There are two important senses in which conversations are regulated. The more typical connotation of the word regulate implies

that a person seeks intentionally to alter the content, tenor, or events ofa conversation toward some preordained end, Regulation of this typeexhibits control in the sense that actions are undertaken to achieve whatone perceives to he an important need or purpose .Such conversationalbehaviors are sometimes called “deliberate.” The second sense assumesthat regulation of interaction is more “automatic’ (i.e., weighed lesscognitively; for more on this topic, see Lakin, this volume).The research that will he reviewed in this chapter will show that this

automatic sense of management involves control over the more microscopic events during interaction. People are, in general, quite unawarethat such influences exist and, under most circumstances, do notemploy such responses intentionally (Berger & Roloff, 1980; Langer,197$), More generally, this chapter updates recent reviews of the

MANAGEMENTCTION OF NONVERBAL CUESy and Research About Mutualioral Influence in Face-to-Face Settings

362 + Functions

patterns of behavioral coordination thatcharacterize social interaction and focuseson the explanations behind these patterns.We will show that recent research hasadded to the fact base about coordinationin ways that strengthen and extend previous research while, at the same time, offering some new empirical puzzles that needresolving. We will explore some possibleanswers beyond those available in thecurrent theoretical literature.

Numerous reviews of the literature oncoordination in adult dyads and adult-infantdyads have appeared. These include reviewsby Cappella (1981, 1991, 1993, 1994) andby Burgoon (1978, 1993, 1994) and her colleagues (Burgoon, Stern, & Dillman, 1995),among others (Bern ieri & Rosenthal, 199 1;Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, 1994; Hess,Philippott, & Blairy, 1999; Patterson, 1976,1982, 1999), These reviews have focused onvocal and kinesic behaviors primarily, but

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A substantial body of research indicatesthat social interactions exhibit mutual coordination for behaviors as diverse as accents,speech rate, vocal intensity, postural andgestural behaviors, movement, gaze, facialaffect, self-disclosure, excuses, and otherbehaviors (Cappella, 1981, 1985, 1998).The variety of behaviors implicated is testimony to the centrality of this process, andthe mechanisms behind it, in human behavior, Recent research in this area has developed in two directions: one increasinglymicroscopic and physiological and theother more macroscopic and less behavioral. Both developments are welcome.The first moves from the study of non

verbal behaviors, such as eye gaze, that

4 Coordination in Interaction

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+ Research on Coordination

The Interaction Managem’nt hunction of Nonverbal Cues • 363

are often “multifunctional.” ihese behaviors often have several interpretationsdependmg on the context. The physiological responses are less susceptible—but certainly not immune——to interpretivevariation. The less behavioral, more macrosdi ipic behaviors. move the reseai-ch oncoordination mto a different researchdoniam n (e,t., the mle of emotional andother types of contagion in groups, organrations, and other social units). The implicit ion of these tw( I developnieiits IS t(

direct that theories be capable of explainingboth the automatic responses characteristicof pliysiologica I coordination and themore subjective, deliberate processes ofemotional voknig between pmwr. perhaps with expressix e imitation mediatingthe subjective vokuig of eniotional experi—emice. ihe following details examples ofresearch with these characteristics.The first of these coi icerns nucrocm iordi-

nation. I lectromvographv (EM( ) is thestudy i ml facial muscle acti mtv in responseto various stimuli. Visual stimuli can elicitfacial nitiscle activity depending on theaffective valence of the stimuli to thesubject. For example, studies suggest thatstunuli related to positive a ffecr increaseactivity in the cheek muscle region—-sumiluig—-and stimuli relaied to negatis eaffect increase activity in the brow muscleregion—frowning I lietanen, Snrakka, NI innankoski, I 995). Sonic stLidies havenivesngatcd facial electronivographic responses dnruig actual interaction. Iundls it

I 99 S), for example, explored whetherpeople exposed to facial expressions

responded with specific facial musclereactum in patterns that em rrespi mud to specihc emotional experiences. Participantswere shown pictures of faces expressingNadnuss, anger, fear, surprise, disgust,

happiness, as well as neutral facial cxpressious.Ai the sante time, facial eke to mun ographs from the Xl. /vgomaticus major, the

M. levator labii, the frontal M. lateralis, andthe Xl. corrugator supercilim muscle regionswere obtained as were emotional experiences. The results revealed that people bothmimicked and experienced an emotion similar to that expressed by the stiniLilus person.The focus on coordination in emotions

has extended to vocal emotion. Neumanand Strack (2000) had people listento philosophical essays read in a slightlyhappy or slightly sad tone of voice.

I .isteners reported a more positive moodwith the happier reading and a morenegative mood with the sadder reading. Ina second study, they also repeated the essayin a tone that independent raters found

be happier or sadder depending onhearing the slightly happy or sad initialreiidition—-a kind iii vocal coordinationof emotion. Additionally, F-I ietanun et al.

