Buddhist Cave Sculpture of the Northern Qi Dynasty: Shaping a New Style, Formulating New Iconographies

Buddhist Cave Sculpture of the Northern Qi Dynasty: Shaping a New Style, Formulating NewIconographiesAuthor(s): Angela F. HowardSource: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 49 (1996), pp. 6-25Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20111263 .

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Fig. i. Northern Qi sites in Hebei and Henan. Figs, i, 28 adapted from Henansheng gudai jianshu baohu yanjiusuo, Baoshan Lingquansi (Anyang: Henan wenwu chubanshe, 1991), Fig. 1, p. 127.

6



Buddhist Cave Sculpture of the Northern Qi Dynasty:

Shaping a New Style, Formulating New Iconographies

Angela F. Howard

Rutgers University

INI orthern Qi art was fashioned during a mere twenty

five-year span (a.D. 550-577), in a relatively circumscribed

geographic area (the northern provinces of Shandong, Hebei, Henan, Shanxi, and part of Anhui), under the pa

tronage of the Gao dynastic family and its eminent clerics.

Yet, within this chronological and spatial compression, pro found stylistic and iconographie changes were impressed

upon Buddhist art that are well worth considering. Art historians have celebrated the Buddhist sculpture of

the Northern Wei (386-535) and Tang (618-907) dynasties as artistic peaks, but they have not appreciated, or assessed

carefully, the creative role played by the intermediate

Northern Qi and Northern Zhou dynasties. Northern Qi art, the focus of this study, was not simply a smooth "tran

sition" into Tang stemming from the Northern Wei, but a

fundamental break with prior traditions. Northern Qi art

forged a new style and created novel iconographies that be

came the foundations for the succeeding, brilliant achieve

ments of the Tang dynasty.

Intending to clarify Northern Qi's important contribu

tion to Buddhist art, I will consider the art of the cave tem

ples situated in Hebei and Henan provinces, namely, Northern and Southern Xiangtangshan close by the dynas

tic capital Ye (near present-day Linjiang), and the art of the

Xiao Nanhai grottoes and of the Lingquan temple s grottoes on Mount Baoshan, near ancient Xiangzhou (present-day

Anyang) (Fig. 1). I will analyze this evidence from three

distinct perspectives: style, architecture, and iconography. In turn, the innovations in these three fields will be related

to their originating historical factors. Seeing the scope of

the material available, in each site I will single out specific aspects that best illustrate a particular innovation.

THE ART OF THE XIANGTANGSHAN CAVES

Both the Northern and the Southern sites of the Xiang

tangshan caves are hewn into the sides of mountains along the imposing Taihang chain: the Northern Xiangtangshan is on Mount Gu, while the Southern Xiangtangshan is on

Mount Fu. The stone is a dense, dark, gray limestone.

Separated by only 15 kilometers, the two sites can be

reached from the small town of Fengfeng.1 In the 1920s and 1930s, Xiangtangshan was investigated

by two teams of Japanese scholars: Tokiwa-Sekino and

Mizuno-Nagahiro.2 Their photographic records and thor

ough reports reveal that early in this century the caves had

already been plundered of their art, that numerous remain

ing sculptures had been mutilated, and that the architec

tonic structure (interiors and facades) had also suffered ex

tensive damage. Since those investigations took place, the

situation has deteriorated even further. In more recent

times some of the sculpture has been gilded, halos and au

reoles have been garishly painted, while missing heads have

been replaced. Yet even in the midst of such strident intru

sions, vestiges of the former splendor are still discernible.

Northern Xiangtangshan

Among the extant caves, cave 7 (North Cave), cave 4 (Cen tral Cave), and cave 2 (South Cave) are particularly relevant

to this study. I will begin by examining the issues of pa

tronage and chronology since there is still doubt regarding the dating of cave 7 and whether in fact this cave should be

considered Northern Qi in origin. While the imperial patronage of Northern Xiangtang

shan is not questioned, the patron's identity is more prob lematic since the historical records are contradictory. On a

related note, the dating of the cave's opening is problematic as sources also differ. Chinese scholars have relied on Si

Maguang's Zizhitongjian, Complete Mirror for the Illustration of Government (compiled in 1072?1084) to argue that the caves predate the Northern Qi dynasty and that the remains

of Gao Huan, the dynastic ancestor of Northern Qi, had

been placed there. According to chapter 160, in the year 547, during the Eastern Wei dynasty, Gao Huan, Prince

Xian Wu (the father of the future first Northern Qi em

peror) was provisionally interred at a location on Mount

Gu. He was secretly buried west of the Jiang River, in a spot near the Shiku Fo temple, a reference either to Northern

Xiangtangshan or to the temple built below the cave site.

The source is ambiguous in that it does not indicate a

specific cave as burial site at Northern Xiangtangshan.3 A more reliable source, I believe, that would date the

caves of Northern Xiangtangshan to the Northern Qi is

the reference found in Dao Xuan's biography of the monk

Min Fen. According to this record, the cave temple of

7



O_5_10_15_JO O 6m

Fig. 2. Northern Xiangtangshan, plan of cave 7, 12 sq. m.

Cizhou (Northern Xiangtangshan) was in fact created by Wen Xuan, the first Northern Qi emperor. Behind the

main image in the large cave (very likely cave 7 or North

Cave) Wen Xuan was placed to rest. The accuracy of the

biography is further attested to by the concluding sentence:

"all the sculpture of this cave frightened people and ghosts in equal measure," a

probable allusion to the demonic crea

tures carved in the cave (see below).4 It is thus most likely that Northern Xiangtangshan was established by the pa

tronage of Wen Xuan, who reigned as Northern Qi em

peror from 550 to 559, and that one of the caves was used as his burial site.

A third source, the stela text dated Jin dynasty 1159 and now kept in the Changle temple (previously known as the

aforementioned Shiku Fo temple) confirms such a view.

The text relates how Emperor Wen Xuan used to travel in

his imperial tour between the two capitals Ye and Jinyang

(present-day Taiyuan, Shanxi province). On one such oc

casion he saw on Mount Gu a procession of "one hundred

monks" (meaning numerous monks). Convinced of the

holiness of the site, the emperor decided to carve out three caves (caves 2, 4, and 7) and to have numerous images

made.5

A closer study of the structure and decor of cave 7 (the

largest) will clarify these historical records. The exterior of cave 7 is completely rebuilt; the interior, however, has re

tained much of its original appearance. Cave 7 is a majestic and soaring

12 square meter space, whose center is occu

pied by a massive central shaft measuring 6.95 square me

ters (Figs. 2, 3). The front wall and both side walls have

been fashioned as niches framed by powerful pillars resting

8

on squatting demon-guardians. The upper part of the

niches is embellished with heavy drapes. Inside the niches are triads formed of a Buddha and two Bodhisattvas. The

section of the central shaft that acts as a pedestal displays re

liefs of the ten Shen Wang (Spirit Kings), personifications of forces of nature and of animals, such as wind, fire, rivers, trees, precious pearl, dragon, fish, lion, bird, elephant (Fig. 4). Their presence graces all Northern Qi caves.6

The squatting monsters that support every pillar in this

cave, and also the pillars framing the niches in the lateral

walls, are an extremely interesting feature. Their bulky,

sta

tic heaviness is ideal for their role as structural supporters of

the pillars. As composite creatures they exhibit claws and

feathered wings, have bodies reminiscent of humans', and

diabolical mask-like faces with fangs and bovine or deer horns. Their repellent ugliness was consciously designed to

avert evil because their original function was to serve as

tomb protectors for the deceased.7 Because most of these

reliefs have been hewn out of the cave, I take as one exam

ple the monster in the collection of the Freer Gallery of

Art, Washington, D.C. (Fig. 5). A major leitmotif of Northern Qi art was the extensive

use of stupas within the cave structure. Indeed, Northern

Qi Buddhist art and architecture feature the stupa in many ways. In the traditional Indian domical shape it is often

shown carved in low relief on the cave walls as in cave 7, where five niches were opened on the lateral walls (Fig. 6) and two were added in the front and rear walls. In all there are fourteen auxiliary niches, each one styled as a domical

stupa whose summit displays a sumptuous and extravagant

bouquet of triple jewels. Each niche, furthermore, is con

tained within tall and flat pillars that soar high above the

supporting squatting monsters. These pillars have lotuses at

mid-waist and are also topped by flaming jewels. Most

significantly, perhaps, the stupa appears as a large pagoda like shape in the center of cave structures, with Buddhist

images carved in large niches in its sides (see Figs. 2, 3). In some instances it was built free-standing and used in

pradaksina, the ancient Indian rite of circumambulation.

