World Affairs Institute

CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION, APRIL 19Author(s): Julia Ward Howe, John Bright, W. E. Gladstone, C. Hudson, M. H. Merriam, W. H.Munroe, Gen. Hawley, D. H. Chamberlain and R. S. RipleySource: Advocate of Peace (1847-1884), New Series, Vol. 6, No. 5 (MAY, 1875), pp. 25-27, 30Published by: World Affairs InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27905846 .

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THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

On Earth Peace .... Nation shall not lift up Sword against Nation, neither shall they learn Was ant morb.

New Series. BOSTON, MAY, 1875? Vol. VI. No. 5.

CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION, APRIL 19. We are happy to re-echo some of the noble words and senti

ments uttered recently at Lexington and Concord, believing, to

the friends of peace, they will be a prophecy of the good time

coming when nations shall learn war no more.

hymn.

One hundred years the world hath seen, Since bristling on these meadows green, The British foe me mocked our sires, New armed beside their household fires.

The troops were hastening from the town To bold the country for the Crown ; But through the land the ready thrill Of patriot hearie ran swifter still.

Onr Fathers met at break of dawn. From many a peaceful haunt they come; From homely task and rustic care,

Marshalled by faith, upheld by prayer.

The winter's wheat was in the ground, Waiting the April zephyr's sound ; But other growth these fields should bear When War s wild summons rent the air.

Here flowed the sacrificial blood, Hence sprang the bond of Brotherhood ; Here rose resolved for good or ill, The Nation's majesty of will.

Oh Thou who Victor dost remain Above the slayer and the slain, Not ill we deem that in Thy might, That day our fathers held their right.

They knew not that their ransomed land To free the vassal'd Earth should stand ; That Thou, through all their toil and pain, A home of nations didst ordain.

Upon this field of Lexington We hail the mighty conquest won,

Invoking here Thy mightier name

To keep our heritage from shame.

May peaceful generations turn To where these ancient glories burn ; And not a lesson of that time Fade from men's thoughts through wrong and crime.

Beside the hearth let freemen still

Keep their integrity of will, And meet the treason of the hour With mind resolved and steadfast power.

But not in arms be our defence ; Give us the strength of innocence, The will to work, the heart to dare For Truth's great battle, everywhere.

So may ancestral conquests live In what we have and what we give ;

And the great boons we hold from Thee Turn to enrich humanity. ?Julia Ward Howe,

In the address of George W. Curtis we find the following pleasing retrospect.

At the end of a century we can see the work of this day as our fathers could not ; we can see that then the final movement

began of a process long and unconsciously preparing, which was to intrust liberty to new forms and institutions that seemed full of happy promise for mankind. And now for nearly a cen

tury what was formerly called the experiment of a representa tive republic of imperial extent and power has been tried. Has it fulfilled the hopes of its founders and the just expectations of mankind? 1 have already glanced at its early and fortunate conditions, and we know how vast and splendid were its early growth and development. Our material statistics soon dazzled the world. Europe no longer sneered but gazed in wonder,

waiting and watching. Our population doubled every fifteen

years, and our wealth every ten years. Every little stream

among the hills turned a mill ; and the great inland seas, bound

by the genius of Clinton to the ocean, became the highway of boundless commerce, the path of unprecedented empire. Our farms were the granary of other lands Our cotton fields made

England rich. Still we chased the whale in the Pacific Ocean and took fish in the tumbling seas of Labrador. We hung our

friendly lights along thousands of miles of coast to tempt the trade of every clime ; and wherever, on the dim rim of the

globe there was a harbor, it was white with American sails. Meanwhile at home, the political foreboding of Federalism had died away, and its very wail seemed a tribute to the pacific glories of the land.

'; The ornament of beauty is suspect, a crow that flies in heaven's sweetest air."

The government was felt to be but a hand of protection and

blessing ; labor was fully employed ; capital was secured ; the

army was a jest; enterprise was pushing through the Allegha nies. grasping and settling the El Dorado of the prairies, and still braving the wilderness, reached out toward the Rocky Mountains, and reversing the voyages of Columbus, rediscovered the Old World from the New. America was the Benja min of nations, the best beloved of Heaven, and the starry flag of the United States flashed a line of celestial light atound the world, the harbinger of freedom, peace, and prosperity.