I 995) btanied facial FX I( responses tovocal affect expressions as participants listened to single words uttered by two actorsstimulating different emotions. 1 bree categories of expressions were selected: emoti( ma I neutrality, anger, and conteiitmnent.1 he EMG activity over two facial muscleregions was measured: corrugator supercilu(the niuscle that knits the brows together)and orbicularus oculi (the muscle that pro—d uces baggiiig below the eves and svrink lesin the corners of the eyes). Hearing theexpression of anger increased FMC activityni the participants’ brow regioil mm re thandid hearing the expression of contentment.In contrast, the expression of contentmentactivated the periocular muscle region morethan did anger. Fhe resu Its sLipport the viewthat negative amid positive affects are “cootagious” from hearing humami vocal affectex pressi (HIS.The linkage between eniotummnal expres—

smomi and felt emotion within the person isan important set of facts that theories mustexplain. In interpersonal contexts, if personA mimics person h and if both A and Ii

364 + Functions

experience emotion consistent with theirfacial displays, then we might reasonablyexpect coordination between A and B intheir subjective experiences of emotionalor mood. This coordination in subjectiveemotion and mood is examined next.Specifically, Totterdell, Kellett, Teuchmann,and Briner (1998> explored “mood linkage” in the context of work groups. Theyinvestigated whether people’s moods areinfluenced by the collective mood of theirwork teammates over time.In their first study, a timerteries analysis

showed a significant association betweenthe uurses’ moods and the collective moodof their teammates independent of sharedhassles. In their second study, a team ofaccountants rated their own moods and themoods of their teammates three times a dayfor 4 weeks using pocket computers. Theaccountants’ moods and their judgments oftheir teammates’ moods were significantlyassociated with the collective mood oftheir teammates. The findings suggest thatpeople’s moods can become linked to themood of their coworkers, offering a com-pelling line of evidence for affective or,in this case, mood synchrony during adultinteraction.Similar effects have been reported for

teacher burnout (i.e., emotional exhaushon and depersonalization; Bakker &Schaufeli, 2001>, in sales contexts (Verbeke,1997), and in clinical environments (Hsee,Hatfield, Carlson, & Chemtob, 1992).Thompson, Nadler, and Kim (1999), forexample, argued that the ability of negotia-tors at the bargaining table is enhanced tothe extent that they are successful in perceiving emotions of participants, reactingappropriately to them, and being “in tune”with those emotions. Pugh (1998) foundthat in a service context sales people weremore effective when they were emotionallycongruent with their customers, Furthermore,Ingram (1997) studied the coordination of

depression between spouses where one wasprimarily the caretaker and one the care-giver. Depression scores for the care receivertended to determine those of the caretakerat a later point in time, suggesting coordinanon but with the caregiver dominant. Theopposite influences were not found withregard to depression or a variety of otheremotional states. Specifically, Goodman andShippy (2002) studied elderly spouses whereone was experiencing serious vision problems. After controlling for other factors,depression by one spouse predicted thepartner’s depression.Individual differences in sensitivity to

emotions from others and the ability to transmit emotions to others may affect the existence and strength of observed contagion.Verbeke (1997) explored whether theseindividual differences are assets or liabilitiesover the long term for salespersons. Doherty(1997) explored the individual differences insusceptibility to emotional coordination bycrafting an Emotional Contagion Scale, a15-item measure of individual differences insusceptibility to catching others’ emotions.Participants were videotaped while watchingvideotapes of emotionally expressive stimuluspersons relating their happiest and saddestmemories, Doherty found that susceptibilityto emotional contagion was positively relatedto reactivity, emotionality, sensitivity toothers, social functioning, and self-esteem,Doherty, Orimoto, Singelis, Hatfield, andHebb (1995) showed further that womenin a variety of occupations illustratedhigher total emotional contagion scores thandid men.Findings on mood transfer observed

in more applied settings have also beenobtained in more controlled environments(Gump & Kulik, 1997). In one study(Neuman & Strack, 2000), participantswere tested on their listening comprehension in response to a neutral text that wasread to them in a happy or sad tone of

The Interaction Management Function of Nonverbal Cues • 365

voice, Listeners reported being in anemotional state that was like that of theread materials and when required to repeatportions of the text read to them, employeda vocal tone similar to the one they hadheard. Similar findings by Hess and Blairy(2001) suggest that aspects of facial mimicry of emotion may account for the subjective emotional reactions that viewers of thevideotaped faces reported. Direct evidenceof mediation from facial stimuli to facialmimicry by viewers to reports of emotionalstate by viewers was not obtained. Thesereactions to facial displays are likely tooccur quickly (presentations less than halfa second) and exhibit a dose-response relationship with more intense displays elicitingmore intense emotional reactions (Wild,F,rh, & Bartels, 2001).

Summary. Overall, four conclusions can bedrawn from the recent literature: (1) relatively automatic responses to emotionalstimuli are manifest in facial and vocal reactions; (2) these automatic reactions aresometimes accompanied by subjective feelings of emotion; (3) mood and emotionalcontagion in subjective experience—emotional yoking—is common in applied andmore controlled settings; and (4) the question of which mechanisms might accountfor emotional yoking is an open question,although the possibility of expressive mimicry is suggested.