This stupa form appeared in the fourth century A.D. in

Gansu province and was brought into the Chinese heart

land during the Northern Wei period. The Northern Qi at Xiangtangshan not only gave the

stupa new shapes but used it differently as well. If Emperor Wen Xuan was buried in this cave, he must have been

placed in the central stupa-shaft. The words of the record

"behind the Buddha image of the big cave" may indicate

the back part of the shaft (the shaded area in the plan), which may have been sealed, thus preventing circumambu

lation of the stupa-shaft. Or the emperor may have been

buried in the upper section of the shaft, a space called

"Tian Gong or

Heavenly Palace."8

But why would a Buddhist cave be turned into a mau

soleum? Under the Northern Wei theocracy, the equation of the Buddha and the emperor had brought about the



Fig. 3. Northern Xiangtangshan, cave 7, central shaft, 6.95 m-, north

west side. Figs. 3, 6, 8-10 after Chen Mingda and Ding Mingyi (eds.),

Gongxian,Tianlongshan, Xiangtangshan, Anyang shiku diaoke, Zhongguo meishu quanji vol. 13 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1989), Fig. 3, p. 133.

Fig. 5. Guardian-demon, from Northern Xiangtangshan, cave 7. 88.4 x

47.3 x 28.5 cm, limestone. Figs. 5, 22, 23 Freer Gallery of Art,

Washington D.C., Fig. 5, 16.345. Photograph Freer Gallery of Art.

Fig. 4. Northern Xiangtangshan, cave 7, Spirit King in base of central

shaft, west side, limestone. Photograph by the author.

Fig. 6. Northern Xiangtangshan, cave 7, south wall niches. After Chen

and Ding, Gongxian,Tianlongshan, Xiangtangshan, Anyang shiku diaoke,

fig. 126.

9



Fig. 7. Northern Xiangtangshan, plan of cave 4, ca. 7 sq. m.

making of the Five Imperial Caves at Yungang. One may infer that under the Northern Qi this equation generated the custom that the emperor should receive a burial similar

to the Buddha's, hence the creation of stupa-caves at

Xiangtangshan. At the dynastic sites of Yungang and

Longmen paired caves had been built "in memory" of the

emperor and his family, but at Xiangtangshan cave 7 was in

fact the emperor's burial site.

This practice was related to religious concerns particular to the Northern Qi. The pervasive use of the stupa and of

related decorative motifs in the Xiangtangshan caves was

generated by the belief in Mo Fa or the "Latter Days of the

Law" doctrine, which reached its peak after 550. Mo Fa was

a prophecy in Mah?y?na Buddhism foretelling the gradual

decay and final disappearance of Buddhism, a three-stage

process that would take several centuries. In the first True

Doctrine stage, begun right after the Parinirv?na, Buddhism

is practiced in accordance to its pristine commandments; in

the second Counterfeit Doctrine stage, heresy and immoral

practices are widespread involving even the clergy; the

third Latter Days of the Law stage?lasting until the incar

nation of the future Buddha Maitreya?will witness the loss

of the dharma (Buddhist doctrine). The length of each of

the three stages differs according to canonical sources;

however, spans of 500, 1,000, and 10,000 years, respectively, were usually accepted. Views regarding the onset of the

Latter Days of the Law varied in accordance with one's dat

ing of the Parinirv?na.9 Such views invariably affected one's

outlook and actions, whether more optimistic or pes

io

simistic, whether one's belief in Mo Fa would spur one on

to more devotional acts or would discourage such acts.

Nevertheless, a particular constellation of historical events

prior to and during the Northern Qi seems to have con

tributed to a general feeling of eschatological pessimism among influential prelates.

In northern China the devastation of temples and im

ages, the miseries caused by the mid-fifth century Buddhist

persecution, contributed to a general anxiety and belief in

the accuracy of the prophecy. Furthermore, such fears per sisted and grew during the Northern Qi as they became

influenced by the availability of the Candragarbha S?tra, a

prominent text on the apocalyptic event.10 The prophecy of decline was reinforced as the Northern Zhou persecu tion extended to Northern Qi at the end of the dynasty.

One can speculate that the emphatic use of the stupa, a

most potent deterrent symbol in Buddhism, may have rep resented the yearning of the believers to defend themselves

from this impending disaster. When also applied to the em

peror's burial site, the stupa may have expressed the wish

that the waning of imperial power would also be averted.

The central stupa structure (which can be circumambu

lated) is also employed in cave 4 (Fig. 7). At about 7 square meters the cave is more modest than cave 7, but it has a bet

ter preserved facade (once a three-bay four-pillar struc

ture), a short passageway to the cave, and a forehall. Facade,

passageway, and forehall were originally graced by exquis

itely carved, larger than life-size standing guardians (two outside the cave and two inside the forehall) and by four

Bodhisattvas (two in the passageway and two in the fore

hall) . The central shaft of cave 4 displays but a frontal niche

in which a seated Buddha is attended by two Bodhisattvas

and two monks (Fig. 8); the latter are hard to see behind the

two imposing Bodhisattvas. In their midst are also two in

congruous pairs of lions and two headless anthropomor

phic images. Almost every sculpture has been ravaged; even

the efforts at repair have added features that disfigure the

pristine style. In spite of the terrible damage inflicted to the images of

cave 7 and 4, these two caves exemplify the Northern Qi

style not only divorced from the aesthetic that had domi

nated up to 550 but also embodying the ideals of the im

perial patrons. This stylistic change is made evident if one

compares, for example, the Northern Qi seated Buddha in

the central shaft of cave 7 (Fig. 9) with the Gongxian Buddha, cave 4 central shaft, of late Northern Wei style

(Fig. 10). The seated Buddha's round, smooth body clad by a cloth and enlivened by concentric incised pleats is

markedly different from the Gongxian sculpture, in which a flat body covered by a garment is dominated by an ex

tensive linear pattern. The Northern Qi formula radically

departs from abstraction, weightlessness of body, and intri

cately linear surface decor, and chooses instead more natu

ralistic and fuller body forms with unobtrusively elegant surface patterns.



Fig. 8. Northern Xiangtangshan, cave 4, central shaft niche. After

Chen and Ding (eds.), Gongxian, Tianlongshan, Xiangtangshan, Anyang shiku diaoke, fig. 119.

Fig. 9. Northern Xiangtangshan, cave 7, seated Buddha, central shaft,

east side front. 3.5 m. After Chen and Ding (eds.), Gongxian,

Tianlongshan, Xiangtangshan, Anyang shiku diaoke, fig. 131.

Fig. 10. Gongxian, cave 4, seated Buddha, central shaft, front, ca. 2 m.