The President?I propose the next regular toast, "

England and America, now true and loyal friends. The great Anglo Saxon nations settle their differences with justice and without the sword."

letter from john bright.

The following letter was received from John Bright :

Rochdale, April 2, 1875.

Dear Sirs?I have to thank you for the kind invitation you have forwarded to ine to join in the ceremonies and rejoicings in which you expect to be engaged on the 19th of this month.

I cannot cross the ocean to join your great company, and I know not how to write you a letter fitting the occasion. I would rather not think of an occasion when Englishmen shed

blood, and English blood, on your continent, and I would pre fer to celebrate the freedom and grandeur of your country on

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26 THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

some other day. But I can rejoice with you in that freedom and grandeur, and wish, with you, that they may be perpetual.

With many thanks for your kind remembrance of me, 1 am sincerely yours,

John Bright.

letter from rt. hon. wm. evart gladstone.

London, March 5, 1875.

Gentlemen : I have had the honor to receive the letter in which you convey to me a very warm and courteous invitation to attend the banquet which it is proposed to hold at-Lexington in commemoration of the attainment of independence by the United States of America.

The circumstances of the war which yielded that Tesult, the

principles it illustrates and the remarkable powers and charac ters of the principal men who took part, whether as soldiers or

civilians, in the struggle, have always invested it with a pecul iar interest in my eyes, quite independently of the intimate concern of this country in the events themselves.

On account of these features, that war and its accompani ments seem to me to constitute one of the most instructive chapters of modern history, and 1 have repeatedly recommended them to younger men as subjects of especial study. With these views, I need not say how far I am from regard

ing the approaching celebration with indifference. It is entire

ly beyond my power to cross the sea, even with the present admirable communications, for the purpose of attendance. The present time happens to be for me, even independently of my attendance in Parliament, one of many urgent occupations which I am not at liberty to put aside. But I earnestly hope, and I cannot doubt, that the celebration will be worthy of the occasion.

In a retrospective view of the eventful period, my countrymen can now contemplate its incidents with impartiality. I do not think they should severely blame their ancestors, whose strug gle to maintain the unity of the British empire is one that must, I think, after the late great war of the North and South, be viewed in America with some sympathy and indulgence.

We can hardly be expected to rate very highly the motives of those European powers who threw their weight into the other scale, and who so sensibly contributed toward accelerating, if not indeed toward determining the issue of the war ; yet, for one, I can most truly say that, whatever the motives and how ever painful the process, they, while seeking to do an injury, conferred upon us a great benefit, by releasing us from efforts the continuation of which would have been an unmixed evil.

As regards the fathers of the American Constitution them selves, I believe we can and do now contemplate their great qualities and achievements with an admiration as pure as that of American citizens themselves ; and can rejoice no less

heartily that, in the councils of Providence they were made the instruments of a purpose most beneficial to the world.

The circumstances under which the United States began their national existence, and their unexampled rapidity of advance in wealth, population, enterprise and power have imposed on their

people an enormous responsibility. They will be tried, as we shall, at the bar of history, but on a greater scale. They will be compared with the men not only of other countries but of other times. They cannot escape from the liabilities and bur dens which their greatness imposes.

No one desires more fervently than I do that they may be enabled to realize the highest hopes and anticipations that be

long to their great position in the family of man. I have the honor to be, gentlemen,

Your obliged and faithful servant, W. E. Gladstone.

C. Hudson, M. H. Merriam, W. H. Monroe, Esquires.

the next centennial.

But Jthere ?e a new battle to be fought, a new time coming. The work of the next century is not to be the work of the Jast. The world is to be better one hundred years hence than it is now. The time was one hundred years ago when you

must pour out blood to save the right. We will learn in the next one ^ und red years to save the* blood and the right also ; that the World may live in peace. The arts of peace are to be

glorified. Massachusetts does not look backward foreveT, but

only to take inspiration for the future. We shall gather in this great exhibition all that shows our prowess in a hundred battlefields. The soldier is not king always. I take off my hat when I go into the great machine shops, in the presence of my master, the mechanic of the 19th century. Now we want in this exhibition samples of the skill of the workmen in the textile fabrics, in iron and steel, the work of the painter and

sculptor, specimens of our soils and minerals ; we want col lected there everything that will show the wonderful resources of this continent, and to ask all our people to come together during those six months and shake hands, and thank God for what he has done for us and take courage for the future.