MUTUAL COORDINATION ININFANT-MOTHER INTERACTION

Studies reviewed by Cappella (1997,1998) and Field (1987) show that infantsweeks and, in a few cases, even hours oldadapt to their adult partners in vocal, gaze,facial, and movement behaviors, Such evidence underscores the centrality of mutualcoordination in human social interaction

(but see Ullstadius, 1998, who offeredcontrary evidence for the imitation oftongue protrusions and mouth openings in18 newborn infants). Other studies supportthe claim of mutual coordination betweeninfants and adults. Stack and Arnold(1998), for example, focused on maternaltouch and its ability to influence infants’gaze and affect during interactions. Theresults from this study indicated that (1)infants were sensitive to subtle changesin maternal tactile-gestural behavior, (2)maternal touch and hand gestures canattract infants’ attention to their faces evenwhen still and expressionless, and (3) therewere associations between infant expressiveness and gaze at mothers’ faces andhands during these periods.Symons and Moran (1994> extended the

idea of maternal influence to mutual influence—that is, observing infants’ smilingbehavior as being both responsive to anddependent on maternal smiling behavior,Twenty-five mothers were observed engagedin face-to-face interactions with their 8-,12-, 16-, and 20-week-old infants, the agesat which face-to-face interaction is mostcommon. Maternal dependency and infantresponsiveness were not found to haveoccurred at significant levels, but maternalresponsiveness and infant dependencywere, and at all ages. Although motherswere responsive to their infants, motherssmiled a lot independently of their infants’smiling behavior; hence, infant behavioris sufficient but not necessary to elicitsmiles from the mother. Infants respondedto their mothers’ smiles with smiles oftheir own. The proportion of mothersmiles followed by infant smiles did notexceed the levels expected by chance,Mother smiling behavior seems necessary,but not sufficient, to elicit smiles from theinfants.In an important, and related, line of

study, empathic responsiveness and affective

366 • Functions

reactivity to infant stimuli were studied inmothers at high and low risk for physicalchild abuse (Mimer, Halsey. & Fultz,1995). Compared with baseline, high-riskmothers reported no change in empathyacross infant conditions such as baseline,smiling, quiet, and crying. Low-risk mothers did report an increase in empathy.Following the presentation of a cryinginfant. high-risk mothers reported moredistress and hostility. These data agree withother studies showing that child abusers areless empathic and more hostile in responseto a crying child.Although these conclusions are com

pelling, one of the problems with many ofthe studies of infant-adult interaction is thatthe samples are usually small and unrepresentative of the population at large. TheNational Institute of Child Health andHuman Development (NICHD), however,has undertaken a large-scale study of morethan 1,100 infants and their mothers at 10different sites around the country. One ofthe first reports from this study (NICHDEarly Child Care Research Team, 1997)focused on the relationship between childcare and quality of later attachment betweenthe mother and her infant. Although thequality, amount, and type of child care outside the home (6—15 months) were unrelated to attachment quality at 1 5 months,maternal responsiveness to the infant didinteract with child care arrangements.When mothers were low in responsivenessand their children also experienced poorquality child care outside the home, theinfants tended to be less securely attachedat 15 months.Parents can also be trained to be more

responsive to their infants. WendlandCarro, Piccinini, and Millar (1999) exposedparents of newborns (2—3 (lays old) to avideo on the importance of parental interaction or a video on basic caregiving.One month later, those exposed to the

interaction video exhibited more behavioralco-occurrences between infant and motherinvolving vocal, touch, and gaze behaviors.A meta-analysis tracked the value of interventions in improving parental sensitivityin interacting with their infants acrossavailable studies (Bakermans-Kranenhurg,van Ijzendoorn, & Juffer, 2003). Interventions that altered parental sensitivityalso had favorable consequences on subsequent attachment, adding evidence to theclaim that responsive interactions are important for the development of attachment.The absence of responsive interaction in

the early weeks and months of an infant’slife can be deleterious to the infant’s development in the absence of other bufferin g social and psychological conditions.L)espite this understanding, many parentsmay not be responsive to their child. Thereare many reasons for lower responsiveness by parents, including depression. Field(199$) argues that early maternal depression is associated with two different inter—actional styles: withdrawn or intrusive.Both can affect the infant’s physiology andbiochemistry through inadequate stimulation or its opposite, overstimulation. Fieldargues that others in the infant’s life whoare not themselves depressed may buffer thenegative consequences of interaction with adepressed mother.In addition to the more one-sided

responsiveness, synchrony in the expressedbehaviors between infants and their care-givers has become a staple of researchersand is slowly achieving the stature of adiagnostic tool in assessing developmentalprogression and responsive parenting.Some recent studies have used synchronybetween infant and mother (and sometimesfather) to assess the risk status of tripletsin comparison to twins and singletons(Feldman & Fidelman. 2004). the development of symbolic competence at 2 yearsfrom synchrony at 3 and 9 months

(leLlitaut & (‘enhanni, )975 thc deseiopmetit ol hcontro( at 2 years ([etdtllao.(,reenhanm, ‘i irintva, 99)) and rhedcveopteif ettiotiore.tI d$t.ennattoriwith niothers and with fathers (Feldtnan,201),Nort mis does tnt tl-a0itlt coordr

natnill ocenr eativ iii the nitands developtilent hnt the p esenee ol these havnrs isalso predietise of sse9neiit attaciitiieittand. vers pstlits, other c live andheiiacioral ad\ atice,s. [he tact that parentscaTt he primed to he resp ilsive atid sensilive to their titlants litaviors is es ideneethat intervention cmi benefit mints andtheir I rents b enhancntg the boiidnirtprcess a well as other des able social andcmtiitiVe coitipeteileles.