After Chen and Ding (eds.), Gongxian, Tianlongshan, Xiangtangshan,

Anyang shiku diaoke, fig. 35.

Fig. 11. Northern Xiangtangshan, cave 7, standing Bodhisattva, central

shaft, south side. Photograph by the author.

II



Fig. 12. Head of a Buddha, probably from Northern Xiangtangshan, limestone. 39.3 x 25.4 cm. Figs. 12, 13, The Metropolitan Museum of

Art, New York, Fig. 12 Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Albert Roothbert, 1957,

57.176. Photograph The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Even more examplary of a stylistic break is the rendering of the Bodhisattva in cave 7 central shaft, south side (Fig. 11). The image is conceived in a relaxed hip-shot pose that shows to full advantage a beautifully modeled body unen

cumbered by excessive drapes and jewelry. The decorative elements are drastically simplified and barely felt through lightly incised lines. There is one additional and paramount component in this newly stated mode: the Buddha and

Bodhisattva have been placed against large haloes and aure

oles teeming with the most luscious growth of vegetal scroll. Similar decorative bands grace the reveals of en

trances and niches. The contrast of the intricately carved decorative motifs with the apparent simplicity of the

smooth, unadorned bodies was a basic trait of Indian Buddhist sculpture, a topic I discuss further below.

Since much of the statuary either lack heads or hold re

worked heads, two splendid heads of a Buddha and

Bodhisattva, respectively, in the collection of The

Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York can be used to il lustrate the Northern Xiangtangshan style (Figs. 12, 13).

12

Fig. 13. Head of a Bodhisattva, probably from Northern Xiangtang shan, limestone, 39.4 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York. Rogers Fund, 1914, 14.50. Photograph The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

The Buddha's head is innovatively modeled as a spheroid

topped by a barely indicated usn?sa; the curls are rendered with the snail pattern, the spirals turning to the right (a typ

ically Indian Gupta trait). Its expression is deeply serene and

introspective, approachable and yet powerful. The Bodhi sattva wears a new headdress, a band to which are fastened three scalloped medallions and starched ribbons that once

hung from the headpiece. Particularly important with re

gard to style is the novel expression of the Bodhisattva's face. As the Buddha's head, it displays a perfect combina tion of naturalness and idealization; it suggests gentleness, but is equally charged with spirituality. This softening of

body forms and expression to create more human-like im

ages is typical Northern Qi style; the trend stands in an

tithesis to the preceding formal values.

Available evidence suggests that the Northern Qi style was not developed out of the late Northern Wei but repre sented a radical departure from it. Moreover, this con

tention would substantiate the pioneer theory of Alexander C. Soper that the Northern Qi aesthetic was a transforma



Fig. 14. Stela dated Liang 548, sandstone, from the Wan Fo temple,

Chengdu. 44.0 x 37.0 cm. Photograph Sichuan Provincial Museum,

Chengdu.

tion of Indian Gupta style transmitted to northern China not directly from India, but from the southern Chinese dy nasties, the Liang (502-557) and Chen (557-589). The va

lidity of the theory is illustrated if one compares, for exam

ple, the Bodhisattva of Northern Xiangtangshan to those of a sandstone stela dated Liang 548, found in the Wan Fo

temple of Chengdu, Sichuan (Fig. 14). In both works the

diaphanous drapes enhance attractive bodies shown in trib

hanga (hip-shot) stance. In Soper s view, furthermore, the

southern dynasties had appropriated Gupta style from the

southeast Asian cultures of Funan (Cambodia) and Champa (Vietnam), with which they had regular exchanges at the ambassadorial and trade levels. Further implications of this awareness of southeast Asian style will be shown when dis

cussing aspects of Southern Xiangtangshan art.11

I conclude by introducing the most relevant feature of cave 2, the carving of s?tras (sacred texts) on the cave's walls

(interior of cave and portico) accompanied by an inscrip tion revealing the patrons name and the time of execution.

Cave 2 is shaped differently from the others: it does not use

the central stupa pillar, but displays three main niches de

veloped alongside the rear and side walls. In addition, the cave had a simulated three-bay portico similar to that of cave 4. This particular architectonic structure of the cave

will be considered at Southern Xiangtangshan, where it is

better preserved.

Several important Mah?y?na s?tras (excerpts of the

Vimalak?rti Nirdesa S?tra, the Parinirv?na S?tra, the

Visualization of Amit?yus Buddha S?tra, and the S?tra on

Maitreya Becoming a Buddha, to cite a few) were carved in

side the cave and in the portico, setting an extremely im

portant precedent. Up to this point in time, the carving of

scriptures in the caves had been but sporadic and had fo

cused on a single work. The origin of this new develop ment in Northern Qi was also related to the belief in the

Latter Days of the Law doctrine. By carving the Buddha's

teaching on stone one intended to preserve it forever, es

pecially after Buddhism had ceased to exist. Moreover, these s?tras* teachings were the focus of intense scrutiny by the monks of Ye, the dynastic capital. According to the in

scription appended to the carved texts, between 568 and

572 the sponsor and overseer of this extensive project was

the Prime Minister Tang Yong, highly trusted by Emperor Wen Xuan and his father Gao Huan, not to mention the

Northern Qi rulers who followed.12 Patronage at Northern

Xiangtangshan came, indeed, from the court and its elite.

One last inference gathered from the inscription is the fact

Fig. 15. Southern Xiangtangshan, A. Plan of cave site; b. Plan of upper caves 3-7. Fig. 15-17 after Zhong Xiaoqing, "Xiangtangshan shiku

jianzhu luexi," Wenwu 5 (1992): Fig. 15, a. 21; b. 2.

13



Fig. 16. Southern Xiangtangshan, A. Front elevation of caves i, 2, 3; b. V __1

Reconstructed drawing of facade of cave 1. After Zhong Xiaoqing, //

"Xiangtangshan shiku jianzhu luexi," A. 2; b. 25. /rppv ^_. ^-J']

A I 2L-1 ?^--1- ^ ""

7 , i--: m

that by 572 Northern Xiangtangshan must have been com

pleted.

Southern Xiangtangshan

At this site the caves were opened on two levels: on the

ground level are caves 1 and 2; above them, on the upper

level, were opened 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 (Fig. 15). Thorough re

search of Chinese scholars in the last decade accompanied

by restoration in accordance with the original layout give now a better understanding of the site's structural com

plexities. Two aspects of the site are particularly important: the changes brought to the structure of the caves (both in

the interior and the facade) and the illustration of Pure

Lands or Paradisiacal settings as part of the cave decor.

Patronage and chronology of the site are clearly stated in

the text of a recently found stela called Fushan shiku sizhi

bei, Stela of the Cave Temple of Mount Fu, located in the por tico of cave 2 and dated Sui (589-618). Initial construction

was begun in 565 under the monk Hui Yi of the Linghua

temple as a devotional act and because Hui Yi was "mind

ful of the perilous state of mankind," a reference to the Mo

Fa doctrine. Continuation of the cave project, namely

con

struction of "over 1000 holy images," took place under the

sponsorship of the king of Huai Ying, Gao Anahong, one

of Northern Qi's highest officials and a confidant of

Emperor Gao Hui (r. 565-577).13 Southern Xiangtangshan thus postdates the northern site: the process of building

H

started around 565 and likely ended in 577. By 577 Northern Qi had already been annexed by Northern Zhou

and the site would soon after fall victim to the harshness of

the anti-Buddhist persecution (also mentioned in the text

of the aforementioned stela). The layout of the caves was brilliantly conceived.14 Caves



Fig. 17. Southern Xiangtangshan, reconstructed drawing of facade of

cave 7. After Zhong Xiaoqing, "Xiangtangshan shiku jianzhu luexi," p.