I might dwell upon the material benefits of this exposition, but as I have thought of it its moral benefits rise still greater to

my sight. You cannot meet here without some necessitv lor

shaking hands over some of the old dissensions. I find I.#ex

ington a little jealous of Concord and Concord of Lexington, and Acton of both, and you have these little controversies and

disputes. When the great war of independence was over your towns were full of tories and you had to be reconciled to them.

We in this country have been through a struggle, of which we cannot speak without great pride to be sure, and gratitude to

Almighty God, but so terrible was it that no man approached the thought of it but with the most serious reflections. We

wantin this great celebration and exhibition of 1876 all our South ern friends there, that we may shake hands with the men of the South. Reconciliations are not always made by orations and by platforms, by letters and addresses. When you have quar relled with your brother it is often just as well to say nothing, but let the eye and the hand settle it, and let the past be buried. Our friends of the South will not contribute greatly to the ma terial display of that exhibition, but we of the North must do it largely, mostly ; but let from Massachusetts, from New England, from all the North go out such a voice of welcome and entreaty to them to come, that they must be there ?Gm,

Hawley. south carolina and massachusetts.-reunited forever.

I know that I am commissioned here to-day to say for South Carolina that she joins with equal gratitude and reverence with all her sisters of the early days in honoring the nineteenth of

April, 1775; that she claims her share in the glory of the

struggle begun at Lexington ; that as of old she bade Massa chusetts cheer in the struggle, so now she unites with her in these patriotic services.

It is not for me, it is not for any one, on this occasion, to

speak of later events in which these two ancient allies stood face to face as enemies. Who that has an American heart does not rejoice that back of all the recent bitter struggle there lies the gracious heritage of those common labors and dangers and sacrifices in founding this common government? Who that looks with a just eye even on that recent struggle does not now see, on either side, the same high elements of character, the courage, the devotion to duty, the moral lineaments of the Adamses and Hancocks, the Gadsdens and Rutledges of ? hun dred years ago ?

Who that has faith in the destinies of America does not see in this early friendship?aye, and even in this later conflict, the potency and promise of that corning Union under whose protec tion liberty shall forever walk hand in hand with justice, where in the North and the South, reunited in spirit and arms, shall again respond to every call of patriotic duty in the old tones of Samuel Adams and Christopher Gadsden, of James Otis and John Rutledge?

That spirit still lives, fellow-citizens, in South Carolina. It in later days she has erred, forgive her, for even then she dared and suffered with a courage and patience not unworthy in its strength of the days when Gadsden and Rutledge illustrated her civic wisdom, and Sumter and Marion her martial prowess. **Magnanimitysays Mr. Burke, uis not seldom the truest wis dom ; and a great empire and little minds go ill together."

Fellow-citizens, I offer you to-day the fraternal, patriotic greetings of South Carolina?or all her people. She marches again to-day to the music of that Uuion which a hundred years ago her wisdom helped to devise and her blood to cement.

There, in that hallowed Union, endeared and sanctified by so

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THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 27

many blessed memories, and radiant with so many proud hopes and promises, there, there, she 44must live or bear no life." Oh, welcome her anew to-day to the old fellowship ! The monuments of marble and brass which we raise here to-day will crumble. Let us, therefore, build in the hearts of all the people that im

perishable monument, 44 an indestructible Union of indestructi

ble States."? Gov. I). H. Chamberlain.

speech of gen. w. f. bartlett.

Mr. President:?When I opened the letter from your Com mittee asking me to come from five hundred miles away and say a few words here to-day, it seemed impossible, but as 1 read further your desire that I should speak on the 44relations of the

North to the South," and your assertion that 4ias an unpreju diced observer, what 1 might say would help to rest?te frater nal relations between the two great sections of our country,"? although knowing how greatly you overrated the value of any poor words of mine, I felt that if they could lend the least aid to the result you described, inclination and the cares of business must yield to the voice of duty and I came. But, sir, 1 am not an 4'unprejudiced observer." On the contrary I have a preju dice, which is shared by all soldiers, in favor of peace, and I think I may safely say that, between the soldiers of the two

great section of our country, fraternal relations are established

long ago. I have also a strong prejudice against any man or men who would divide or destroy or retard the prosperity and

progress of the nation, whose corner stone was laid in the blood of our lathers one hundred years ago to-day. Moved by this

prejudice, fourteen years ago, I opposed the men who preferred disunion to death. True to this prejudice, I to-day despise the

men, who would for the sake of sell or party, stand in the way of reconciliation and a united country. The distinguished sol dier who is your chief guest to-day, never came nearer to the hearts of the people than when he said,

