BIPINCHANDRA,MRIDULAMUKHERJEE,ADITYAMUKHERJEE

IndiaAfterIndependence1947-2000

PENGUINBOOKS

Contents

AbouttheAuthor

Dedication

1.Introduction

2.TheColonialLegacy

3.TheNationalMovementanditsLegacy

4.TheEvolutionoftheConstitutionandMainProvisions

5.TheArchitectureoftheConstitution:BasicFeaturesandInstitutions

6.TheInitialYears

7.ConsolidationofIndiaAsaNation

8.ConsolidationofIndiaAsaNation:TheLinguisticReorganizationoftheStates

9.ConsolidationofIndiaAsaNation:IntegrationoftheTribals

10.ConsolidationofIndiaAsaNation:RegionalismandRegionalInequality

11.TheYearsofHopeandAchievement,1951-64

12.ForeignPolicy:TheNehruEra

13.JawaharlalNehruinHistoricalPerspective

14.PoliticalParties,1947-64:TheCongress

15.PoliticalParties,1947-65:TheOpposition

16.FromShastritoIndiraGandhi,1964-69

17.TheIndiraGandhiYears,1969-73

18.TheJ.P.MovementandtheEmergency:IndianDemocracyTested

19.TheJanataInterregnumandIndiraGandhi’sSecondComing,1977-84

20.TheRajivYears

21.TheRun-uptotheMillennium,1989-99

22.PoliticsintheStates(I):TamilNadu,AndhraPradesh,Assam

23.PoliticsintheStates(II):WestBengalandJammuandKashmir

24.ThePunjabCrisis

25.IndianEconomy,1947-1965:TheNehruvianLegacy

26.IndianEconomy,1965-1991

27.EconomicReformsSince19915

28.LandReforms:ZamindariAbolitionandTenancyReforms

29.LandReforms:CeilingandtheBhoodanMovement

30.LandReforms:CooperativesandanOverview

31.AgricultureGrowthandtheGreenRevolution

32.AgrarianStrugglesSinceIndependence

33.RevivalandGrowthofCommunalism

34.Caste,Untouchability,Anti-castePoliticsandStrategies

35.IndianWomenSinceIndependence

36.ThePost-ColonialIndianStateandthePoliticalEconomyofDevelopment:AnOverview

37.DisarrayinInstitutionsofGovernance

38.OntheEveoftheNewMillenniumAchievements,ProblemsandProspects

Notes

SelectBibliography

ANoteonStyle

Acknowledgements

Copyright

PENGUINBOOKS

INDIAAFTERINDEPENDENCE

BipanChandrawasborninKangra,HimachalPradesh.HewaseducatedatFormanChristianCollege,Lahore,andatStanfordUniversity,California.HewasProfessorofModernHistoryatJawaharlalNehruUniversity(JNU),NewDelhi,whereheiscurrentlyProfessorEmeritus.Prof.Chandraistheauthorofseveralbooksonnationalism,colonialism,andcommunalisminmodernIndia.

MridulaMukherjeewaseducatedatLadyShriRamCollege,NewDelhiandatJNU.SheisProfessorofModernIndianHistoryattheCentreforHistoricalStudies,JNU.Herareasofspecialinterestareagrarianhistory,peasantmovementsandthenationalmovement.

AdityaMukherjeewaseducatedatSt.Stephen’sCollege,Delhi,andatJNU.HeisProfessorofContemporaryIndianHistoryattheCentreforHistoricalStudies,JNU.Hisresearchinterestsareinmodernbusinesshistoryandcapitalistdevelopment,andcontemporaryeconomyandpolitics.

ToLateProfessorV.D.Mahajan

1Introduction

India’sindependencerepresentedforitspeoplethestartofanepochthatwasimbuedwithanewvision.In1947,thecountrycommenceditslongmarchtoovercomethecoloniallegacyofeconomicunderdevelopment,grosspoverty,neartotalilliteracy,wideprevalenceofdiseaseandstarksocialinequalityandinjustice.15August1947wasonlythefirststop,thefirstbreak—theendofcolonialpoliticalcontrol:centuriesofbackwardnesswerenowtobeovercome,thepromisesofthefreedomstruggletobefulfilled,andpeople’shopestobemet.Thetasksofnation-buildingweretakenupbytheIndianpeopleandtheirleaderswithacertainelan

anddeterminationandwithconfidenceintheircapacitytosucceed.JawaharlalNehru’sfamous‘TrystwithDestiny’speechontheeveofindependence,on14August,reflectedthisbuoyantmood.StartingoffwithabroadsocialconsensusonthebasiccontoursoftheIndiathatwastobebuilt—on

thevaluesofnationalism,secularismanddemocracyandthegoalsofrapideconomicdevelopmentandradicalsocialchange—wasagreatadvantage.Thesevaluesandgoals,andtheroadtotheirachievementhadbeenmappedovermorethanseventyyearsbythenationalmovement.Yet,therewasarealizationthatthisconsensushadtobecontinuouslywidenedandbuiltupon.CrucialinthisrespectwastheroleplayedbyNehruandtheideashedevelopedandpropounded.

TheBasicGoals

Thefirstandthemostimportanttaskwastopreserve,consolidateandstrengthenIndia’sunity,topushforwardtheprocessofthemakingoftheIndiannation,andtobuildupandprotectthenationalstateasaninstrumentofdevelopmentandsocialtransformation.Indianunity,itwasrealized,wasnottobetakenforgranted.IthadtobestrengthenedbyrecognizingandacceptingIndia’simmenseregional,linguistic,ethnicandreligiousdiversity.IndiannesswastobefurtherdevelopedbyacknowledgingandaccommodatingtheIndians’multipleidentitiesandbygivingdifferentpartsofthecountryandvarioussectionsofthepeopleanadequatespaceintheIndianunion.Theprojectwas,moreover,rightlyseentobealong-termandcontinuingprocesswiththeconceptofIndiannessbeingconstantlyredefined.Basic,inthisrespectwasalsothesecularvision.Thenation’sleaderssetouttobuildasecularsociety

andstate,undauntedbythePartitionofIndiaandtheensuingriots.ItwasalsoclearthatIndia’srevolutionhadtobetakenbeyondthemerelypoliticaltoinclude

economicandsocialtransformation.IndependentIndiahadtobeginitsupwardeconomicclimbfromanabysmallylowlevel.ThetechnologicalandproductivitylevelsofIndianagricultureandindustryweretobeconstantlyandrapidlyraised.Moreover,theIndianeconomy,evenwhilebeinganintegralpartoftheworldeconomy,wastobebasedonself-reliance,freeofsubordinationtothemetropolitaninterestsordominationbyforeigncapital.Thiscouldnotbeaccomplishedthroughtheunhamperedworkingofthe

marketforcesandprivateenterprise.Itwouldrequireplanningandalargepublicsector.India,therefore,setouttoachieve,especiallyafter1955,anintegratednationaleconomybasedonanindigenousindustry,cateringprimarilytoitsdomesticmarket.Whilesocialismwasalsosetoutasanobjective,theessenceofIndia’seffortwastowardsthestructuraltransformationofhereconomy,leadingtoitsbecominganindependent,nationaleconomy.Thesocialscenealsocalledforrapidtransformation.Despitelowercastemovementsinseveralparts

ofthecountryandGandhiji’scampaignagainstuntouchability,thecastesystemstilldominatedruralsocietyanduntouchabilitywastheprevailingmode—thelowercasteshadstillnot‘stood-up’.Maledominationwasstillnearlytotal,andwomensufferedimmensesocialoppressioninthefamily.PolygamyprevailedbothamongHindusandMuslims.Womenhadnorightofinheritance,northerightofdivorce,andwerestillbyandlargedeniedaccesstoeducation.ForIndians,illiteracyandignorancewerethenormin1951;only25percentofmalesand7.9percentoffemaleswereliterate.ThefoundersoftheIndianRepublichadthefarsightednessandthecouragetocommitthemselvesto