23.

Fig. 18. Southern Xiangtangshan, cave 7, a. Facade; ii. Ceiling, c.

Pentad in rear wall niche. All photographs by the author.

i and 2 on the ground floor were paired to those built

above them. Cave i thus was linked to cave 3, forming to

gether a stupa-like structure (Fig. 16). Cave 2 supported on

its axis the upper cave 5, while caves 4 and 6 (on each side

of cave 5) acted as auxiliary chapels. The architectural ele ments and decorative motifs carved in the facade (which

comprised both floors) recreated the exterior of contem

porary wooden temples and stupas of Northern Qi cities.

Such innovative structures unfortunately have been de

stroyed so that their former splendor can only be imagined from reconstructed drawings (Fig. i6b). Caves 1 and 2 had

large forehalls and elaborate entrance walls, well suited to

the grand interiors of the caves, whose dimensions reached

about 7 square meters. Furthermore, both caves were set up as stupa-pillars similar to those at Northern Xiangtangshan.

All the caves built on the second floor have three groups of images displayed on the rear and side walls. Their size is

considerably scaled down. This was the structure favored

during Northern Qi. The innovative layout was possibly determined by a specific type of worship, which I argue to

be meditation on the basis of the well-documented caves of

Anyang presented in the second part of this study. Cave 7 remains the best preserved example of the three

niches?three walls layout. The facade suggests a wooden

temple as a model: it has a three-bay simulated portico marked by four octagonal pillars styled after an Indian

model (Soper indicated the southeast Pallava kingdom); the

pillars support an elaborate system of brackets linked to the

tiled roof (Figs. 17, i8a). In the niches flanking the en

trance stand two Vajrap?ni-type guardians unfortunately

quite damaged. Inside the cave is a squarish space (3.6 x 3.4 sq. m) whose

r^i^

*P|fe<

15



Fig. 19. Standing Buddha Amit?bha, probably from Dingzhou, Hebei, dated Northern Qi 577, white marble. 2.68 m including pedestal.

Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. Photograph Royal Ontario Museum.

slightly curved ceiling displays a central lotus and swirling angel musicians (Fig. i8b). Three large but shallow cur

tained niches host three different Buddhas: in the rear wall

niche may be represented Vairocana (Fig. 18c), while in the lateral walls are Maitreya, whose feet are supported by a de

ity, and Amit?bha (this triad is first used in the Anyang caves). Each is assisted by two Bodhisattvas and two monks.

The Thousand Buddhas motif is employed as a background on all the walls and fills the trapezoidal contours of the

niches. The pentads stand on a tall pedestal that runs all

along the cave's three walls and that is decorated with the

16

Spirit Kings in addition to incense burners guarded by lions.

The sculpture of cave 7 has suffered considerably from

man-made destruction, but the aesthetic that inspired it is

still evident. The style of this sculpture has undoubtedly evolved from that used at Northern Xiangtangshan. The

scale is considerably toned down, losing the heroic quality of the former, but acquiring a sense of harmonious peace fulness. The carver smoothed the body to achieve round contours but not actually precise forms. The cylindrical

shapes crowned with spheroid heads are images still con

trolled by geometric reduction, yet they are moving in the

direction of a naturalism characteristic of seventh-century Buddhist art during the early Tang dynasty. A noticeable

process of simplification has taken place in the attire: the

clothes cling to the body, forming unobtrusive pleats achieved by incised lines; the overhang of the seated

Buddhas is gone, resulting in the modeling of the legs un

der a thin cloth; the heavy jewelry of the Bodhisattvas is

substituted with unobtrusive strands of beads and tassels in

dicated with incised, barely protruding lines.

Originally a standing Buddha carved in the round was

located in the center of cave 7; at present the whereabouts

of the sculpture are unknown. The white marble Amit?bha

Buddha, dated by inscription to Northern Qi 577, in the

collection of the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto is com

parable to the lost sculpture and epitomizes the novel aes

thetic (Fig. 19). The Buddha's round head supported by a

tubular neck is deeply introspective and serene; the body under the two-layered cloth is barely suggested, its mass en

livened by concentric, incised pleats rhythmically repeated on the axis of the sculpture. The garments hems end with

crisply modulated pleats, a trademark of Northern Qi

sculpture.15

The visual representation of a Pure Land occupies a very

special place among the iconographie innovation effected

during Northern Qi. There is no doubt that the anxiety caused by the Latter Days of the Law doctrine generated faith in the Pure Lands. Since the available beliefs were

deemed inadequate in averting the decline of Buddhism, new ones had to be formulated, notably the belief in the Pure Lands of Maitreya and of Amit?bha. The latter exer

cised a tremendous appeal as a salvific movement. One ad

ditional factor played a prominent role in the depiction of

paradises, notably the increasing popularity of guan

(Visualization) sacred texts such as the Amit?yur-dhy?na S?tra during the Northern Qi. Since these texts empha sized the importance of visual devices (sacred groups or in

dividual deities) for practicing meditation, iconographie in

novations such as the reliefs of Pure Lands at Southern

Xiangtangshan met exactly this requirement. In summary, the illustration of the Pure Lands stems both from Mo Fa

and guan teachings.16 At Southern Xiangtangshan four reliefs illustrate the in

cipient cult of the Pure Lands. Those of Amit?bha's

Paradise are among the earliest created in northern China.17



%2sz? * A

M

MB ? l

U

u

Di

V '1 '- a*~\.--*\

?\

rs

Fig. 20. Southern Xiangtangshan, drawing of Amit?bha's Pure Land, above the entrance of cave i. Est. 3.30 x 1.50 m. Drawing by Rochelle Kessler.

The four were part of the decor of caves i and 2. The re

liefs in cave 1 are still in situ, but those of cave 2 are now in

the collection of the Freer Gallery of Art. In cave 1, one of

the reliefs is placed above the entrance and represents the

Pure Land of the West presided over by Buddha Amit?bha

(Fig. 20). Opposite to it, in the upper part of the central

shaft, the other panel displays a holy gathering (Fig. 21). The dimness of the cave and the fact that they are quite far

from the viewer prevent a clear view. In cave 2, two

panels of similar (but not identical) iconographies occupied the

corresponding spaces.

The relief of the Western Pure Land, Sukh?vat? or the

Land of Bliss, now in the Freer Gallery of Art set guidelines for future representations of this subject (Fig. 22). Amit?bha

sits in the center accompanied by the Bodhisattvas Aval

okitesvara and Mah?sth?maprapta; together they preside over the pond of supernatural rebirth, where the blessed come to life in the pond's lotuses. Additional heavenly at

tendants inhabit this celestial space, which is like a won

drous park where tall, Chinese style pavilions are set in

groves of jeweled trees.

The Freer relief shows Sukh?vat?, extensively described

in the two homonymous scriptures, and omits other key components such as the sixteen meditations given to

Queen Vaideh? and the nine modes of rebirth, which are

part of the third scripture (the Amit?yur-dhy?na S?tra). This

partial adherence to the textual source may reflect a special doctrinal interpretation by the Northern Qi clerics, who

may have wanted to emphasize the goal of rebirth in the

Pure Land.

The second Freer relief displays a three-group arrange ment of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and a few unidentified

figures wearing pointed caps (Fig. 23). The central group is

presided by a Buddha and eight attendants; their promi nence is marked by the rich canopy with jeweled hangings and the lateral eight-sided pillars topped by cint?manl of the

type used in the grottoes. The group at the viewer's right shows four Buddhas and seven attendants, while that at the left has no Buddha, but thirteen images, most of them

Bodhisattvas. For lack of more specific clues, I call this re

lief "Preaching in a Pure Land."