I )espite the occisiotial colitrarvst tids, research on coordmation betweeninfants titd adtilis I) has been con,sistenlsvith earlier research; (2) has been cotisiwteitt across studies lit Hera analytical stnnna ries; ( ( has heet t nato test 1 morerepresentative popttiations; amid (4( hashen,ttn to he treated as an indicator of nornial hehavioral, entoijonal, and co0ititis edevelopment. Iltese eoiichtsiotis imply thatcotrdtilatk)ii iii adult social interaction hasts roots in nufatitadnlt social interaction.

\ltiIl)I. (;ooRI)INTI()N\\i/) II:I fiji )NI, IN!)IN!)! VI1)U/\i (4)Ni)IiJONS

(oordinat ton hetweeii partners ine’pressed eillot toti (and other hehaviors)and iii snbjectis ely e\perteiiced emnonon doestot imply necessarily desirable or nndesmrahie otitconies for the pers is or their relatiomiship. Larlier research oil this issne

(e.g., Cappel Ia, I I, I 99() has show ii

imiosils, bitt lot exclnsivelr, beneficial ontconies for infants and mostly favorable ontconies in adnlr relationships. Positive social

es.ilnatioos have been associated, totestnlp(w s.vith coorchnati .ni n pe’cti latency

(\X!e(ktissitz N Kite, I 973, speech rate anddttratiott (Street. i 982), and proiit.tttciation

(Cites N tiith, f 99( (.ceraiited respo’siveiless sassoetited svitli atrracttott (I )avtsN \ I.artiti. I 9‘Xi ansI the provision of plea—snrahle snttunlattoo l)ts is & Perkoswtz,l979p Nitiveinent syttclirony aid ititttiicrv

are assocmatesi svtth rapport (l(ernteri, I 988;I less et al, I 909; see I ‘iN tO I )epoeii, thtvolttiltel. ( )ttr osvti research its prodttcedmodest positive correlattotis hetweett tHeasnres of N nanitc cottrdtitation and titerpersonal attraction (see ( appella, 996,I 998; (appella & LIagg. 1992; Cappella,PaInter, & I )oniella, 1991

In the contest of marital relationships,(otimilaits ( lPPP( widely sited finslinps arestill the e\emplar. \lthottgh all his conpiestended to Nosy recipri cims’ iii lii Nt tIe affectit discnssions alioutt cciiinion problems ti

their niarriages, the less well-adjtisied eotmtiles showed greater hostile affect tItan didthe better-adjttsted cottples. Pike and Sillars

I 985) ,tlso tonnsl greater reciprocity iii

negative vocal affect for dissanshed asopposed to satisfied married cotiples. [Jsnigface directed gate r,tt her than negativeaffect, NoIlers ( I 984) satisfied conples

eslnhited greater correlation between part--tiers than did the dissatisfied cotiples (seealso j\ Ian list)\, I 99S (. ()vera II, pa rtmters insatisfying, established relationships appearto dtffer in the type oh mtitutal iii fi tiettce t liiitheir interaction shows rel.ttmve to those iii

less satisfied relationships,Sotne of the recent sttidies mm etnotiomtal

contagion and relat tonal otitcoilles havefocimsed moire on the simnilaritv of reportedenuoruon thami on e”pressed etnotion (e.g.,I otterslell, 2000; Totterdell, \Vall, Holinan,)iattnond, & Ipitropalsi, 2004). i\nderson,keltner, ails1 John (2003 ( conipleted a cuimitrolled version (if the contagion hypothesis.- I heir sttmdv eva I umated the des elopmiiemut of

368 • Functions

emotional similarity over time. Theydefined emotional similarity as the coordination of thoughts and behaviors leading togreater understanding and cohesion amongpartners. Studies 1 and 2 in Anderson et al.were longitudinal, investigating dating partners and college roommates at two pointsin time separated by 6 months, The thirdwas experimental. Study 1 showed anincrease in reported emotional similarity—both pcsitive and negative—over time,whereas personality similarity’ remained rd -

atively stable in the same time period. Overthe same time period, positive emotionalconvergence was associated with relationalsatisfaction, but negative emotional similaritv was not. Relational breakup from Time1 to Time 2 was also predicted by etnotional similarity at Time 1: Couples withgreater emotional similarity at Time 1staved together, whereas those withoutemotional similarity’ tended to part.Although emotional contagion is com