twomajorinnovationsofhistoricalsignificanceinnation-buildingandsocialengineering:first,tobuildademocraticandcivillibertariansocietyamonganilliteratepeopleandsecond,toundertakeeconomicdevelopmentwithinademocraticpoliticalstructure.Hitherto,inallsocietiesinwhichaneconomictake-offoranearlyindustrialandagriculturalbreakthroughhadoccurred,effectivedemocracy,especiallyfortheworkingpeople,hadbeenextremelylimited.Ontheotherhand,fromthebeginning,Indiawascommittedtoademocraticandcivillibertarianpoliticalorderandarepresentativesystemofgovernmentbasedonfreeandfairelectionstobeconductedonthebasisofuniversaladultfranchise.Moreover,thestatewastoencroachaslittleaspossibleonrivalcivilsourcesofpowersuchasuniversities,thePress,tradeunions,peasantorganizationsandprofessionalassociations.Themanysocial,economicandpoliticalchallengesthatthecountrywastofaceweretobedealtwithinademocraticmanner,underdemocraticconditions.Oneofthemajorpoliticaltasksfacingtheleadershipwastofurtherdevelopthedemocratic

consciousnessamongthepeopleinitiatedduringtheperiodofthefreedomstruggle.Theleadershipcompletelyrejectedthedifferentversionsofthe‘rice-bowltheory’,thatthepoorinanunderdevelopedcountryweremoreinterestedinabowlofricethanindemocracy,andthat,inanycase,democracywasuselesstothemifitcouldnotguaranteethemadequatefood,clothingandshelter.Further,itwasrealizedthatgivenIndia’sdiversity,ademocraticpoliticalstructurewasnecessaryfor

promotingnationalintegration.Democracywasalsoconsideredessentialforbringingaboutsocialchange.Nehru,inparticular,upheldperhapstheutopiannotionthatthepoorwouldsoonerorlaterasserttheirpowerthroughtheirvoteandbringintobeingasocialorderresponsivetotheirneeds.Economicdevelopmentandademocraticpoliticalorderweretobeaccompaniedbyrapidsocial

transformationsothatexistinggrosseconomic,casteandgenderinequalitieswererapidlyeliminated,povertywasremovedandthelevelsoflivingraised.ThestructureofIndiansocietywastoberapidlytransformedinabroadlysocialistdirection,butnotnecessarilytoresembleSoviet-styleCommunism.ItwasalsorealizedthattheseobjectivesrequiredthebroadestunityoftheIndianpeople.Therefore,alargesocialconsensushadtobeevolvedaroundthevisionofthefreedomstruggleandthedemocraticformsthroughwhichtheobjectiveswouldbeachieved.

Thenationalmovementhadarousedexpectationsofarapidriseinpersonalandsocietalprosperity,ofsocialandeconomicequityandequality,ofthegoodlife.IndiraGandhi’ssloganof‘GaribiHatao’in1971furtherfuelledtheseexpectationsasdidtheprocessofcontinuouspoliticizationsince1950.Theconstantlyrisingaspirationsandexpectationshadtobefulfilledasrapidlyaspossible,andwithoutlettingtoowideagapdevelopbetweenexpectationsandfulfilment.Inshort,theIndianpeopleandtheirleadershopedtoachieveinafewdecadeswhatothershadachievedinacenturyormore.Andthiswastobeonthebasisofdemocracy,avoidingbloodshedandauthoritarianism,andthroughaprocessofaccomodatingdiversesocial,economicandregionalinterests.Agrarianreforms,stateplanningandastrongpublicsectorweretoserveasthemajorinstrumentsforthepurpose.Atthesametime,politicalstabilityhadtobeassuredfortheaccomplishmentofallthesetasks.The

politicalsystemhadtocombinestabilitywithgrowth,socialtransformation,anddeepeningofthepoliticalprocess.TheIndianrevolutionhadtobegradual,non-violentandbasedonpoliticalstability,butithadtobearevolutionallthesame.

ATroubledDemocracy

Since1947anduntiltoday,manyIndiansandforeigners,criticsandadmirers,haveexpresseddoubtsaboutIndia’sabilitytodeveloporcontinueitsadvance,orevensustainitssocietalanddevelopmentaldesign.Fromthebeginningtherehaveexistedvocalprophetsofdoomandgloomwhohavebeenpredictingthatneitherfreedom,nordemocracy,norsocialismwouldsurviveinIndiaforlong,thattheIndianpoliticalsystemwouldcollapsesoonerorlater,thattheIndianunionwouldnotsurviveandthenationstatewoulddisintegrateintolinguisticandethnicfragments.TheyhaverepeatedlyarguedthatIndia’snumerousreligious,caste,linguisticandtribaldiversities,besidesitspoverty,socialmiseryandinequity,growingdisparitiesofwealth,rigidandhierarchialsocialstructure,massiveunemploymentandmultiplesocio-economicproblemswereboundtoundermineitsnationalunity,itsdemocraticinstitutionsanditsdevelopmentalefforts.Indiawould,therefore,eitherbreakuporalternativelybeheldtogetherbyacivilianormilitaryauthoritarian,dictatorialregime.Eversinceregionalpartiesstartedemerginginthesixtiesandmuchmoreduringtheeightiesand

nineties,manycommentatorshavebeenspeculating—somewithenthusiasm—astowhenthedisintegrationofIndiawouldtakeplace.Eventhesuccessinholdingtogetherandworkingasecularanddemocraticpoliticalsystemovertheyearshasnotdeterredtheprophetsofdoom.Ateveryinstanceofturmoilorperceivedpoliticalcrisis,asforexamplethewarswithChinaandPakistan,thedeathofthetoweringNehru,theassassinationofIndiraGandhi,communal,linguisticorcasteviolence,Naxaliteuprisings,secessionistmovementsinKashmir,theNorth-East,PunjabandearlierinTamilNadu,thesecriticsarticulatedandrenewedtheirforeboding.Asearlyas1960,theAmericanscholar-journalistSeligS.Harrisonpredicted:‘Theoddsarealmost

whollyagainstthesurvivaloffreedomand...theissueis,infact,whetheranyIndianstatecansurviveatall.’1

In1967,NevilleMaxwell,theTimescorrespondent,inaseriesofarticlesentitled‘India’sDisintegratingDemocracy’declared,‘ThegreatexperimentofdevelopingIndiawithinademocratic

frameworkhasfailed.’HepredictedthatthefourthgeneralelectionswhichwerethenforthcomingwouldbesurelythelastelectiontobeheldinIndia.2

ManyoftheCassandrasfeltjustifiedwhentheEmergencywasimposed.ManyarguedthatitprovidedasignposttoIndia’spoliticalfuture.SomewentfurtherandsaidthatthedemocraticsysteminIndiawasfinallyandpermanentlyineclipse,oratleastthatitwouldneverbethesameagain.Anothersetofdoom-wallasstressedtheincapacityofIndiatoachieveeconomicdevelopment.India’spoliticalinstitutionalstructure,accordingtothemdidnotcoincidewiththedevelopmentalgoalsthathadbeensetastheserequiredadegreeofcoercionifnotdictatorshiptobeachieved.Thentherewereleft-wingscepticswhoheldthatnosocial;economicorpoliticaldevelopmentwas

possiblewithoutaviolentrevolutionandthatnation-building,politicaldemocracy,economicdevelopment,nationalunityandnationalismweremereshamsmeanttodeludetheoppressedandtheexploited.They,therefore,arguedfororanticipatedapeasant-basedrevolutionasinChinaduring1925-1949oraworker-peasant-basedrevolutionasinRussiain1917.Accordingtothem,poverty,inequality,classdomination,andsocialoppressionwouldsoonerorlaterleadthevastmajorityofthepeopleonthepathofrevolution,puttinganendnotonlytocapitalismandfeudalismbutalso‘bourgeoisdemocracy’andthemulti-nationstate’.Intheearlyseventies,manyobservers,includingthewriterofanotepreparedbytheHomeMinistry,predictedthattheGreenRevolutionwouldturnRedsinceitwouldbenefitonlytherichfarmersanddisplacesmallpeasantsfromthelandandcreatefurtherunemploymentamongtheagriculturallabourers.Someoftheleft-wingprophetsofdoomevendeniedthepossibilityofindependenteconomicdevelopmentinIndiaandcontinuedtomaintainovertheyearsthatIndiawasenteringaphaseofdependencyandneo-colonialism,ifithadnotalreadydoneso.Itisalsointerestingthatthosewhodidnotsharethisscepticismoftheleftorthenon-leftwereusually

portrayedbythemasapologistsoftheEstablishment.AsW.H.Morris-Jones,perhapsthemostperceptiveofthepoliticalscientistsstudyingIndia,putitasearlyas1966:‘IthasbecomecustomarytoadopthighlyscepticalviewsonIndiandevelopments....Theposition,isnowreachedwherefailuretosharesuchattitudesistakenasthemark,inanIndian,ofsomekindofgovernmentpublicrelationsmanand,inanoutsider,ofamisguidedsentimentalist.’3