44 I^et us have peace." And, sir, the only really belligerent people in the country to

day. North and South, are those who while the war lasted fol lowed carefully the paths of peace. Do not believe that the light and dirty froth which is blown northward and scattered over the land (oftentimes for malicious purposes) represents the true cur rent of public opinion at the Souih. Look to their heroes, their leaders?their Gordons, their Lees, their Johnsons, Lamar, Ransom and Ripley ; and tell me if you find in their utterances

anything but renewed loyalty and devotion to a reunited coun

try. These are the men, as our great and good Governor An drew told you at the close of the war?these are the men by whom and through whom you must restore the South, instead of the meaner men lor whom power is only a synonym for plunder. As 1 begged you last summer, I entreat you again ; do not repel the

returning love of these men by suspicion or indifference. If you cannot in forgiveness 44kiil the fatted calf," do not with cold ness kill44the prodigal." When the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts

Regiment made its gallant attack on Fort Wagner, in July, 1863, it lost, with hundreds of its brave men, its heroic leader and its colors. A few weeks ago that flag was gracefully re

turned to the Governor of Massachusetts by the officer who took it in action with these noble words :

44 Under the existing state of things, I deem it decorous if not a positive duty, to promote the oblivion of animosities which led to, and were engendered by the war. I prefer to look upon such trophies as mementos of the gallant conduct of men, who like Shaw, Putnam and other sons of Massachusetts, sealed with their lives their devotion to the cause which they adopted, rather ihan as evidences of prowess on the one side or the other. The custodians of such a memento should be the authorities of the State served by these gallant men ; and I therefore transmit the flag to your Excellency for snch disposition as the authori ties of Massachusetts shall determine.

44 Respectfully, your obedient servant.

44 R. 8 Ripley." No one but a soldier can know how he would cling to a

trophy that he had taken in honorable battle. No one but a

soldier knows what it would cost to give it up, unless compelled by the loftier motives of chivalrous patriotism. And when General Ripley wrote that letter he thought not of self, not of South Carolina nor of Massachusetts, but of a restored and a united country, and his heart embraced a continent. There are tatteied flags in that sacred hall in yonder cap?tol, arouud

which, in the shock of battle, 1 have seen dear friends and brave men fall like autumn leaves. There are flags there that I cannot look upon without tears of pride and sorrow. But there is no flag there which has to-day for us a deeper signifi cance, or that bears within its fold ? brighter omen of 44 Peace on earth, good will to men," than that battle-stained emblem so

tenderly restored by a son of South Carolina, whom here in the name of the soldiers of Massachusetts, I thank and greet as a biother. And I am proud that he was an American soldier. As an American, I am as proud of the men who charged so bravelv with Pickett's division, on our lines at Gettysbug, as I am of the men who so bravely met and repulsed them there. Men cannot always choose the right cause; but when, having chosen that which conscience dictates, they are ready to die for

it,?if they justify not their cause, they at least ennoble them

selves, and the men who lor conscience sake fought against their Government at Gettysburg ought easily to be forgiven by the sons of men who for conscience sake fought against their

Government at Lexington and Bunker Hill.

Oh, sir, as Massachusetts was first in war, so let her be first in peace, and she shall forever be first in the hearts cf her

countrymen. And let us here resolve that, true to her ancient

motto, while in war, 44 Ense pttit p'aadam," in peace, she de

mands, not only for herself, but tor every inch of this great country,

44 stub liberate quietemV The patriotic sentiments of this speech were most vociferous

ly applauded. reply of gen. n. p. banks.