mon among coworkers, dating couples,college roommates, and spouses, and itssuppression can disrupt communicationand relationship formation and elevateblood pressure (Butler et al., 2003). it is lessclear whether emotional contagion and svnchronv in behavior are as consequential tothe success of a relationship. Gotrman andLevenson (1999> compared four classes ofpredictors in accounting for deteriorationin marital interaction over a 4-year period.Iwo classes of predictors were phvsiological, one cugmtive, and one interactional.The ratio of positive to negative expressionswas the best predictor of deterioratioii ofinteraction, which, in turn, was an excellentpredictor of future marital dissolution anddissatisfaction.Despite the association between some

type of coordination and some forni of rapport or attachment for adult and infant-adult dyads, a strong claim of a causalrelationship between the two cannot he

made from the available empirical resultswithout inducing some skepticism. The“causality problem” is both theoretical andempirical. On empirical grounds, even ifthere is both covariation and temporalorder, as is the case in Gottman’s researchand in many of the infant-adult studies,these criteria do not eliminate the possibility of spurious correlation or mutual attraction prior to the interaction affecting theinitial levels of coordination. Whereas thedata for infants are more convincing, thosefor adults are less convincing. On theoretical grounds, the mechanisms throughwhich rapport might grow from behavioralcoordrnanon between partners are not welldescribed by’ prevailing explanations. In theremainder of this section, we will focus onempirical considerations.Although this issue was not their pri

mary motivation, Chartrand and Bargh1999) have taken on the causal questiondirectly in a series of studies. In their firststudy, the authors established a mimicryeffect between confederate and respondentusing two uncommon behaviors face ruband foot shake, When confederates usedone of the unusual behaviors, then so didthe respondent. In effect, there was imitation of the behavior over and above baseline. These imitations were independent ofwhether the confederate was smiling or not.In their second study, confederates imitatedthe “posture, movement, and mannerisms”(p. 902) of the respondent while maintaining a neutral facial expression and avoidinggaze. Results indicated that when theconfederates imitated the behavior ofthe participants, the participants rated theinteractions as smoother and reported liking the confederate more. Careful checkingof the confederates’ other nonverbal behaviors indicated no differences in rated eyecontact, smiling, friendliness, or liking ofthe participant by the confederates acrossthe mimicry/no mimicry condirioni. The

*

The Interaction Management Function of Nonverhal Cues + 369

authors employed a careful debriefingprocedure to determine whether the participants were aware of imitation by the confederate, They were not.The results of this study establish a clear

causal relationship between imitationand positive relational consequences. Whatdifferentiates this study from several othersthat seem to test the same hypothesis is thecareful control over confederate behaviorand attention to initial levels of liking orcues to liking and attraction (such as smiling or other nonverbal cues). Other studieshave used confederates to enact behaviorsthat are themselves clear indicators of positive feeling, such as eye gaze and smiling.These behaviors can create positive regardright away. Instead of studying the impactof coordination on subsequent positive feeling, a design allowing initially positive nonverbal behavior confounds initial positiveregard with coordination. In the Chartrandand Bargh (1999) study, however, the imitated behaviors are hardly noticed byparticipants, and initial behaviors by theconfederate are not inherently positive. Yetthey create positive social perceptions automatically. The authors argue strongly foran automatic perception—behavior linkagebased on these and other data.This recent work in social psychology on

imitation of behaviors has produced a surgeof other studies operating under the labelmimicry. These studies have reinvigoratedthe study of contagion and coordinationprocesses hut have done so, at least initially,in ignorance of a long history of research onsimilar, if not exactly the same, processes.New findings supporting and extendingChartrand and Bargh’s initial work havecascaded into the literature. Van Baaren,Holland, Kawakami, and van Kmppenherg(2004), for example, found in three separate stt.idies that people who we.re mimic.kedby other.s were mo.re helpful and ge.ne.rou.stowa.rd thi.rd pa rties .i.ot u.voived. in the

mimicry. Their results suggest that beingmimicked enhanced a p.rosocial attitude ingeneral. Several personality and situationfactors enhance or retard the likelihoodof mimicry, including self-monitoring(Cheng & Chartrand, 2003), context dependence (Van Baaren, Horgan, Chartrand, &Dijkmans, 2004), self-construal orientation(Van Baaren, Maddux, Chartrand, deFlouter, & van Knippenberg, 2003), affiliation goals (Lakin & Chartrand, 2003), andattachment patterns (Sonnby-Borgstrom &jonsson, 2004).

Summary. The research on the associationbetween coordi nation and relational outcomes finds that at both the micro— andmacrolevels, coordmation affects relationaloutcomes, Studies at the microlevel showclearly that mimicry of unobtrusive behaviors is causally linked to rapport, and thoseat the macrolevel show that emotional yoking between partners isa necessary condition for bonding.