AnothersetofobserversoftheIndianscene,whowerelesspessimisticaboutthedemocraticpoliticalsystem,werepuzzledbyIndia’ssuccessinsustainingitselfinthefaceofitsfailureonsomanyfronts—inadequacyoflandreformsandtheexistenceoflarge-scalelandlessnessintheruralareas,theslowrateofgrowthinindustryandthenationalincome,thefailuretocheckthehighrateofpopulationgrowth,persistenceofgrossinequalities,casteoppression,discriminationagainstwomen,adysfunctionaleducationsystem,environmentaldegradation,growingpollutioninthecities,humanrightsabuses,factionalisminpolitics,chaoticpartysituation,growingpoliticalunrest,seccessionistdemandsandmovements,administrativedeclineandevenchaos,policeinefficiency,highlevelsofcorruptionandbrutality,andcriminalizationofpolitics.Theperplexityofmanyofthese‘puzzled’observerswasalsofuelledbythetruismthatdemocraticinstitutionscannotbetransferredbythefiatoftheframersofaConstitution.ButwhattheyfailedtoappreciateisthatdemocracyhadalreadybeenindigenizedandrootedintheIndiansoilbythefreedomstruggleandthemodernIndianintelligentsiaduringtheprevioushundredyearsorso.

Inourviewtheprophetsofdoomwerebasicallywrongintheirprophesies,buttheywerequiteoftenrightonthetargetascritics.ManyotheranalystsofIndiandevelopments,whohavenotsharedtheirscepticismandpredictions,haveponderedovertheproblemsofdemocracyanddevelopmentinanextremelydiversesocietyhavinganunderdevelopedeconomyandfacingeconomicscarcity.They,too,havebeenworriedbythefragilityofIndia’spoliticalstability.TheydonotbelievethatthereisasituationforadministrativeorpoliticalbreakdownbutmanyofthemwouldarguethatIndiaisbeginningtoface‘acrisisofgovernability’.Overtheyearstheyhavecontinuouslyemphasizedthatbasicstructuralandinstitutionalchangeswerenecessaryfordesirablesocialdevelopmentandthedeepeningandeffectivefunctioningofdemocracy.Evenwhilearguingagainstthesupportersofauthoritarianism,thefeasibilityordesirabilityofaviolentrevolution,andpredictionsofthebreakupofthecountry,theyhaveadvocatedandworkedfortheimplementationofaprogrammeofradicalreforms,moreorlessaroundtheGandhianandNehruvianagendaanditsfurtherdevelopment.

PoliticalLeadership

India’ssurvivalandgrowthasanationandademocraticpolity,asalsotheachievementofthenationalobjectivessetbythefreedomstruggledependedontheconfigurationanddevelopmentoflong-termsocio-economicandpoliticalforces.Butthequality,skillsandapproachofthepoliticalleaderswouldinevitablyplayasignificantrole.AnassetforIndia’searlyeffortsatprogress,startingin1947,wasthepersonalcalibreofherleaders.

Theywerededicated,imaginativeandidealistic.Theyenjoyedtremendouspopularsupportamongthepeopleandhadthecapacitytocommunicatewiththem,toenthusethemaroundanationalprogrammeandnationalgoals,toreflecttheirurgesandaspirations,andtoprovidethemstrongleadership.Theleadershadtremendousconfidenceandfaithinthepeopleandthereforeindemocraticinstitutionsanddependedfortheirpowerandlegitimacyonthem.Duringthenationalmovementtheleadershadalsoacquiredthevastcapacitytonegotiateandaccommodatediverseinterestsandapproachesandtoworkwithinaconsensualframework.Theycouldtakealong-termandall-Indiaviewandworkthroughstateandlocalleaders.ThishighqualityofleadershipwasnotconfinedonlytotheCongressparty.Theconservative

SwatantrawasheadedbyC.Rajagopalachari,thedissidentCongressmenbyJ.B.Kripalani,theHinducommunalistsbyShyamaPrasadMookerjee,thenon-CongressdalitsbyB.R.Ambedkar,theSocialistsbyAcharyaNarendraDevandJayaprakashNarayan,andtheCommunistsbyP.C.Joshi,AjoyGhoshandE.M.S.Namboodiripad.Incontrast,itcanbeassertedthataseriousprobleminthelastfewdecadeshasbeenthepaucityof

politicalleaderswiththequalitiesandskillsofthefoundersoftheRepublic.IndiraGandhididpossesssomeoftheirqualities.Butafterherandevenduringtheperiodthatshedominated—andperhapstosomeextentbecauseofit—agradualdeclineoccurredinthestatureofleadership,withfewhavingthewideappealoracceptabilityorthelargervision.Mostpoliticalleadersincreasinglyappealedtoaregionorareligionoracaste,oraconglomerateofcastes.TheoutcomeofthishasbeenthatwhilemanyIndianshavelookedforwider,all-IndialeadershiptothedescendantsofNehruandIndiraGandhi,othershavegivenallegiancetoleadersandpartiesfollowingpopulistoropportunistorcommunalandcasteistpolitics.

OurApproach

Thisworkisthestoryofapeopleonthemove,ofa‘gradualrevolution’,oftheeffortsoftheIndianpeopletorealizethevisionofthefreedomstruggle.Forus,writers,ithasalsobeenajourneyintoourpersonalpast,involvinganeffortatcoolanddispassionateanalysisthough,perhaps,failingattimestoavoidthepassion,whichinformsallthosewhoaredeeplyinvolvedintheefforttoraisethesocialconditionsoftheirpeople,andthebiasesacquiredwhenlivingthroughtheevents.Asthereaderswillsee,wehaveadoptedacriticalapproachtoourrecentpastandcontemporaryeventsbutwithinabroadlyoptimisticframework.Theyear1947usheredinaperiodofchangeanddevelopment.Inevitably,newproblems,often

engenderedbythechangeitself,wereaddedtotheoldones,requiringfreshsolutions.Thequestionsneedingtobeaddressedwereofthenatureoftheproblemsandhow,whenandwithwhatconsequencesweretheytackled.Afterall,hadnotGandhijipredictedontheeveofindependencethat‘withtheendofslaveryandthedawnoffreedom,alltheweaknessesofsocietyareboundtocometothesurface’.He,however,alsosaw‘noreasontobeunnecessarilyupsetaboutit.Ifwekeepourbalanceatsuchatime,everytanglewillbesolved.’4Historianswillhavetoevaluateinthecomingyears,howfartheaspirationsarousedbythefreedomstruggle’slegacy,intermsofnationalunity,democracy,secularism,independenteconomicdevelopment,equality,andremovalofpovertyhavebeenfulfilledinasubstantivemanner.Intheearlyyears,duringmuchoftheNehruera,therewasanairofoptimismandasenseof

achievement.ThiswasreflectedinNehru’slettertothechiefministers,writtenwithself-confidenceandsatisfactionjustafterwatchingtheRepublicDayparadeatDelhiin1955:‘Myheartwasfilledwithprideandjoyatthissightofournationonthemarchrealizingitsgoalsonebyone.Therewasasenseoffulfilmentintheairandofconfidenceinourfuturedestiny.’5Andherepeatedafewmonthslater:‘Thereisthebreathofthedawn,thefeelingofthebeginningofanewerainthelongandchequeredhistoryofIndia.IfeelsoandinthismatteratleastIthinkIrepresentinnumerableothersinourcountry.’6AndwhatmadeNehrusooptimistic?ToquoteNehru’sbiographer,S.Gopal:‘Individualfreedom,socialjustice,popularparticipation,planneddevelopment,nationalself-reliance,apostureofself-respectininternationalaffairs—allhighandnoblegoals,yetallbeingsteadilyachievedundertheguidanceofthePrimeMinister...’7