Stylistically, the reliefs have a strongly exotic appeal, which

points to an Indianized taste. Their engaging quality was

complemented by colors (indigo, vermilion, pale red, and

gold leaf), of which bare traces remain. The round bodies of

the seemingly naked images are organized in a tight order

in a manner reminiscent of southeast Asian cultures, as sug

gested by Alexander Soper. Although Borobudur postdates

Xiangtangshan, one may wishfully think that the perfection of the Javanese masterwork may have been anticipated by

17



flft $fo

ssr

Nfo "Wirkte ? ̂W 6 ^?fr ?^6 ^ 6 ^Q? ? kF^^FTy^gny"

Fig. 2i. Southern Xiangtangshan, drawing of Preaching in a Pure Land, upper central shaft, front, cave i.

Est. 3.30 x 1.20 m. Drawing by Rochelle Kessler.

SkT?*

Fig. 22. The Western Pure Land of Amit?bha, relief from South Xiangtangshan, limestone, cave 2. 1.208 x 3.345 m. Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 21.2. Photograph Freer Gallery of Art.

18



-?' *? ' '

-?*'r:rs"^-*~:3*??^g??';':

Fig. 23. Preaching in a Pure Land, relief from South Xiangtangshan, limestone, cave 2. 3.386 x 1.208 m. Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.,

21.1. Photograph Freer Gallery of Art.

reliefs that did not survive, but that were known to the

northern Chinese.

THE ART OF THE ANYANG CAVES

The Xiao Nanhai caves and those connected to the Ling

quan temple on Mount Baoshan testify to the intense ac

tivity of the clerics who preached new doctrines and who

used the caves for their devotional practices. In these caves

the imagery is accompanied by extensive textual documen

tation that outlines the relationship between art and reli

gion, patron and clergy. Such well-documented evidence

clarifies the astonishing innovations outlined in the first

part of this study. In fact the Anyang caves, coeval with

Northern Xiangtangshan and preceding Southern Xiang

tangshan, appear to have influenced the dynastic site. Thus,

particular attention is paid to the innovative doctrines for

mulated by influential and erudite monks who were also

the patrons of the Anyang caves.18

The Xiao Nanhai Caves and Their Patron, the Monk Seng Chou

Of the three Xiao Nanhai caves (only 25-30 km distant

from Anyang)?the Eastern, Central, and Western?the Cen

tral Cave is the most important. Hewn out of a massive,

square boulder of limestone, this small, squarish cave belies

the wealth of its artistic and doctrinal content (Fig. 24). The ceiling is shaped like a truncated pyramid with a con

spicuous lotus in its apex, while the decor of its sides imi

tates a pleated cloth with hanging jewels (Fig. 25a). The

cave s layout follows the scheme of triad figures on three

walls; on the rear wall is shown a seated Buddha with two

attendants, on the lateral walls a standing Buddha also with

two attendants (Fig. 25B). Behind the main images exe

cuted in almost full relief, more intriguing representations

were carved in a much lower relief. These scenes spread over the entire surface of the cave. Their identity is closely linked to the doctrinal preferences of the monk Fang Fa of

the Lingshan temple (later known as the Lingquan temple), who set up the cave in A.D. 550. Subsequently in 555, the

National Teacher, master Da De (Great Virtue) took over

the cave and saw to its repair. He used it for meditating and

after his death it became a memorial in his honor.19

Much of the art of the Anyang caves was also influenced

by Seng Chou due to his high clerical status and close ties

to the dynastic house. Recruited by the government on ac

count of his learning, Seng Chou was given the title of

"Erudite at the National University" and gained a wide

spread reputation at court. He had originally received the

true dharma (teaching) from the Chan master Dao Fang; then at the Shaolin monastery (the Chan headquarters) he

was further instructed by Fo Ni. Seng Chou practiced the

four-fold meditation method derived from the Nirvana

S?tra. The Northern Qi emperor Wen Xuan summoned

him to court in order to learn from him this particular type of meditation. The emperor even received the Bodhisattva

vows from him and placed him as abbot of the Yunmen

temple (about 40 km from Ye and close to the Anyang

caves), where he died at the age of 81 years, in 560. Indeed

Seng Chou was one of the foremost clerics during the first

part of the dynasty.20 The interior of the Central Xiao Nanhai Cave holds co

pious references to the religious beliefs of this master. Next

to the entrance, right side, were carved excerpts from the

Nirvana S?tra and the Avatarhsaka S?tra Hymn, which assert

the preeminence of Buddha Vairocana in this sacred space. Because of this reference and more importantly because

Seng Chou was a follower of Di Lun (a doctrine focusing on the perfection and stages of the Bodhisattva-path that

19



became the initial phase in the development of the Huayan or Avatarhsaka S?tra) one identifies the rear wall Buddha as

Vairocana, the fountainhead of Huayan teaching. Seng Chou s belief in this doctrine must have been so strong that

he had his own portrait carved next to that of Vairocana.21

In this cave there are further striking innovations, for ex

ample the two panels carved in low relief on the upper sec

tion of the lateral walls, above the triads. On the east side is

a divine gathering presided by a Bodhisattva identified in

the accompanying inscription as "Maitreya Preaching the

Law to the Sentient Beings" (Fig. 25c). As a pendant, on

the west side, are shown the "Nine Modes of Rebirth" in

the Western Pure Land of Amit?bha, namely, the process of

rebirth taking place in the lotuses of the transcendental

pond (Fig. 25D). How surprising that differently from the

reliefs in Southern Xiangtangshan caves 1 and 2, here only this particular aspect of the Amitayur-dhyana S?tra is devel

oped (because of insufficient space or is there a doctrinal

reason?). On account of these two panels, the two Buddhas

below them are Maitreya and Amit?bha, respectively. A

third panel, above the entrance, depicts the traditional de

bate between Ma?jusrl and Vimalak?rti.

In short, the presence of Buddha Vairocana in the

Middle Xiao Nanhai Cave indicates the ongoing develop ment of the Di Lun doctrine. The depiction of Maitreya and the rebirth in Amit?bha s Sukh?vat? point to the initial

phase of visualizing the Pure Lands doctrine. Last, the size

of the cave and the fact that the imagery mirrors the doc

trinal preferences of Seng Chou (the patron of the cave) demonstrate that it was Seng's meditation place.22

The Da Zhu Sheng Cave and Its Patron, the Monk Ling Yu

The proximity (only 5 km) between the Xiao Nanhai caves

and the caves associated with the great Lingquan temple on

Mount Baoshan most likely enabled the monks who

resided in those two locations to be conversant with and

share the same doctrinal interests. In fact, the structure, use,

and iconography of the Mount Baoshan caves are similar to

those of the Xiao Nanhai caves. On Mount Baoshan there

are two major caves?the Da Zhu Sheng Cave or "Great

Abiding Sacred Cave" linked to the prelate Ling Yu, and

the Da Liu Sheng or "Great Remaining Sacred Cave"

linked to the monk Dao Ping renowned for his contribu

tion to the formation of the Di Lun doctrine.23 (The terms

"Abiding" and "Remaining" alert the reader that these

caves were strongly influenced by the Mo Fa doctrine and

express the hope that Buddhism would be saved.) I will fo

cus on the Da Zhu Sheng Cave and its founder (Fig. 26).

Although the Da Zhu Sheng Cave was built during the Sui

dynasty, in 589, it is fitting to include it in this study since

its iconography is the culmination of major Northern Qi

religious trends in which Ling Yu (the patron) played a

paramount role.