+ Implications for Theory

The review of previous and newer empiricalfindings produces four broad conclusionsthat should gtude our tour into the theoretical realms. The first of these is automatic-it)’. Many behaviors produce coordinationbetween partners automatically, operatingwell below conscious awareness (see Lakin,this volume>. The consistent observation ofautomatic coordination of behaviors suggests strongly that theory must he based onmechanisms that allow for automatic, non-conscious behavioral and emotional coordination , Second, the evidence establishing acausal Imbage between behavioral coordination and some form of positive relationaloutcome, particularly rapport, is difficultto treat with skepticism any longer. The

absence of a good explanation for thisrelationship leaves the empirical causalfindings without a strong explanatorybasis, however, and therefore underminestheir believability.Third, research in various domains has

begun to produce findings showing thatpersons in work groups, in relationships,in social groups, living together, and soon develop (and report) similar emotionalresponses over the course of time. This suggests an emotional yoking in social groups.The impact for successful relationships andperformance of emotional similarity anddissimilarity is only beginning to be under-stood, Theories must begin to explain themechanisms through which yoked emotiondevelops (other than through spuriousexternal events that must be controlled).especially given the failure of several studiesto show that expressed emotion mediatesthe relationship between partners’ reports ofyoked emotion. Theory must account forthe link between synchrony in expressedemotion and emotional contagion. Finally,the strong and consistent findings of synchronv in infant-adult interactions and thepossibility that synchrony (or its absence)might be a diagnostic tool for normal devel—opmental progression of infants argue thatcoordination is a deep-seated and abidingprocess in human social and behavioral lite.Explaining how and why these processescame to be is an important goal for theory,particularly evolutionary theories, whichaim to explain how processes came to be inthe first place (Cappella, 1991; Buck &Ren frow Powers, this volume).

• Theories About Coordination

In this section. we take up theoreticalapproaches to explaining the existing dataon coordination in social interaction. Space

limitations will not allow a comprehensivereview, hut we will discuss extant theoriesin terms of their ability to account forthe recent findings reported above (seePatterson, this volume). Specifically, whatcan theories tell us about automaticresponding, the linking between synchronyand outcome, emotional yoking, and howcoordination came to be so central aprocess in human social interaction?

EVALUATING THEORIESOF COORDINATION

A number of competing accounts havebeen put forward to meet the basic requirements of explaining coordination, Theseinclude drive explanations (Argyle & Dean,1965; Firestone, 1977), arousal-mediatedexplanations (Andersen, 1985; Burgoon,1978; Burgoon & Jones, 1976; Burgoon& Hale, 198$; Cappella & Greene, 1982;Patterson, 1976, 1982). cognitive explanations (Cues & Powesland, 1975; Giles,Mulac, Bradac, & Johnson, 1987; Street& Giles, 1982), and various combinationsof these (Andersen, Guerrero, Buller, &Jorgensen, 1998; Burgoon et al., 1995),With the upsurge of research emphasizingthe automatic nature of certain aspects ofcoordination in the adult (Chartrand &Bargh, 1999) and in the infant—adult arenas(Dc Wolff & van Ijzendoorn, 1997), however, and the clear causal evidence for acoordination-rapport link, theories must becapable of accounting for these developments, not as an afterthought but as acentral feature.l)espite their elegance, careful attention

to the research literature, and attempts tohe comprehensive, none of these theorieshas risen to the top of the empirical heap incontrastive tests. In three such tests, thefindings are mostly mixed, with one or theother theory taking precedence in some

370 • Functions

S

4

The Interaction Management Function of Nonverbal Cues • 371

results but no one theory clearly accountingfor all findings. O’Connor and Gifford(1988) tested their social cognitive approachagainst arousal labeling and discrepancyarousal theories, reporting that the socialcognitive model fared best in accounting forbehavioral responses but the self-reportresults were less clearly supported. Othercontrastive tests have produced a mixtureof findings favoring no one explanationindicative of the complexity of realisticsocial interactions or the difficulty of producing true critical tests (Andersen et al.,1998; Le Poire & Burgoon, 1996).One possible explanation for the inabil

ity of one of the several extant theories toaccount successfully for the results is notonly the complexity of the testing environments and the requirements of careful, controlled manipulation by confederates butalso the breadth of the theories themselves.Each of the theories makes a concertedeffort to encompass the full range of behaviors, explain the conditions promotingcompensation and reciprocity, and takeinto account mitigating and aggravating conditions. For example, discrepancy-arousaltheory (Cappella & Greene, 1982) particularly tries to offer an account of infant-adult as well as adult-adult patterns ofcoordination. This very strength, however,might produce generalities in the theoriesthat make them less able to predict particular outcomes in particular social contexts.A different strategy is to craft theories ofmuch narrower scope that seek to providevery specific predictions of specific empirical phenomena. We turn now to such acase, which provides explanations forresults about behavioral mimicry.

EXPLAINING MIMICRY

The intriguing findings reported byChartrand and Bargh (1999) beg for an

explanation. In particular, two componentsof their findings need explaining: mimicryand rapport. What explains people’smimicry of each other’s (inconsequential)behaviors? Furthermore, what explainswhy mimicry should be associated withpositive social regard for the partner? Otherissues arise as we interrogate this process.Do people always imitate? The answer ofcourse is “no,” but what are the conditionspromoting mimicry and its absence? Canmimicry create hostility rather than rapport?Bargh and his colleagues have offered