ItistruethatNehruandthegenerationthatwitnessedthecomingofindependencehadhopedforfarmoreprogressthanthecountrywasabletomake.Still,thepeopleandtheintelligentsiaremainedoptimistic,notonlyduringtheNehruerabutevenunderIndiraGandhi,atleasttill1973-74.Butgraduallytheeuphoriaandtheself-confidence,theenthusiasmandtheprideinachievementbegantodisappearandgivewaytofrustration,cynicismandasenseofdespair.Yet,asthisworkwouldbringout,whilemuchmorewasneededandcouldhavebeenachieved,but

wasnot,especiallyintermsofthequalityoflifeofthepeople,(andwhichwouldjustifyagreatdealofcriticismandevendespair),therewasconsiderablegain.Ourhopeandconfidenceinthefutureofthecountryanditspeopleisjustifiedbythisachievement.WebelievewhatVerrierElwin,theBritishscholar-missionarywhomadeIndiahishomeandtookup

itscitizenship,wrotein1963largelyexpressesourviewsandsentiments:‘AllthesameIamincurably

optimisticaboutIndia.Herangryyoungmenanddisillusionedoldmenarefullofcriticismandresentment.Itistruethatthereissomecorruptionandagooddealofinefficiency;thereishypocrisy,toomuchofit.Buthowmuchthereisonthecreditside!Itisathrillingexperiencetobepartofanationthatistrying,againstenormousodds,toreshapeitself.’8

PerhapstheattitudeforustotaketowardsourmanyfailuresistheoneadoptedbyGopalKrishnaGokhaletowardsthoseoftheModeratenationalists,atthetailendofhislife:‘Letusnotforgetthatweareatastageofthecountry’sprogresswhenourachievementsareboundtobesmall,andourdisappointmentsfrequentandtrying.ThatistheplacewhichithaspleasedProvidencetoassigntousinthisstruggle,andourresponsibilityisendedwhenwehavedonetheworkwhichbelongstothatplace.Itwill,nodoubt,begiventoourcountrymenoffuturegenerationstoserveIndiabytheirsuccesses;we,ofthepresentgeneration,mustbecontenttoservehermainlybyourfailures:For,hardthoughitbe,outofthosefailuresthestrengthwillcomewhichintheendwillaccomplishgreattasks.’9

2TheColonialLegacy

India’scolonialpasthasweighedheavilyinherdevelopmentsince1947.Intheeconomicsphere,asinothers,BritishruledrasticallytransformedIndia.ButthechangesthattookplaceledonlytowhathasbeenaptlydescribedbyA.GunderFrankasthe‘developmentofunderdevelopment’.Thesechanges—inagriculture,industry,transportandcommunication,finance,administration,education,andsoon—wereinthemselvesoftenpositive,asforexamplethedevelopmentoftherailways.Butoperatingwithinandaspartofthecolonialframework,theybecameinseparablefromtheprocessofunderdevelopment.Further,theyledtothecrystallizationofthecolonialeconomicstructurewhichgeneratedpoverty,adependenceonandsubordinationtoBritain.

BasicFeatures

TherewerefourbasicfeaturesofthecolonialstructureinIndia.First,colonialismledtothecompletebutcomplexintegrationofIndia’seconomywiththeworldcapitalistsystembutinasubservientposition.Sincethe1750s,India’seconomicinterestswerewhollysubordinatedtothoseofBritain.Thisisacrucialaspect,forintegrationwiththeworldeconomywasinevitableandwasacharacteristicalsoofindependenteconomies.Second,tosuitBritishindustry,apeculiarstructureofproductionandinternationaldivisionoflabour

wasforceduponIndia.Itproducedandexportedfoodstuffsandrawmaterials—cotton,jute,oilseeds,minerals—andimportedmanufacturedproductsofBritishindustryfrombiscuitsandshoestomachinery,carsandrailwayengines.ThisfeatureofcolonialismcontinuedevenwhenIndiadevelopedafewlabour-intensiveindustries

suchasjuteandcottontextiles.Thiswasbecauseoftheexisting,peculiarpatternofinternationaldivisionoflabourbywhichBritainproducedhightechnology,highproductivityandcapital-intensivegoodswhileIndiadidtheopposite.ThepatternofIndia’sforeigntradewasanindicationoftheeconomy’scolonialcharacter.Aslateas1935-39,food,drink,tobaccoandrawmaterialsconstituted68.5percentofIndia’sexportswhilemanufacturedgoodswere64.4percentofherimports.Third,basictotheprocessofeconomicdevelopmentisthesizeandutilizationoftheeconomicsurplus

orsavingsgeneratedintheeconomyforinvestmentandthereforeexpansionoftheeconomy.ThenetsavingsintheIndianeconomyfrom1914to1946wasonly2.75percentofGrossNationalProduct(i.e.,nationalincome).Thesmallsizemaybecontrastedwiththenetsavingsin1971-75whentheyconstituted12percentofGNP.Thepaltrytotalcapitalformation,6.75percentofGNPduring1914-46asagainst20.14percentofGNPduring1971-75,reflectsthisjump.Moreover,theshareofindustryinthislowlevelofcapitalformationwasabysmallylow,machineryformingonly1.78percentofGNPduring1914-46.(Thisfigurewas6.53for1971-75).

Furthermore,alargepartofIndia’ssocialsurplusorsavingswasappropriatedbythecolonialstateandmisspent.Anotherlargepartwasappropriatedbytheindigenouslandlordsandmoneylenders.Ithasbeencalculatedthatbytheendofthecolonialperiod,therentandinterestpaidbythepeasantryamountedtoRs1400millionperyear.By1937,thetotalruraldebtamountedtoRs18,000million.Accordingtoanotherestimate,princes,landlordsandotherintermediariesappropriatednearly20percentofthenationalincome.Onlyaverysmallpartofthislargesurpluswasinvestedinthedevelopmentofagricultureandindustry.Mostofitwassquanderedonconspicuousconsumptionorusedforfurtherintensifyinglandlordismandusury.Thentherewasthe‘Drain’,thatistheunilateraltransfertoBritainofsocialsurplusandpotential

investablecapitalbythecolonialstateanditsofficialsandforeignmerchantsthroughexcessofexportsoverimports.Indiagotbacknoequivalenteconomic,commercialormaterialreturnsforitinanyform.Ithasbeenestimatedthat5to10percentofthetotalnationalincomeofIndiawasthusunilaterallyexportedoutofthecountry.Howcouldanycountrydevelopwhileundergoingsuchadrainofitsfinancialresourcesandpotentialcapital?ThefourthfeatureofcolonialisminIndiawasthecrucialroleplayedbythestateinconstructing,

determiningandmaintainingotheraspectsofthecolonialstructure.India’spoliciesweredeterminedinBritainandintheinterestsoftheBritisheconomyandtheBritishcapitalistclass.AnimportantaspectoftheunderdevelopmentofIndiawasthedenialofstatesupporttoindustryandagriculture.Thiswascontrarytowhathappenedinnearlyallthecapitalistcountries,includingBritain,whichenjoyedactivestatesupportintheearlystagesofdevelopment.ThecolonialstateimposedfreetradeinIndiaandrefusedtogivetariffprotectiontoIndianindustriesasBritain,westernEuropeandtheUnitedStateshaddone.After1918,underthepressureofthenationalmovement,theGovernmentofIndiawasforcedtogrant

sometariffprotectiontoafewindustries.Butthiswasinadequateandineffective.Moreover,sincethe1880s,thecurrencypolicywasmanipulatedbythegovernmenttofavourBritishindustryandwhichwastothedetrimentofIndianindustry.Aspointedoutearlier,averylargepartofIndia’ssocialsurpluswasappropriatedbythecolonial

state,butaverysmallpartofitwasspentbyitonthedevelopmentofagricultureorindustryoronsocialinfrastructureornation-buildingactivitiessucheducation,sanitationandhealthservices.ThecolonialstatedevotedalmostitsentireincometomeetingtheneedsofBritish-Indian

administration,makingpaymentsofdirectandindirecttributetoBritainandinservingtheneedsofBritishtradeandindustry.Thebulkofpublicrevenuewasabsorbedbymilitaryexpenditureandciviladministrationwhichwasgearedtomaintenanceoflawandorderandtaxcollection.After1890,militaryexpenditureabsorbednearly50percentofthecentralgovernment’sincome.In1947-48,thisfigurestoodatnearly47percent.Besides,theIndiantaxstructurewashighlyinequitable.Whilethepeasantswereburdenedwithpaying

aheavylandrevenueformostofthecolonialperiodandthepoorwiththesalttax,etc.,theupperincomegroups—highlypaidbureaucrats,landlords,merchantsandtraders—paidhardlyanytaxes.Thelevelofdirecttaxeswasquitelow.Thenumberofincome-taxpayerswasonly360,000in1946-47.Itwasonlyunderthepressurefromthenationalandpeasantmovementsthatthelandrevenueandsalttaxstarted

comingdowninthetwentiethcentury.Aslateas1900-01landrevenueandsalttaxformed53percentand16percentofthetotaltaxrevenueofthegovernment.