Ling Yu's biography outlines a very long life (518 60 5)?it literally spanned all the sixth-century dynasties?

20

and an astonishing degree of religious eclecticism, since

Ling explored numerous teachings. Ling Yu was a native of

Qu Yang in central Hebei. In his youth he sought out Hui

Guang, the master of Vinaya (Discipline) and the patriarch of the southern branch of the Di Lun doctrine, who resided

in Ye. But upon arriving in the capital, Ling Yu found out

that Hui Guang had just died. He subsequently joined Dao

Ping, Hui Guang's successor, and studied the Di Lun teach

ings with him for three years. Ling Yu did not limit his in

terest solely to this doctrine, but expanded it to include

Nirvana, Vinaya, and the prophetic Mo Fa doctrine. By

searching extensively all the available interpretations and

adding his own innovations, he emerged over all other

prelates at court and became a mentor in religious matters

to Emperor Wen Xuan. His magnetic personality won him

also the support of powerful aristocrats such as Lou Rui, Prince of Andong, who was Ling Yu's chief benefactor on

Mount Baoshan.24

On Mount Baoshan Ling Yu left profound traces of his

teaching. There is no doubt that he sponsored the Da Zhu

Sheng Cave, for that is clearly stated in his biography. "He

opened the rock-cut cave called N?r?yana [after the name

of one of the guardians at the entrance] ... on the facade

of the cave, he had several [swfrus] carved as reminder of the

imminence of Buddhism s downfall. In the midst of the

solitary mountains and wondrous forests, these warnings struck awe in man's heart." He also wrote several works of

his own on this apocalyptic event that are no longer extant.

Ling Yu's fixation that the Dharma was reaching its end is

comprehensible since he had experienced the havoc caused

by the Northern Zhou persecution of Buddhism. It is thus

clear why the doctrine of the Latter Days of the Law pre vails over all others in the Da Zhu Sheng Cave.

The Da Zhu Sheng Cave is of squarish shape with a flat

ceiling barely curving over the walls. The arrangement of

the images follows the standard Northern Qi three walls

?three niches type. The style of the images is basically that

forged by the Northern Qi sculptors: the bodies are

smooth columns with sparse incised surface motifs (the

pleats of the robe or the jewelry) (Fig. 27). No comment

can be made on the heads since they are all gone. The cave's

decor is very restrained and sober because the cave was used

for meditation.

The iconography of the cave was meticulously listed in

the inscription carved at its entrance. The excavation of the

cave took place in 589 with the work of 1,624 laborers, while 900 craftsmen carved the copious imagery. (I inter

pret these numbers as intentional paradox to emphasize the

importance of the cave and the speed of execution.) The

three main Buddhas are Vairocana, Maitreya, and Amit?bha

(as in the Central Xiao Nanhai Cave). On Vairocana's robe

were roughly incised five figures, which are barely distin

guishable (Fig. 28). In ascending order are indicated the five

destinies of hell, hungry ghosts, animals, human beings, and heavenly beings. In addition, numerous miniature



Fig. 24. Central Xiao Nanhai Cave, Anyang, Northern Qi 550-555.

Est. 1.70 x 1.40 x 1.70 m. Photograph by the author.

Buddhas corresponding to the canonical sets of Seven and

Thirty-five were placed as a frame around the niches of the

three major ones. On the surface of the wall, left of the en

trance, were incised the Twenty-four Venerable Patriarchs, Transmitters of the Law (see Fig. 27c). Beginning with

K?syapa, the name and origin of each one is carefully recorded. Depictions of sequences of patriarchs became a

common feature in the iconography of latter-day East

Asian Buddhist sites, especially those of the Chan school.25

This richly woven tapestry of iconography discloses the

contemporary growth of new schools of thought. Thus, Buddha Vairocana derives from Di Lun-Huayan, while the

remaining iconographies are linked to Chan (the Twenty four Patriarchs) and to the pervasive Latter Days of the Law

teaching. The allusion to the sets of Buddhas' names stems

from the Doctrine of the Three Stages, an offshoot of the

;*>*

%*

Fig. 25. Central Xiao Nanhai Cave, A. Detail of ceiling; b. East wall

group; c. Detail of Maitreya Preaching to the Sentient Beings in the

Pure Land, upper east wall; d. Detail of Nine Modes of Rebirth in

Amit?bha's Pure Land, upper west wall. Photographs by the author.

T^~-

* &??&W

ff

:lr*-.

21



Fig. 26. Da Zhu Sheng Cave, Anyang, Sui 589. 2.6 x

3.4 x 3.4 m. Photograph by the author.

Fig. 27. Da Zhu Sheng Cave, A. Vairocana triad, rear wall; b. Maitreya triad, east

wall; c. The Twenty-four Patriarchs, entrance wall. Photographs by the author.

22



Fig. 28. Da Zhu Sheng Cave, Anyang, drawing of Vairocana triad, rear

wall. After Henansheng gudai jianzhu baohu yanjiusuo, Baoshan

Lingquansi, p. 147.

Latter Days of the Law teaching developed by the monk

Xin Xing, Ling Yu s friend.26

The almost obsessive stress on this imminent catastrophe is very clear in the choice of sacred texts carved within and

without the Da Zhu Sheng Cave. For instance, on the fa

cade are excerpts from the Mahamaya S?tra, which dwells on

the extinction of Buddhism, and from the Mah?samnip?ta S?tra, notably its Candragarbha section, recognized as an au

thority on the ultimate fate of Buddhism. The latter text is

also carved inside the cave. In this source we find, further

more, the reason for choosing Kapila, one of the two un

usual guardians of the cave: Kapila (the image standing on

a tiny donkey), a great yaksa general, is assigned by S?kya muni to defend China (Fig. 29A). N?r?yana (on a tiny ox)

is none other than the Hindu god Visnu of unlimited

strength, in Buddhist disguise (Fig. 29B). Their function is

obviously the defense of Buddhism in China.27

N?r?yana and Kapila (each height 1.78 m) are unique and

exceptionally good images executed in intaglio. This tech

nique found special favor at Anyang since it was also applied in the Xiao Nanhai caves. In spite of their ludicrous mounts, the two gods are quite imposing and acutely non-Chinese

in looks and attire. Both wear a Sassanian-inspired head

dress. But Kapila, in contrast to the partially clad N?r?yana, dons splendidly decorated armor (shoulders shaped like an

imals, kneecaps like elephants, and masks over the torso).

Several conclusions can be drawn from this investigation. The artistic and religious innovations that took place dur

ing the Northern Qi dynasty underscore the general fear

Fig. 29. Da Zhu Sheng Cave, a. The guardian Kapila; b. The guardian

N?r?yana. Each 1.78 in. Photographs by the author.

23



that Buddhism was entering its final stage, that it was inex

orably doomed to perish. Stimulated by this impending doom, numerous brilliant monks who lived in Ye, the cap ital, and in Anyang felt compelled to look for ways of avert

ing the crisis. Thus, two novel trends originated: commit

ting the sacred texts to stone in the effort to preserve them; and emphatically using the stupa as a symbol to alleviate, if

not to hinder, the impending catastrophe.28 Monks the like

of Dao Ping, Seng Chou, and Ling Yu succeeded, further

more, in involving powerful patrons in their beliefs and en

deavors. The patrons were of the highest order: the em

peror, his court, his loftiest ministers.