some answers (Bargh, 2003; Bargh &Chartrand, 1999; Bargh & Ferguson, 2000;Ferguson & Bargh, 2004), even carryingtheir views into the evolutionary domain(Lakin, jefferis, Cheng, & Chartrand,2003). Their essential claim is that a muchlarger proportion of human activity is driven by automatic processes than people andpsychology have been willing to admitAlthough there has been a very richtradition of environmental primes stimulating cognitions and evaluations automatically (Bargh & Ferguson, 2000), it isonly recently that automatic primes forbehavior have been investigated and foundoperational.Bargh and his colleagues posit a percep

tion-behavior linkage that shows itselfin media effects on behavior (Berkowitz,1984, 1997), in behavior consistent withthe activation of stereotypes (Dijksterhuis& van Knippenberg, 1998), and, of course,in social interaction (Chartrand & Bargh,1999). The mechanisms through whichperception leads to behavior and thelimiting conditions are as yet not completely explored or understood. “Mirrorneurons” are a viable candidate for perception-behavior activation and interpersonal facial feedback (1FF) a potentialmechanism for establishing rapportthrough imitation.

372 4 Functions

INTERPERSONA I.FACIAL FEEDBACK

The interpersonal facial feedback hypothesis (IFFH; (Zappeila, 1993) offers a speculation that accounts for the development ofrelational outcomes from behavioral coordination. None of the causal theories currentlyin the literature accounts specifically for theassociation between coordination patternsand relational outcomes, either in adults orin children. Neither do the mimicry-rapportexplanations make a good case for themechanism through which mimicry mightbreed rapport. The lFFhI may help with thisset of issues.The IFI±l is a series of simple claims.

First, facial displays, especially emotionalones, tend to be imitated by both infantsand adults. Imitation can be overt (i.e.,observable by others) or covert (i.e., observable only via micromomentarv displaysor through changes in muscle potentialI hi lGJ. Second, the act of producing afacial display of emotion alters the underlvtug experience of emotion, mtensifving ittoward the more positive or more negativevalence. The mechanism for this intensification effect may be through the phenomenonof facial efferance (Adelman & Zajonc.989). Third, if person A expresses avalenced emotion, and B imitates with asimilar display, the subjective experiencesof emotion between A and B are yokedthrough facial feedback, so that subjectiveemotional similarity accompanies expressive similarity. If the WEE-I is correct, itexplains several results from the coordinanon—mimicry literature, including (1) thelink between coordination and relationaloutcomes, at least for facial displays; (2)how attachment between infants and theirparents might come about; and (3) how therecent observations of subjective emotionalcontagion (e.g., coworkers having yokedemotional responses) might he produced.

The IFFH has, to our knowledge, neverbeen tested directly. A study by Kleinkeand Walton (1982), however, comes closest. They used techniques of reinforcementto alter the frequency of smiles emitted bysubjects. Those who emitted more smilesgave the interview and the interviewerhigher ratings than those who emittedfewer smiles even though they were not ableto ascertain that they were being reinforcedto smile, Although suggestive, this study didnot check the quality and number of reinforcements, and 50 the results could be dueto differences in reinforcement frequency orquality rather than differences in smiling.Although we have not carried our a seri

ous test of the IFFH, a secondary analysis ofsome previous data is suggestive. To assesswhether one’s own smiling affects onesattraction to a conversational partner, asthe IFFH would suggest, we began with thepredictors that accounted for variance inattraction due to experimental condition(attitude similarity, relational history, andtheir interaction) and to effects from thepartner’s behavior (in this case the interaction of the partner’s gaze) (Cappella &Palmer, 1990, p. 15). We added one’sown smiling at the partner to this regression predicting ones attraction (in bothlinear and quadratic forms. [he results(Cappella, 1993) suggest that the effects ofexperimental condition and partner’s behavior are roughly the same as reported previouslx by Cappella and Palmer (1990)without any additional predictors, but thatthere is a positive linear effect and a negative,albeit small and marginal, quadratic effect ofone’s own smiling on one’s own attraction tothe partner. In effect, one’s own smiling addssignificant and positive variation to the prediction of attraction to the partner.With the IFFH and its more speculative

counterparts pertinent to vocal and physical imitation (see Cappella, 1993), certainpuzzles in the interactional literature are

TI;e Intt icta m Managenient I-unctzon of Nont erhal Cites • 373

explamed. The IFFI—1 assumes that behavioral adaptation is temporally prior toone’s own affective response. By invokmgthe I [[Fl. phvsioloiicil and, a, we will seebetow. neurolocical pathways are inilicared as the causal linkages prom behavioralactivation in the muscles of the face andvoice to the subjective affective response(Zajonc, Murph. & Engleharr, 1 9Q), Ineffect. a cleat-, 4 c )titrovcrsial. causal nechaiiisnl i posited to account for th associanon bi-tscen behavioral coirduiatiori andinterpersonal aEect,

\1tRolo(;1c-I. I;1’l•A FOR1\1TRlLR.()N:l J:( 73JIi I)1 V k I\ 11 RPI I\O\ \\/OC*I, uIH)flCI< O!) A4IAI1CRY