EconomicBackwardness

ColonialismbecameafetteronIndia’sagriculturalandindustrialdevelopment.Agriculturestagnatedinmostpartsofthecountryandevendeterioratedovertheyears,resultinginextremelylowyieldsperacre,andsometimesevenreachingzero.Therewasadeclineinpercapitaagriculturalproductionwhichfellby14percentbetween1901and1941.Thefallinpercapitafoodgrainswasevengreater,beingover24percent.Overtheyears,anagrarianstructureevolvedwhichwasdominatedbylandlords,moneylenders,

merchantsandthecolonialstate.Subinfeudation,tenancyandshare-croppingincreasinglydominatedboththezamindariandryotwariareas.Bytheforties,thelandlordscontrolledover70percentofthelandandalongwiththemoneylendersandthecolonialstateappropriatedmorethanhalfofthetotalagriculturalproduction.Thecolonialstate’sinterestinagriculturewasprimarilyconfinedtocollectinglandrevenueandit

spentverylittleonimprovingagriculture.Similarly,landlordsandmoneylendersfoundrack-rentingoftenantsandsharecroppersandusuryfarmoreprofitableandsafethanmakingproductiveinvestmentinthelandtheyownedorcontrolled.Allthiswashardlyconducivetoagriculturaldevelopment.Inmanyareas,aclassofrichpeasantsdevelopedasaresultofcommercializationandtenancy

legislation,butmostofthemtoopreferredtobuylandandbecomelandlordsortoturntomoneylending.Asaresultcapitalistfarmingwasslowtodevelopexceptinafewpockets.Ontheotherhand,theimpoverishedcultivators,mostofthemsmallpeasants,tenants-at-willandsharecroppers,hadnoresourcesorincentivetoinvestintheimprovementofagriculturebyusingbettercattleandseeds,moremanureandfertilizersandimprovedtechniquesofproduction.Formostofthecolonialperiod,landlessnesshadbeenrising,sothatthenumberoflandlessagriculturallabourersgrewfrom13percentoftheagriculturalpopulationin1871to28percentin1951.Theincreaseintenant-farmingandshare-croppingandovercrowdingofagriculturewasfollowedbyanextremesubdivisionoflandintosmallholdingsandfragmentation.Further,theseholdingswerescatteredintonon-contiguousparcelsandwhichledtocultivationbecominguneconomicandincapableofmaintainingthecultivatorevenatasubsistencelevel.Ofcourse,thelinkagewiththeworldmarketanddevelopmentofroadsandrailwaysdidleadtoalarge

partofruralproduceenteringtheurbanandworldmarketsandtotheproductionofcommercialcrops.However,commercializationofagriculturedidnotleadtocapitalistfarmingorimprovedtechnology.Itschiefresultwasthatbettersoil.availablewaterandotherresourcesweredivertedfromfoodcropstocommercialcrops.Atatimewhenagricultureinthedevelopedcountrieswasbeingmodernizedandrevolutionized,there

wasnearabsenceofchangeinthetechnologicalorproductionbaseofIndianagriculture.Indianpeasantscontinuedtousetheprimitiveimplementstheyhadusedforcenturies.Forexample,in1951,therewereonly930,000ironploughsinusewhilewoodenploughsnumbered31.3million.Theuseofinorganicfertilizerswasvirtuallyunknown,whilealargepartofanimalmanure—cowdung,nightsoilandcattle

bones—waswasted.In1938-39,only11percentofallcroppedlandwasunderimprovedseeds,theirusebeinglargelyconfinedtonon-foodcashcrops.Agriculturaleducationwascompletelyneglected.In1946,therewereonly9agriculturalcollegeswith

3,110students.Therewashardlyanyinvestmentinterracing,flood-control,drainage,andde-salienationofsoil.Irrigationwastheonlyfieldinwhichsomeprogresswasmadesothatbythefortiesnearly27percentofthetotalcultivatedareawasirrigated.But,then,Indiahadalwaysbeenquiteadvancedinirrigationcultivation.AnothercentralaspectofIndia’seconomicbackwardnesswasthestateofitsindustry.Duringthe

nineteenthcentury,therewasaquickcollapseofIndianhandicraftandartisanalindustrieslargelybecauseofthecompetitionfromthecheaperimportedmanufacturesfromBritaintogetherwiththepolicyoffreetradeimposedonIndia.Theruinedartisansfailedtofindalternativeemployment.Theonlychoiceopentothemwastocrowdintoagricultureastenants,sharecroppersandagriculturallabourers.ModernindustriesdiddevelopinIndiafromthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury.But,bothin

termsofproductionandemployment,thelevelofindustrialdevelopmentwasstuntedandpaltrycomparedwiththatofthedevelopedcountries.Itdidnotcompensateevenforthehandicraftindustriesitdisplaced.Industrialdevelopmentwasmainlyconfinedtocottonandjuteandteainthenineteenthcenturyandtosugar,cementandpaperinthenineteenthirties.Therehadbeensomedevelopmentoftheironandsteelindustryafter1907,butaslateas1946,cottonandjutetextilesaccountedfornearly30percentofallworkersemployedinfactoriesandmorethan55percentofthetotalvalueaddedbymanufacturing.TheshareofmodernindustriesinnationalincomeattheendofBritishrulewasonly7.5percent.Indiaalsolaggedinthedevelopmentofelectricpower.Similarly,modernbankingandinsuranceweregrosslyunderdeveloped.AnimportantindexofIndia’sindustrialbackwardnessandeconomicdependenceonthemetropolis

wasthevirtualabsenceofcapitalgoodsandmachineindustries.In1950,Indiametabout90percentofitsneedsofmachinetoolsthroughimports.Theunderdevelopedcharacterofthismodernpartoftheeconomycanbeseenbycomparingcertaineconomicstatisticsfor1950and1984(thefiguresfor1984aregivenwithinbrackets).In1950Indiaproduced1.04milliontonsofsteel(6.9milliontons),32.8milliontonsofcoal(155.2milliontons),2.7milliontonsofcement(29.9milliontons),3millionrupeesworthofmachinetoolsandportabletools(3,28millionrupees),7locomotives(200),99,000bicycles(5,944,000),14millionelectricallamps(317.8million),33,000sewingmachines(338,000),anditgenerated14kwhelectricitypercapita(160kwh).In1950,thenumberofbankofficesandbrancheswas5,072;in1983thefigurehadrisento33,055.In1950,outofapopulationof357milliononly2.3millionwereemployedinmodernindustries.Anotherindexofeconomicbackwardnesswasthehighrural-urbanratioofIndia’spopulationbecause

ofgrowingdependenceonagriculture.In1951,nearly82.3percentofthepopulationwasrural.Whilein1901,63.7percentofIndianshaddependedonagriculture,by1941thisfigurehadgoneupto70.Ontheotherhandthenumberofpersonsengagedinprocessingandmanufacturingfellfrom10.3millionin1901to8.8millionin1951eventhoughthepopulationincreasedbynearly40percent.Tillthelatethirties,foreigncapitaldominatedtheindustrialandfinancialfieldsandcontrolledforeign

tradeasalsopartoftheinternaltradethatfedintoexports.Britishfirmsdominatedcoalmining,thejuteindustry,shipping,bankingandinsurance,andteaandcoffeeplantations.Moreover,throughtheir

managingagencies,theBritishcapitalistscontrolledmanyoftheIndian-ownedcompanies.Itmaybeaddedthatmanyofthenegativeeffectsofforeigncapitalaroseoutofthestatepowerbeingunderaliencontrol.Lopsidedindustrialdevelopmentwasyetanotherstrikingfeature.Industrieswereconcentratedonlyin

afewregionsandcitiesofthecountry.Thisnotonlyledtowideregionaldisparitiesinincomebutalsoaffectedthelevelofregionalintegration.ButthereweresomemajorchangesthatoccurredintheIndianeconomy,especiallyduringthethirties

andfortiesthatdidimpartacertainstrengthtoitandprovidedabaseforpost-independenceeconomicdevelopment.Onepositivefeaturewasthegrowthofthemeansoftransportandcommunication.Intheforties,India