Mr. President :?I must say one word more. I regret that I have so long; trespassed upon your attention, but I want to echo and re echo again the words which my honorable associate and friend and representative in the army has spoken in your pres ence for peace. He speaks well but he fights better than he

speaks. ('Good,* and applause). No man can speak as well as he fought for his country, and no man better than the Gen eral Bartlett has the right to stand here in your presence on

Lexington Common and speak a word for peace. What is our hope, then, Mr. President and fellow-citizens,

for the coming century whose great responsibilities are upon us? What is our hope? It is for peace. If there is a human be

ing here or elsewhere that hopes anything for our own liberty here, or the liberty of the world elsewhere, except throtign pf ace, he will be disappointed. War, perpetual war, destroys

liberty, and the engenderer of war is the enemy of peace. We

I may be obliged to fight once in a while, but we fight for peace. The men who died here in Lexington fought for peace ; the

I men who on the ocean in 1812, fought the battles of the ' country, fought for peace ; aye, and the men of the North that were driven against their will into a contest of blood and of

death with their fellowmen in the South, had no enmity and no

malice to gratify ; they fought, they bled and they died for

peace and tor nothing else. (Applause.)

I Then if we have a work to do with regard to the perpetua

tion of the great principles which these men who have passed

away a century ago this day and this hour, and if we have one

work to do that is more important than another, it is to give to this

cause of peace here in this country, our hearts, our whole hearts

and our determination to make it triumphant. This is a necessary work in order to complete not only the present century, but to

commence our work for the new. If the United States lemaiti

at enmity between its races, its sections, its people, there is no

hope for liberty either here or in any other part of the w orld. I

am then for peace. 1 will not qualify it by saying an honorable

pt ace, because there can be no peace before God, or with man,

that is not honorable. (Applause ) We want peace, then, in order that we may expand our view

and influence the rest of the world to accept them.

Sir, to return to the men that t have too much disregarded in the remarks that 1 have been thus compelled to make with

out any preparation whatever, 1 refer again to what was said

? by Lord Chatham, in his great speech for conciliation in

America, a year or two before the battle of Lexington. He

I knew what the Americans would do. He often said that the

first gun that was fired would deprive England of the brightest

jewel of her crown ; and when they said that the Americans

Continued on 30iA page.

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SO THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

Continued from 27th page.

would run, that they would not stand before English soldiers, he predicted that when the collision came between the British and the Americans the reply of the British to any inquiries as to why they did not capture the Americans, would be that

which was made by the Prince of Conde. When the Govern ment asked him why he did not take Tu renne prisoner, he was

J honest enough to say, ** 1 was afraid that he would take me ;

instead of me him." Thueit was with the British when they came to this country. ,

I must refer to what Burke said two years after the battle of

Lexington in regard to a proposition which had been suggested by members of Parliament, that they should withdraw from Par liament unless the Government changed itsc /tirse. He defend ed this proposition. But he said thai he had been disappointed I in the Americans ; they had not done all that he had expected.

Their grand army consisted of 12,000 men, and even these did not dare to look the British army in the face. He said that it | was all very well for those gentlemen who wanted to keep open

1

a contesi in order that they might get better terms of settlement without reducing the power in front of the British ranks. But ? he said that if they expected to gain their liberties by a process | of this kind it would not do. Aye, but Mr. Burke, it did do, yes, it did devilish well. (Applause) Itdiove the English from this continent, and if we give the same power hereatter

| to the people of the other governments, other parts of the world will drive tne representatives of tyranny and despotism from their soil as Harrington and Parker and the glorious men who died 100 years ago m defence of liberty, drove the enemies of this country from their soil.

_._ I

HOW WAR AFFECTS WOMAN. BY CATHERINE GURNEY.

War affects many won en directly. They do not indeed march forth with the army, with banners floating over their

heads, and music cheering their way. They have harder work to do. They have to say farewell to those they love hest?a

long farewell, knowing that it is not God who has called them to part, but man ; knowing often that they sacrifice their best \ and dearest, not for the good of mankind, not even for the weal of their fatherland, but for the sake of one man's ambition, for the gain of a piece of land, or for a crown to ornarm nt a guilty head. These women have to toil and to strive to fill the place left vacant; they wait and watch for news, with hopes growing ever fainter as they read of victories won by the sacrifice of whole regiments of theircountrymen. And when the last victory is announced, and peace at length proclaimed, the empty place, or the crippled form, at their own fireside, forbids them to rejoice

with their neighbors. These women do not complain They try to persuade themselves that the war was just ; that the talents, and the strength, and the brave, loving hearts that might have done so much for the world, were all given to a good and

righteous cause. But as they watch the results of the war, and hear the dark savings upon it, a misgiving creeps over them that a little more wisdom, a little more of the spirit of

liberty, a little more law-abiding faithfulness, might have saved the world a crime, and themselves a life-long sorrow. Con sider the thousands killed at W rth and Gravelotte, and re member that at least two-thirds of this number left wives, mothers or daughters to mourn their loss ; and then say whether women have no share in the burdens of war !