The belief in the inevitable destruction of Buddhism

may have also generated a strong yearning for being reborn

in the Pure Lands, especially that of the Buddha of the

West, Amit?bha. This issue should be further investigated since it is linked as well to the increasing influence of the

teaching expounded in the Meditation scriptures. The re

liefs of the Pure Lands seen at Southern Xiangtangshan and at Xiao Nanhai may have been tools in the practice of med

itation, not mere descriptions of a sought-after incarnation.

The simultaneous growth of the Di Lun school, which

will lead in the following century to the fully fledged

Huayan school, further testifies to the inquisitive power of

speculation of the Northern Qi clergy. The ability to tackle

the complexities of this doctrine meant that northern

Chinese Buddhism was entering an age of theoretical ap

proach that had always been a chief prerogative of southern

Chinese Buddhism. This novel scholarly approach was in

deed laying the foundations for the full bloom of all these

schools in the following Tang dynasty. As heuristic devices, we tend to envision these doctrines

and their supporters in distinct compartments. In reality, as

the Northern Qi prelates show, there was no boundary.

Seng Chou believed in several doctrines: Meditation,

Nirvana, and the Pure Land of Amit?bha. Ling Yu was dri ven by the belief in the Latter Days of the Law, but he also

was conversant with the doctrines of Vinaya, Di Lun, and

Nirvana. He was said to have died crying out the name of

Amit?bha Buddha. Reflecting the coexistence of such nu

merous doctrines, the caves display an eclectic wealth of

motifs.

The novel doctrinal content was matched by a novel for

mal language. Under the influence of an Indianized aes

thetic derived from Gup tan models, the extreme stylization and acute geometrization embodied by the late Northern

Wei style were discarded. The Northern Qi carved, in

stead, rounder and smoother images of incipient naturalism

that would develop at a later stage into the realistic and

worldly sculpture of the Tang dynasty. In summary, the

doctrinal and formal "revolution" that marked Northern

Qi art became the crucial foundation of the much admired

Tang aesthetic.

24

Notes

Author's note: I would like to express my gratitude to the Yale

University Press for sponsoring a research trip to the Northern Qi sites

in the fall of 1994. I also thank an anonymous reader for her/his con

structive criticisms incorporated in the text.

1. The recently investigated site of Shuiyu temple, nicknamed Small

Xiangtangshan, lies a few kilometers east of Northern Xiangtangshan and shares the same style and iconography of the dynastic complex. See

Handanshi wenwu baoguansuo, "Handan Gushan Shuiyusi shiku

diaocha baogao," Wenwu 4(1987)11-23. The most recent and thorough discussion of the art presented in this article is found in Chen Mingda and Ding Mingyi (eds.), Gongxian, Tianlongshan, Xiangtangshan, Anyang shiku diaoke, vol. 13 of the series Zhongguo meishu quanji (Beijing:

Wenwu chubanshe, 1989). I acknowledge my indebtedness to this work.

2. Tokiwa Daijo and Sekino Tadashi, Shina Bukkydshiseki, 6 volumes

of text and 6 portfolios of plates (Tokyo: Bukky? shiseki kenkyukai,

1926?1938); portfolio 3 illustrates Northern Qi art. Mizuno Seiichi and

Nagahiro Toshio, The Buddhist Caves of Hsiang-T'ang-ssu (Kyoto: T?h?

bunka gakuin Kyoto kenkyush?, 1937).

3. Si Maguang's record is quoted by Ding Mingyi, "Gongxian

Tianlongshan Xiangtangshan Anyang shuchu shikusi" (hereafter Ding

Mingyi), in Chen Mingda and Ding Mingyi (eds.), Gongsian, Tian

longshan, Xiangtangshan, Anyang p. 34. Chapter 2 of the Bei Qi Shu,

History of Northern Qi, relates that in 547 during the Eastern Wei dynasty a solar eclipse marked the death of Gao Huan in Jinyang. In the eighth

month his body was buried in an unspecified location west of the Jiang River and northwest of Ye. See Li Baiyao, Bei Qi Shu (hereafter History

of Northern Qi), 2 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua shudian, 1983), vol. 1, p. 24.

The issue of patronage is explored by Alexander C. Soper, "Imperial

Cave-Chapels of the Northern Dynasties: Donors, Beneficiaries, Dates," ArtibusAsiae XXVIII( 1966):241-270.

4. Dao Xuan, Xu gaoseng zhuan, Sequel to the Biographies of Eminent

Monks (ca. 660); see Takakusujunjir?and Watanabe Kaigy?ku (eds.), Taish?

shinshu daiz?ky? (100 vols., Tokyo, 1924-1935), vol. 50, no. 2060, p. 669.

5. For the stela text, known as Cizhou Wuhan Gushan Changlesi

chongxiu sanshi qian Fo dianji, Record of Repair of the Thousand Buddhas of the Triple World Hall in the Changle Temple of Mount Gu, Wuhan District,

Cizhou, see Ding Mingyi, p. 35. 6. Chang Qing, "Beichao shiku Shenwang diaoke shulue," Kaogu 12

(1994): 1127? 1141; Emma C. Bunker, "The Spirit Kings in Sixth

Century Chinese Buddhist Sculpture," Archives of the Chinese Art Society

of America 18 (1964): 6-3 7.

7. Susan Bush, "Thunder Monsters and Wind Spirits," Boston Museum

Bulletin 72(i974):25~55, discusses the incorporation of these originally secular guardians into the Buddhist iconography.

8. Zhao Lichun, "Xiangtangshan Beiqi ta shingku shulun," Dunhuang

yanjiu 2(1993) :4o, gives the dimensions of the Heavenly Palace chamber

(1.77 x 1.35 x 3.87 m) and asserts that one can enter this hollow, un

adorned space. In addition, cave 7 must be the imperial burial site be

cause it is in accord with geomantic requirements. Chapter 49 in the

History of Northern Qi (vol. 2, p. 677) relates that Gao Yang, the future

first emperor of Northern Qi, personally led several geomancers in us

ing divination to select the "secret" burial place for his father Gao Huan.

Finally a scenic spot surrounded by mountains and abundant running

waters, "the arteries and veins of a dragon," was agreed upon. Chinese

scholars identify the geomancers' site as Northern Xiangtangshan.

9. Jan Nattier, Once Upon a FutureTime: Studies in a Buddhist Philosophy

of Decline (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991), esp. pp. 27-118. 10. In 556 the Kashmiri monk Narendrayasas arrived in Ye with the

s?tra; see Nattier, Once Upon a FutureTime, pp. 170?172. Narendrayasas'

biography is in Takakusu and Watanabe, Sequel to the Biographies of Eminent Monks, Taish? shinshu daiz?ky? vol. 50, no. 2060, pp. 432?433.

11. Alexander Soper, "South Chinese Influence on the Buddhist Art

of the Six Dynasties Period," The Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities



Stockholm, Bulletin 32(1960) :esp. pp. 88-96. The Liang stelae are dis

cussed by Yuan Shuguang, "Chengdu Wan Fosi chushide Liangdai shike

zaoxiang," Sichuan wenwu 3(1991)127-32. Okada Ken, "Hokusai yoshiki no seiritsu to sono tokushitsu," Bukkyo geijutsu (Ars Buddhica)

I59(i985):esp. p. 40, compares the Northern Qi to the Liang style of

Sichuan.

12. The importance of this precedent is fully grasped when compared to the similar project on Mount Fangshan (ca. 100 km southwest of

Beijing), initiated by the monk Jing Wan about 600; see Lothar

Ledderose, "Massenproduktion Angesichts der Katastrophe," Asiatische

Studien XLIV(2)(i99o):2i7~232. Tang Yong's biographical information

is included in the cave inscription, Ding Mingyi, pp. 39-40.