had65,000milesofpavedroadsandnearly42,000milesofrailwaytrack.Roadsandrailwaysunifiedthecountryandmaderapidtransitofgoodsandpersonspossible.However,intheabsenceofasimultaneousindustrialrevolution,onlyacommercialrevolutionwasproducedwhichfurthercolonializedtheIndianeconomy.AlsotherailwaylineswerelaidprimarilywithaviewtolinkIndia’sinlandrawmaterial-producingareaswiththeportsofexportandtopromotethespreadofimportedmanufacturesfromtheportstotheinterior.TheneedsofIndianindustrieswithregardtotheirmarketsandsourcesofrawmaterialswereneglectedasnostepsweretakentoencouragetrafficbetweeninlandcentres.Therailwayfreightrateswerealsosofixedastofavourimportsandexportsandtodiscriminateagainstinternalmovementofgoods.Moreover,unlikeinBritainandtheUnitedStates,railwaysdidnotinitiatesteelandmachineindustriesinIndia.Instead,itwastheBritishsteelandmachineindustrieswhichwerethebeneficiariesofrailwaydevelopmentinIndia.TheGovernmentofIndiaalsoestablishedanefficientandmodernpostalandtelegraphsystem,thoughthetelephonesystemremainedunderdeveloped.AnotherimportantfeaturewasthedevelopmentofthesmallbutIndian-ownedindustrialbase.It

consistedofseveralconsumerindustriessuchcottonandjutetextiles,sugar,soap,paperandmatches.Someintermediatecapitalgoodsindustriessuchasironandsteel,cement,basicchemicals,metallurgyandengineeringhadalsobeguntocomeup,butonapaltryscale.By1947,Indiaalreadypossessedacoreofscientificandtechnicalmanpower,eventhoughfacilitiesfortechnicaleducationweregrosslyinadequate,therebeingonly7engineeringcollegeswith2,217studentsinthecountryin1939.Also,mostofthemanagerialandtechnicalpersonnelinindustrywerenon-Indian.Therewasalso,after1914,theriseofastrongindigenouscapitalistclasswithanindependent

economicandfinancialbase.TheIndiancapitalistswere,inthemain,independentofforeigncapital.Unlikeinmanyothercolonialcountries,theywerenotintermediariesormiddlemenbetweenforeigncapitalandtheIndianmarket,orjuniorpartnersinforeign-controlledenterprises.TheywerealsoperhapsmoreenterprisingthantheforeigncapitalistsinIndia,withtheresultthatinvestmentunderIndiancapitalgrewconsiderablyfasterthanBritishandotherforeigninvestment.BytheendofWorldWarII,Indiancapitalcontrolled60percentofthelargeindustrialunits.Thesmall-scaleindustrialsector,whichgeneratedmorenationalincomethanthelarge-scalesector,wasalmostwhollybasedonIndiancapital.By1947,Indiancapitalhadalsomadeagreatdealofheadwayinbankingandlifeinsurance.Indian

joint-stockbanksheld64centofallbankdeposits,andIndian-ownedlifeinsurancecompaniescontrolled

nearly75percentoflifeinsurancebusinessinthecountry.ThebulkofinternaltradeandpartofforeigntradewasalsoinIndianhands.ThesepositivefeaturesoftheIndianeconomyhave,however,tobeseeninawiderhistoricalcontext.

First,thedevelopmentofIndianindustryandcapitalismwasstillrelativelystuntedandseverelylimited.Then,occurringwithintheframeworkofacolonialeconomy,thisindustrializationtookplacewithoutIndiaundergoinganindustrialrevolutionasBritaindid.Theeconomydidnottake-off.Whateverdevelopmentoccurredwasnotbecauseof,butinspiteofcolonialismandofteninoppositiontocolonialpolicies.ItwastheresultofintenseeconomicandpoliticalstruggleagainstcolonialisminthecontextofBritain’sdecliningpositionintheworldeconomyandthetwoworldwarsandtheGreatDepressionofthethirties.Lastly,fuller,unfetteredorautonomouseconomicdevelopmentortake-offcouldnothavetakenplacewithoutabreakwithanddestructuringofcolonialism.Theendresultofcolonialunderdevelopmentwasthepauperizationofthepeople,especiallythe

peasantryandtheartisans.Extremeandvisiblepoverty,diseaseandhungerandstarvationwerethelotoftheordinarypeople.ThisfoundculminationinaseriesofmajorfamineswhichravagedallpartsofIndiainthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury;therewereregularscarcitiesandminorfaminesinoneortheotherpartofthecountrythroughoutBritishrule.Thelastofthemajorfaminesin1943carriedawaynearly3millionpeopleinBengal.ThereweremanyotherindicationsofIndia’seconomicbackwardnessandimpoverishment.Throughout

thetwentiethcentury,percapitaincomehadstagnatedifnotdeclined.During1941-50,theannualdeathratewas25per1,000personswhiletheinfantmortalityratewasbetween175and190per1,000livebirths.AnaverageIndianbornbetween1940and1951couldexpecttoliveforbarelythirty-twoyears.Epidemicslikesmallpox,plagueandcholeraanddiseaseslikedysentery,diarrhoea,malariaandotherfeverscarriedawaymillionseveryyear.Malariaaloneaffectedone-fourthofthepopulation.Healthservicesweredismal.In1943,therewereonly10medicalcollegesturningout700graduates

everyyearand27medicalschoolsturningoutnearly7,000licentiates.In1951,therewereonlyabout18,000graduatedoctors,mostofthemtobefoundincities.Thenumberofhospitalswas1,915with1,16,731bedsandofdispensaries6,589,with7,072beds.Thevastmajorityoftownshadnomodernsanitationandlargepartsofeventhosecitieswhichdid,werekeptoutofthesystem,modernsanitationbeingconfinedtoareaswheretheEuropeansandrichIndianslived.Amodernwatersupplysystemwasunknowninvillagesandabsentinalargenumberoftowns.Thevastmajorityoftownswerewithoutelectricity,andelectricityintheruralareaswasunthinkable.Alreadybytheendofthenineteenthcenturyitwasfullyrecognizedthateducationwasacrucialinput

andeconomicdevelopment,butthevastmajorityofIndianshadalmostnoaccesstoanykindofeducationand,in1951,nearly84percentwereilliterate,therateofilliteracybeing92percentamongwomen.Therewereonly13,590middleschoolsand7,288highschools.ThesefiguresdonotadequatelyreflectthestateofthevastmajorityofIndians,fortheyignoretheprevalenceoftheextremeinequalityofincome,resourcesandopportunities.Avasthumanpotentialwastherebyleftuntappedinsocietaldevelopmentforveryfewfromthepoorersectionsofsocietywereabletorise,toitsmiddleandupperlevels.Itisalsotobenotedthatahighrateofpopulationgrowthwasnotresponsibleforthepovertyand

impoverishment,forithadbeenonlyabout0.6percentperyearbetween1871and1941.Thus,astagnatingpercapitaincome,abysmalstandardsofliving,

stuntedindustrialdevelopmentandstagnating,low-productivity,semi-feudalagriculturemarkedtheeconomiclegacyofcolonialismasitnearedtheend.

