Table 5: Languages sampled (33 languages from 19 families):FamilyArawan

Arawakan

Cahuapanan

Cariban

ChocoanGuahiban

LanguagePaumariKulinaPiapocoYucunaBaniwaChayahuitaShiwiluEñepaApalaiN. EmberaSikuani

FamilyJivaroanKakua-NukakanMacro-Je: JeMacro-Je: MaxacaliNadahupan

NambikwaranPanoan

Peba-YaguanQuechuan

LanguageAguarunaKakuaKaingangMaxacaliHupDâwSabaneCapanahuaChacoboYaguaHuanuco Q.

FamilyTacananE. Tukanoan

W. TukanoanTupian

Tupian: TGYanomanan

Zaparoan

LanguageEse EjjaCubeoWananoKoreguajeKaritianaTupariNheengatuYanomamiNinamIquitoArabela

Table 6: Synchronic color term distributions across sample% languages for which a discrete term exists4

alternate non-color meanings of terms, as attested

Black/dark 100% ‘ripe’White/light 100% ‘ripe’, ‘clean’Red 100% ‘ripe’, ‘achiote’, ‘fire’Yellow 94% ‘ripe’Green/blue 85% ‘unripe’, ‘raw’, ‘bitter’Blue 21%Brown 36%Pink 27% ‘ripe’Purple 48%Orange 18%

In our sample, synchronic color inventories tend to include terms according to the following preferences – broadly consistent with the results of our diachronic study:

3 See also Jivaroan *(j)angkúu ‘yellow/yellow parrot’ ~ Candoshi (isolate) ‘yellow parrot’. Qarwa also means ‘llama’ in Aymara; possible lexical source for ‘yellow’?4 Figures exclude Spanish/Portuguese loans; ‘basicness’ of term is not generally known.

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BLACK/WHITE/RED > YELLOW > BLUE/GREEN > OTHER COLORS

5. ConclusionThe evidence examined here supports the following diachronic generalization for color terms across Amazonian language families:

OLDEST <--------------------------------------------------------------> YOUNGEST

BLACK/WHITE RED YELLOW&GREEN/BLUE

Reconstructibility to proto-languages and subgroups is more consistent for black-white-red than for yellow-green/blue

Evidence of derivation (least <--> most frequently derived from other terms): 1) black/white, 2) red, 3) yellow and green/blue

More variability across families in yellow & green/blue terms, including borrowability (some evidence of loans among black/white terms, but most are old)

General correspondence between diachronic and synchronic color term distributions.

Reconstructibility/variability of terms within language families could be a factor of both/either:- elaboration of color term inventories over time (less > more complex)- retention of terms over time that are conceptually more ‘basic’

Both of these possibilities are compatible with Berlin & Kay’s predictions, although only one relates to the diachronic expansion of color term systems.

Need for more investigation into color term systems in Amazonian languages: precise meanings, etymologies, recent expansions of systems, etc.

AcknowledgmentsWe gratefully acknowledge Amalia Skilton’s assistance with data collection, and methodological inspiration from Cecil Brown. Thanks also to Joshua Birchall, Thiago Chacon, Sergio Meira, and Pilar Valenzuela for their insights into reconstructions.

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