13. The text of the Fushan shiku sizhi bei is in Ding Mingyi, p. 35. In

chapter 50 of the History of Northern Qi, vol. 2, p. 690, Gao Anahong is

described as an excellent archer, of modest learning, but very close to the

court's inner circles and aware of all political and private matters. When

in 565 Gao Hui became emperor, as his favorite Gao Anahong received

numerous prestigious titles.

14. On the architecture of the caves see Zhong Xiaoqing, "Xiang

tangshan shiku jianzhu luexi," Wenwu 5(1992): 19?37.

15. It is possible that the Buddha sculpture in the center of cave 7 was

moved there from a nearby temple; see Mizuno and Nagahiro, The

Buddhist Caves of Hsiang-T'ang-ssu, pis. 29 and 34. Because of deteriora

tion the inscription of the Royal Ontario Museum Buddha is hard to de

cipher; however, I would maintain the Northern Qi 577 date, even

though other scholars propose a Sui 587 date. See Homage to Heaven,

Homage to Earth, Catalogue of the Asian Collection in the Royal Ontario

Museum (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), p. 163. 16. The connection between Mo Fa and the belief in Amit?bha's Pure

Land is proved by the words of Dao Cho (562-645), patriarch of the

Western Pure Land, that Amit?bha was the last hope in an age of decline.

His contemporary, the monk Xin Xing (540-594) professed the same

belief and made it the foundation of his Three Stages doctrine. See

Nattier, Once Upon a FutureTime, p. 170. The theological foundations of

Amit?bha's Pure Land are the three scriptures Larger and Smaller

Sukh?vatlvy?ha, and Amit?yur-dhy?na S?tra. These scriptures are the fo

cus of several studies by Julian Pas. The concept that Meditation scrip tures derive from Central Asia and focus on different Buddhas and

Bodhisattvas (not just on Amit?bha Buddha) is discussed by Julian Pas, The Vision of Sukh?vat?: Shan-daos Commentary on the Kuan-wu-liang-shou

Fo-ching (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), pp. 36-45;

furthermore, parts of the Amit?yur-dhy?na S?tra (the Nine Modes of

Rebirth) are Chinese interpolations; see Pas, "The Kuan-wu-liang

shou-Fo-ching: Its Origin and Literary Criticism," in Leslie Kawamura

and Keith Scott (eds.), Buddhist Thought and Asian Civilization

(Emeryville, Calif: Dharma Publishing, 1977), pp. 194-218; and finally for the role of Meditation devices see Pas, "The Meaning of Nien-fo in

the Three Pure Land Sutras," Studies in Religion 7(4)(1978) 1403? 414. The

most recent and thought-provoking translation of the two Sukh?vat?

s?tras is by Luis O. G?mez, The Land of Bliss: The Paradise of the Buddha of Measureless Light (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1996). On the

eschatological role of Maitreya in the age of Mo Fa see E. Z?rcher, '"Prince Moonlight' Messianism and Eschatology in Early Medieval

Chinese Buddhism," T'oung Pao 48(1-3)(1982): 1-75.

17. Among the aforementioned stelae from the Wan Fo temple,

Chengdu, one has a representation of Amit?bha's Pure Land in the back.

The stela is ascribed to the Liang dynasty (502-557) and reputedly was

executed in Sichuan. It precedes the Northern Qi examples by a few

years, but its iconography and style differ from the northern version of

this paradise; see Liu Zhiyuan and Liu Yanbi, Chengdu Wan Fosi shike

yishu (Chengdu, 1958), fig. 29. The reason for the geographic difference

is not clear.

18. A thorough investigation of the caves is in Henansheng gudai

jianzhu baohu yanjiusuo, Baoshan Lingquansi (Anyang: Henan wenwu

chubanshe, 1991).

19. This information is gathered from the lengthy inscription carved

above the cave entrance. See Baoshan Lingquansi, p. 19. 20. The four-fold meditations are: meditation on impurity of body,

on evil sensations, on impermanence of mind, and on selflessness; see J.

Takakusu, The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy (Honolulu: University of

Hawaii, 1956), pp. 157-158. The biography of Seng Chou is in Takakusu

and Watanabe, Sequel to the Biographies of Eminent Monks, Taish? shinshu

daiz?ky? vol. 50, no. 2060, pp. 553?555. 21. The Di Lun doctrine was based on Vasubandhu's commentary of

the Dasabh?mi S?tra. This commentary became available in Chinese in

the early sixth century from the translators Bodhiruci and Ratnamati.

The Chinese monks who studied this text soon split into two branches, the Northern and the Southern. The latter was led by Hui Guang, sev

eral of whose students resided in Ye, notably Seng Chou; see Takakusu, Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy, pp. 109?111. The rubbing of Seng Chou's portrait is in Henansheng gudai jianzhu baohu yanjiusuo, "Henan Anyang Lingquansi shikuji Xiao Nanhai shiku," Wenwu

4(i988):ii. 22. In several biographies of Northern Qi monks one reads of the

widespread use of the cave as a meditational space. For instance, the bi

ography of the monk Yuan Tong, chapter 25, records that in 574 nu

merous monks connected with important temples of Ye (the

Zhuangyan, the Dingguo, and the Xinsheng temples, for example) prac ticed zazen (seated meditation) in the cave temples of Mount Gu (read

Xiangtangshan). In the same chapter, in the biography of the monk Dao

Feng, similar information is supplied. Taish? shinshu daiz?ky? vol. 50, no. 2060, pp. 647-649.

23. The prelate Dao Ping, according to his biography in the Sequel to

the Biographies of Eminent Monks, chapter 8, studied Chan Buddhism at

the Shaolin temple and Di Lun with Hui Guang. He was equally trained

in Nirvana and Vinaya teaching. Taish? shihshu daiz?ky? vol. 50, no.

2060, p. 484.

24. Taish? shinshu daiz?ky? vol. 50, no. 2060, pp. 495?498. The

sumptuous tomb of Lou Rui in the vicinity of Taiyuan is discussed in

Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, "Motan Taiyuan Beiqi Lou Rui mo," Wenwu 10 (1983)124-28, one of several articles on the tomb in this issue.

25. The sequence of the Twenty-four Patriarchs follows that estab

lished by the Northern Wei monk Tan Yao in his translation of the text

Fu Fa zang yinyuan zhuan, Taish? shinshu daiz?ky? vol. 50, no. 2058, pp.

297-321. The raison d'?tre of this work was the preservation of Buddhism

at a time of persecution. Around 700, during the last years of Empress Wu's reign, in two caves of the Longmen site, Kanjing and Middle

Leigutai, were carved 29 and 25 patriarchs, respectively. 26. The interdependence of the Three Stages and Latter Days of the

Law doctrines is explored by James B. Hubbard, Salvation in the Final

Period of the Dharma: The Inexhaustible Storehouse of the San-chieh-chiao

(doctoral dissertation, Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1986), pp. 10

48.

27. For a discussion of the Mahamaya and Candragarbha scriptures see

Nattier, Once Upon a FutureTime, pp. 168-172. Kapila and N?r?yana are

discussed by Alexander C. Soper, Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art

in China (Ascona: Artibus Asiae Publisher, 1959), pp. 229 and 237, re

spectively. 28. During Northern Qi the custom of placing the remains of monks

in stupas became widespread. On Mount Baoshan there are at least 240 such burial structures. Some are free standing, like the imposing twin

stupas of Dao Ping, while others of modest size are excavated in the

mountainside. See Baoshan Lingquansi, pp. 168-279, for a thorough record of all the Baoshan stupas.

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Documents

Buddhist Cave Sculpture of the Northern Qi Dynasty: Shaping a New Style, Formulating New Iconographies