One line of research that supportsBargh’s 2003) e\planatoil of nunnery assvell as the IFFI I is found in recent work in

ilenroscieiice, specihcallv the isolation ofa mirror neuron reflex. In the nud— I 990s,neuroscientist \/irorio Gallese was observingneural activity in the cortex of a macaquemonkey dnrnig ol’iecr maiuptilation. Afterretutnine to his laboratory with .in ice-cream nnc. Cal lese noticed that each rimehe I eked the icc -cream c inc. the i ieuroi is

in the monkeys premotor cortex fired, Thiswas intriguing, given that the nionkev wasnot inakntg any motor movements.Further study tes ealed a set ot )2 neu

roils iii the preniotor corrc\ that were activeboth when the non key perO rnied anaction and when the experimenter p’—formed the same action (Gallese, Fadiga,Fogassi, & Ritiolatti, I 096; Rty,olatti,ladigi, Callese, N logassi. I 096) .Althoughcanonical neurons in the premornr cortexwould activate only when the monkey petf wmed a motor hand action, these neuronswere described as mirror neurons becauseof their apparent abilit\ to represent the

action of another. Additional research soonidentified clusters of mirror neurons in a

number of different locations in the brain(Rizsolarti & (raighero, 2004k Supportfor the theory that these neurons ss crc providing niental representations of th actionincreased when it was discovered that neurons representing the final part of a motorsequence contm ned to fire even when thehun1 portion ni the sequence was hidden[rout the monkeys tess (Umilra et al.,1001Mirror neurons have been posited as the

foundation on which imitation ( Buccinoet al., 2004), empathy ( arr. lacohoni,I )nbe,i n, \Iayzn itta, & 1 enzi. 2003), arideven our capacity to understand anorhersstate o[ mind rests )Callese & (,oldman,I 99; Schulkin, 2000; Williams, Whiten,Suddendorf, & Perrert, 200 I ). Evidencefrom a variety (if sources including neuro((gical nlipairineilt. direct neuron record—ings,esultitioiiar biology, and ileurnilnaginghave been marshaled ui support (it thesearguments, at least in part because mirrorneurons enable a plausible story to be toldabout how we have come to the capacity tocomiluijucate einotn)nall\

1 here is als mounting evidence suggestntg that mirror neurons allow humans touse the same neural mechanisms both toexpress emotions and perceive the expression of emotion in others. Furthermore,these neural substrates appear connected tothe emotion (changes iii body and brainstates triggered by the content o[ perceptions) as well as [eeiings (those changesin braiii state that reach sufficient intensityto be perceived by conscious awareness)(Damasio, I 999, 2003). [he insnla, forInstance, appears to become activated notonly when sve experience a disgusting smellbut also when sve perceive someone else’sexperience of disgust or imitate a disgustedexpression. The region appears to facilitateour reeognmon of our physical, emotional,

374 • Functions

and mental states and the physical, emotional, and mental states of others. And itmay well he that the insula is one part ofthe network involved in the experienceof disgust after adopting a disgusted facialexpression.Mirror neurons offer a plausible, causal

mechanism for explaining the “perception—behavior” linkage that is central to the newresearch on automatic mimicry and olderresearch on automatic responding in infantsand adults as well. Coupled with the 1FFhypothesis, the two niechamsms provide aplausible, if speculative, account of automatic behavioral responding, imitation (bothgestural and facial>. the occurrence of rapport, and emotional yoking. Empirical testing for these regulative processes awaits.

• Conclusions

In this chapter. we have tried to bringprevious reviews of the literature on nonverbal coordjnation up to (late by highlighting key studies and trends in theliterature, In addition, we have tried tooffer some speculations for theory development that would help to resolve some puzzles and paradoxes in the existing literature.En closing, however, three empirical conclusions should be brought out, lest they helost in the details that the review entails,First, yoked emotional response amongsocial actors characterizes work groups,dating and longer term relationships, roommates, and even professional sports teams,The mechanism of the production of thisyoking of emotion is less well establishedand its consequences—for good or ill—have not yet been fully explored. Second,coordination shows itself through mimicryof unnoticed behaviors Mimicry, in turn,produces a sense of rapport with the personmimicking that may even generalize to

others in the social environment, Importantly,the evidence is strong with causal directionclear and possible confounders minimized.Third, coordination in the form of synchrony between infants and their parentshas become sufficiently well established asto be a sign of normal (and, in its absence,abnormah social development. These findings are evidence of the maturation of afield of study.At the theoretical ievel, the active formu

lation of general explanations of coordination that has marked the past 40 years 0 itsstudy has nor produced conceptual or theoretical consensus on which of several similar competitors is the most effective. Wespeculate that the move toward broad theones that encompass the range of behaviorsand circumstances characteristic ot coordination may be part of the problem alongwith the difficulty of providing unequivocalcontrastive rests. One aiterarive is explanations that are more limited in scope. Weexplored “automatic perception—behavior”account of mimicry, arguing that it offersclear predictions and links well with othertheories of automatic responding. Whereasthe perception-behavior link works vell, itis also clear that the behavior-rapport link isless obvious a consequence of mimier . As asuggestive resolution, we presented IFFH toaccount for the behavior-rapport link andsome evidence from the neurosciences onmirror neurons to strengthen the associationbetween perception and behaviors enactedthrough imitation (or coordination>,

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