TheColonialState

TheBritishevolvedageneraleducationalsystem,basedonEnglishasthecommonlanguageofhighereducation,fortheentirecountry.ThissystemintimeproducedanIndia-wideintelligentsiawhichtendedtohaveasimilarapproachtosocietyandcommonwaysoflookingatitandwhichwas,atitsbest,capableofdevelopingacritiqueofcolonialism—andthisitdidduringthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturyandafter.ButEnglish-basededucationhadtwoextremelynegativeconsequences.One,itcreatedawidegulfbetweentheeducatedandthemasses.Thoughthisgulfwasbridgedtosomeextentbythenationalmovementwhichdrewitsleadersaswellitscadresfromtheintelligentsia,itstillpersistedtohauntindependentIndia.Second,theemphasisonEnglishpreventedthefullerdevelopmentofIndianlanguagesasalsothespreadofeducationtothemasses.Thecolonialeducationalsystem,otherwisealsosufferedfrommanyweaknesseswhichstillpervade

India’sschoolsandcolleges.Itencouragedlearningbyrote,memorizationoftexts,andproofbyauthority.Therational,logical,analyticalandcriticalfacultiesofthestudentsremainedunderdeveloped;inmostcasestheycouldreproduceothers’opinionsbuthaddifficultyinformulatingtheirown.Amajorweaknessofthecolonialeducationalsystemwastheneglectofmasseducationasalsoofscientificandtechnicaleducation.Therewasalsothealmosttotallackofconcernfortheeducationofgirls,sothatin1951onlyeightoutof100womeninIndiawereliterate.Thecharacterofthecolonialstatewasquiteparadoxical.Whileitwasbasicallyauthoritarianand

autocratic,italsofeaturedcertainliberalelements,liketheruleoflawandarelativelyindependentjudiciary.Theadministrationwasnormallycarriedoutinobediencetolawsinterpretedbythecourts.Thisactedasapartialcheckontheautocraticandarbitraryadministrationandtoacertainextentprotectedtherightsandlibertiesofacitizenagainstthearbitraryactionsofthebureaucracy.Thelawswere,however,oftenrepressive.NotbeingframedbyIndians,andthroughademocraticprocess,theyleftagreatdealofarbitrarypowerinthehandsofthecivilservantsandthepolice.Therewasalsonoseparationofpowersbetweenadministrativeandjudicialfunctions.Thesamecivilservantadministeredadistrictascollectoranddispensedjusticeasadistrictmagistrate.Thecoloniallegalsystemwasbasedontheconceptofequalityofallbeforethelawirrespectiveofa

person’scaste,religion,classorstatus,butheretooitfellshortofitspromise.ThecourtactedinabiasedmannerwhenevereffortwasmadetobringanEuropeantojustice.Besides,ascourtprocedureswerequitecostly,therichhadbetteraccesstolegalmeansthanthepoor.Colonialrulersalsoextendedacertainamountofcivillibertiesintheformofthefreedomsofthe

Press,speechandassociationinnormaltimes,butcurtailedthemdrasticallyinperiodsofmassstruggle.Butafter1897,thesefreedomswereincreasinglytamperedwithandattackedeveninnormaltimes.Anotherparadoxofthecolonialstatewasthatafter1858itregularlyofferedconstitutionaland

economicconcessionswhilethroughoutretainingthereinsofstatepower.Atfirst,BritishstatesmenandadministratorsstronglyandconsistentlyresistedtheideaofestablishingarepresentativeregimeinIndia,arguingthatdemocracywasnotsuitedtoIndia.Theysaidonlyasystemof‘benevolentdespotism’wasadvisablebecauseofIndia’scultureandhistoricalheritage.ButunderIndianpressure,electionsand

legislatureswereintroducedbothattheCentreandintheprovinces.Nevertheless,thefranchise,ortherighttovote,wasextremelynarrow.Onlyabout3percentIndianscouldvoteafter1919,andabout15percentafter1935.Thegovernmentthushopedtoco-optandtherebyweakenthenationalmovementandusetheconstitutionalstructuretomaintainitspoliticaldomination.Thelegislatures,however,didnotenjoymuchpowertill1935andeventhensupremepowerresidedwiththeBritish.Thegovernmentcouldtakeanyactionwithouttheapprovalofthelegislaturesand,infact,coulddowhatitliked,whenitliked.Butthelegislatorsdidhavethepossibilitytoexposethebasic,authoritariancharacterofthegovernmentandthehollownessofcolonialconstitutionalreforms.Thelegislaturesdid,however,providesomeIndiansexperienceofparticipatinginelectionsatvarious

levelsandworkinginelectedorgans.Thisexperiencewasusefulafter1947whenIndiansacquiredrepresentativeinstitutions.Meanwhile,thenationalistsusedtheconstitutionalspaceinconjunctionwithmassstrugglesandintensepolitical,ideologicalcampaignstooverthrowcolonialrule.ThecoloniallegacyabouttheunityofIndiawasmarkedbyastrangeparadox.Thecolonialstate

broughtaboutagreaterpoliticalandadministrativeunificationofIndiathaneverachievedbefore.BuildingontheMughaladministrativesystem,itestablishedauniformsystemwhichpenetratedthecountry’sremotestareasandcreatedasingleadministrativeentity.TheBritishalsoevolvedacommoneducationalstructurewhichintimeproducedanIndia-wideintelligentsiawhichsharedacommonoutlookonsocietyandpolity,andthoughtinnationalterms.Combinedwiththeformationofaunifiedeconomyandthedevelopmentofmodernmeansofcommunication,colonialismhelpedlaythebasisformakingoftheIndiannation.ButhavingunifiedIndia,theBritishsetintomotioncontraryforces.FearingtheunityoftheIndian

peopletowhichtheirownrulehadcontributed,theyfollowedtheclassicimperialpolicyofdivideandrule.ThediverseanddivisivefeaturesofIndiansocietyandpolitywereheightenedtopromotecleavagesamongthepeopleandtoturnprovinceagainstprovince,casteagainstcaste,classagainstclass,HindusagainstMuslims,andtheprincesandlandlordsagainstthenationalmovement.Theysucceededintheirendeavourstoavaryingextent,whichculminatedinIndia’sPartition.TheBritishruledIndiathroughamodernbureaucracyheadedbythehighly-paidIndianCivilService

(ICS)whosememberswererecruitedthroughmeritbasedonopencompetition.Thebureaucracywasrule-bound,efficientand,atthetop,ratherhonest.FollowingIndianpressurethedifferentservicesweregraduallyIndianizedafter1918—by1947,nearly48percentofthemembersoftheICSwereIndian—butpositionsofcontrolandauthoritywereuptotheendretainedbytheBritish.IndiansintheseservicestoofunctionedasagentsofBritishrule.Thoughtheirseniorechelonsdevelopedcertaintraditionsofindependence,integrity,hardwork,and

subordinationtohigherpoliticaldirectiontheyalsocametoformarigidandexclusivecaste,oftenhavingaconservativeandnarrowsocial,economicandpoliticaloutlook.Whenmassivesocialchangeandeconomicdevelopmentwassoughtafter1947,therigidityandtheoutlookofthebureaucracybecameamajorobstacle.WhiletheICSwasmoreorlessfreeofcorruption,itflourishedatthelowerlevelsofadministration,

especiallyindepartmentswheretherewasscopeforit,suchaspublicworksandirrigation,theRoyalArmySupplyCorps,andthepolice.DuringtheSecondWorldWar,becauseofgovernmentregulationandcontrols,corruptionandblackmarketingspreadonamuchwiderscaleintheadministrationasalsodid

taxevasion,onceratesofincometaxandexcisewererevisedtoveryhighlevels.Therewasalsotheriseoftheparallel,blackeconomy.TheBritishleftbehindastrongbutcostlyarmedforcewhichhadactedasanimportantpillarofthe

BritishregimeinIndia.TheBritishhadmadeeveryefforttokeepthearmedforcesapartfromthelifeandthinkingoftherestofthepopulation,especiallythenationalmovement.Nationalistnewspapers,journalsandotherpublicationswerepreventedfromreachingthesoldiers’andofficers’messes.Theothersideofthemedal,ofcourse,wasthetraditionofthearmybeing‘apolitical’andthereforealsobeingsubordinated,aswasthecivilservice,tothepoliticalauthorities.ThiswouldbeablessinginthelongruntoindependentIndia,incontrasttothenewly-createdPakistan.Referringreproachfullytothelegacybequeathedbycolonialism,RabindranathTagorewrotejustthree

monthsbeforehisdeathin1941:ThewheelsoffatewillsomedaycompeltheEnglishtogiveuptheirIndianEmpire.ButwhatkindofIndiawilltheyleavebehind,whatstarkmisery?Whenthestreamoftheircenturies’administrationrunsdryatlast,whatawasteofmudandfilthwilltheyleavebehindthem.