Take one actual example of the way in which war affects women. A Prussian, having served his three years in the line, married a young wife and expended all his property in setting up a watchmaker's business in a provincial town. The first hard times over fortune seemed to smile upon him, and his trade be* | gan to prosper, when suddenly war was declared and he re ceived orders to join his regiment. Before twenty-four hours | had passed his shop was closed, his farewells said, and he was

speeding southward. u But what trouble can equal mine? "

he said despairingly to his English fellow-traveller. " While I am away, my business will he lost ; strangers will steal away my custom ; my home will be broken up ; my wife will be pen niless, and must starve, unless charitable friends take pity upon her. It is ten to one that i may never come back, and our happy

married life will be cut short forever. Or I may return a

helpless ciipple, a burden on my wife and on my country." This story of 1870 might be multiplied by thousands through

out Germany. About, the same time, in France, peasants were

leaving their fields, and tradesmen their shops. The fields re mained untilled ; the shops were closed, or almost deserted ; and the wives and children ot the soldiers suffered privation and loss.

As to the women dwelling at the actual seat of war, the tale of their woes has often been recounted. We have heard of women driven from their burning homes; of women ill-treated and plundered ; of women living in cellars, starved, and injured by shot and shell ; of women maddened by their misfortunes till they deny their womanhood, and play the part of assassins, bringing ruin on themselves and on their homes

Other women there aie whose hearts are nerved and whose

courage is roused by sufferings which their help can alleviate.

They go bravely among the horrors of the battle-field, nurse the wounded, comfort the dying, and rob the monster War of some of its terrors. But these show not so much the effects of war on women as the effects of women on war.

The effects oT military systems are aggravated by war. The cost of war falls jfartially on w omen. The Crimean war cost us 100 millions sterling, and the cost to France of the Franco Prussian war was three hundred and seventy-one millions. For years to come women as well as men will suffer privation on account of these wars.

War shuts the manufactory and the shop where women earn their bread. Think how many women in Lancashire were effected by the American Civil-war

War increases the disproportion between the sexes. Nature

brings into the world about an equal number of both sexes, but

by war and other perilous occupations man reduces the number of men until the female population exceeds the male by a pro portion varying from two to five per cent. War effects women by its influence on society. In time of

war the thoughts, talents and energies of nations are diverted from the social improvements and internal reforms which should occupy them, and concentrated on the manufacture of engines of destruction, and all possible means of carrying on a struggle of brute forces. War hinders social and intellectual develop ment. As Herbert Spencer writes,

** Inevitably the civilizing

discipline of social life is antagonized by the uncivihzing disci

pline of the life v\ar involves ; " and **

Fellow-feeling habitu

ally trampled down in military conflicts cannot at the same time be active in the relations of civil life." These facts affect women even more harmfully than men.

A DAY WITH JOHN BRIGHT.* BV NKWMAN HALL.

I have just returned from spending at Birmingham a day I am not likely soon to folget. When I reached the building it was densely thronged. At least 15,000 persons were eagerly awaiting the arrival of the veteran statesman and patriot. Sev eral members of Parliament were on the platform, among whom was Professor Fawcett. The Mayor, Mr. Chamberlane, presided. He isa young man, apparently not more than thirty years of age. Of the most advanced school of politics, his ad mirable conduct in receiving the Prince and Princess of Wales, was the theme ot universal praise. With no compromise of his political opinions, there was nothing in his words or actions with which the most conservative courtier could find fault. In a few telling words he opened the meeting, which was then ad dressed by a master manufacturer and by a mechanic, who both in first-rate style submitted the resolution of welcome and con tinued confidence in their representatives. It was a wonderful sight when the vast multitude held up both hands in assent. Then, amid long-* ontinued plaudits, Mr. Bright rose. He is somewhat under the average height, with broad shoulders, large round head, with hair now silvered with years, and a

countenance in which you aie in doubt whether firmuess or ten derness predominates.

He arranged a few pages of notes on his hat, which stood on the table at his side, and then, with his left hand generally held behind him and his right hand in gentle action, he spoke tor up wards of an hour and a quarter, to an audience breathless with

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