3TheNationalMovementanditsLegacy

Anappreciationofthehundred-year-oldfreedomstruggleisintegraltoananalysisofdevelopmentsinpost-1947India.WhileIndiainheriteditseconomicandadministrativestructuresfromtheprecolonialandcolonialperiod,thevaluesandideals—thevision—andthewell-definedandcomprehensiveideologythatweretoinspireitinnationbuildingwerederivedfromthenationalmovement.RepresentingtheIndianpeople,itincorporatedvariouspoliticaltrendsfromtherighttotheleftwhichwerecommittedtoitsideologicalgoals;itexcludedonlythecommunalistsandthoseloyaltothecolonialrulers.Thesegoalsandvalueswere,moreover,notconfinedtotheintellectualsandthemiddleclasses.During

theeraofmasspolitics,tensofthousandsofthemosthumblecadresdisseminatedthemamongthecommonpeopleintheurbanaswellasruralareas.Consequently,theseidealsweretoplayacriticalroleinintegratingandkeepingtogetherIndiansocietyandpolityinthelastfivedecades.TheyservedtolinkthenationalliberationmovementwiththeeffortstodevelopIndia,inwhatJawaharlalNehrucharacterizedas‘acontinuingrevolution’.Itis,infact,theseidealsbywhichpeopleandpartiesarestillevaluatedandjudged.

CharacteroftheNationalMovement

Thefreedomstrugglewasperhapsthegreatestmassmovementinworldhistory.After1919,itwasbuiltaroundthebasicnotionthatthepeoplehadtoandcouldplayanactiveroleinpoliticsandintheirownliberation,anditsucceededinpoliticizing,anddrawingintopoliticalactionalargepartoftheIndianpeople.Gandhiji,theleaderwhomovedandmobilizedmillionsintopolitics,allhislifepropagatedtheviewthatthepeopleandnotleaderscreatedamassmovement,whetherfortheoverthrowofthecolonialregimeorforsocialtransformation.Headded,though,thatthesuccessorfailureofamovementdependedagreatdealonthequalityofitsleadership.Satyagraha,asaformofstruggle,wasbasedontheactiveparticipationofthepeopleandonthe

sympathyandsupportofthenon-participatingmillions.Infact,unlikeaviolentrevolution,whichcouldbewagedbyaminorityofcommittedcadresandfighters,anon-violentrevolutionneededthepoliticalmobilizationofmillionsandthepassivesupportofthevastmajority.Itmaybepointedout,parenthetically,thatitwasbecauseofthelongexperienceofthiskindofpolitical

participationbycommonpeoplethatthefoundersoftheIndianRepublic,whoalsoledthefreedomstruggleinitslastphase,couldreposefullfaithintheirpoliticalcapacity.Theleadersunhesitatinglyintroducedadultfranchisedespitewidespreadpovertyandilliteracy.

TheIndiannationalmovementwasfullycommittedtoapolitybasedonrepresentativedemocracyandthefullrangeofcivillibertiesfortheindividual.Itprovidedtheexperiencethroughwhichthesetwocould

becomeanintegralpartofIndianpoliticalthinking.Fromtheverybeginningthemovementpopularizeddemocraticideasandinstitutionsamongthepeople

andstruggledfortheintroductionofparliamentaryinstitutionsonthebasisofpopularelections.Startingfromtheturnofthetwentiethcentury,thenationalistsdemandedtheintroductionofadultfranchise.MuchattentionwasalsopaidtothedefenceofthefreedomofthePressandspeechagainstattacksbythecolonialauthoritiesbesidesthepromotionofotherpoliticalandeconomicpolicies.Throughout,themovementstruggledtoexpandthesemi-democraticpoliticalarenaandpreventtherulersfromlimitingtheexistingspacewithinwhichlegalpoliticalactivitiesandpeacefulpoliticalagitationsandmassstrugglecouldbeorganized.Congressministries,formedin1937,visiblyextendedcivillibertiestotheresurgentpeasants’,

workers’andstudents’movementsasalsotoradicalgroupsandpartiessuchasCongressSocialistpartyandCommunistparty.Fromitsfoundationin1885,theIndianNationalCongress,themainpoliticalorganofthenational

movement,wasorganizedondemocraticlines.Itreliedupondiscussionatalllevelsasthechiefmodefortheformationofitspoliciesandarrivingatpoliticaldiscussions.Itspoliciesandresolutionswerepubliclydiscussedanddebatedandthenvotedupon.Someofthemostimportantdecisionsinitshistoryweretakenafterrichandheateddebatesandonthebasisofopenvoting.Forexample,thedecisionin1920tostarttheNon-CooperationMovementwastakenwith1336votingforand884votingagainstGandhiji’sresolution.Similarly,attheLahoreCongressin1929,whereGandhijiwasaskedtotakechargeofthecomingCivilDisobedienceMovement,aresolutionsponsoredbyhimcondemningthebombattackontheViceroy’strainbytherevolutionaryterroristswaspassedbyanarrowmajorityof942to794.DuringtheSecondWorldWar,Gandhiji’sstandoncooperationwiththewareffortwasrejectedbyCongressinJanuary1942.Congressdidnotinsistonanidentityofviewpointsorpolicyapproacheswithinitsranks.Itallowed

dissentandnotonlytoleratedbutencourageddifferentandminorityopinionstobeopenlyheldandfreelyexpressed.Infact,dissentbecameapartofitsstyle.Atindependence,Congress,thus,hadtheexperienceofdemocraticfunctioningandstruggleforcivillibertiesforoversixtyyears.Furthermore,thedemocraticstyleoffunctioningwasnotpeculiartoCongress.MostotherpoliticalorganizationssuchastheCongressSocialistparty,tradeunionsandKisanSabhas,students’,writers’andwomen’sorganizations,andprofessionalassociationsfunctionedinthemannerofpoliticaldemocracies.Themajorleadersofthemovementwerecommittedwholeheartedlytocivilliberties.Itisworth

quotingthem.Forexample,LokamanyaTilakproclaimedthat‘libertyofthePressandlibertyofspeechgivebirthtoanationandnourishit’.1Gandhijiwrotein1922:‘Wemustfirstmakegoodtherightoffreespeechandfreeassociation...Wemustdefendtheseelementaryrightswithourlives.’Andagainin1939:‘Civillibertyconsistentwiththeobservanceofnon-violenceisthefirststeptowardsSwaraj.Itisthebreathofpoliticalandsociallife.Itisthefoundationoffreedom.Thereisnoroomtherefordilutionorcompromise.Itisthewateroflife.Ihaveneverheardofwaterbeingdiluted.’2ItthusbecomesclearthatGandhijiwasfullycommittedtoliberal,democraticvalues—onlyhealsosawtheirdeficienciesandbelievedthattheexistingliberaldemocraticstructure,asprevailingintheWest,wasnotadequateinenablingthepeopletocontrolthewieldersofpoliticalpower.JawaharlalNehruwrotein1936:‘Ifcivillibertiesaresuppressedanationlosesallvitalityandbecomesimpotentforanythingsubstantial.’3

Further,theresolutiononfundamentalrights,passedbytheKarachiCongressin1931,guaranteedtherightsoffreeexpressionofopinionthroughspeechorthePress,andfreedomofassociation.Theconsensusonthepracticeofnon-violenceduringthenationalmovementalsocontributedtothe

creationofatemperofdemocracyinthecountry.Discussion,debateandpersuasion,backedbypublicopinion,wasemphasizedforbringingaboutpoliticalandsocialchangeasopposedtoglorificationofviolencewhichliesattheheartofauthoritarianism.Thedefenceofcivillibertieswasalsonotnarrowlyconceivedintermsofasinglegrouporviewpoint.

Politicaltrendsandgroupsotherwisecriticalofeachotherandoftenatoppositeendsofthepoliticalorideologicalspectrumvigorouslydefendedeachother’scivilrights.TheModerates—GopalKrishnaGokhale,SurendranathBanerjeaandothers—defendedtheExtremistleaderTilak’srighttospeakandwritewhatheliked.AndCongressmen,votariesofnon-violence,defendedBhagatSinghandotherrevolutionaryterroristsbeingtriedintheLahoreandotherconspiracycasesasalsotheCommunistsbeingtriedintheMeerutConspiracyCase.In1928,thePublicSafetyBillandtheTradeDisputesBill,aimedatsuppressingtradeunions,theleftwingandtheCommunists,wereopposedintheCentralLegislativeAssemblynotonlybyMotilalNehrubutalsobyconservativessuchasMadanMohanMalaviyaandM.R.Jayakar,besidespoliticalspokespersonsoftheIndiancapitalistssuchasGhanshyamDasBirlaandPurshottamdasThakurdas.Thebasicnotionsofpopularsovereignty,representativegovernmentandcivillibertiestobeexercised

evenagainsttherulerswerenotpartofIndia’straditionnorwerethey,assomewronglyhold,‘thelastingcontributionofcolonialism.’Itwasthenationalmovementandnotthebureaucratic,authoritariancolonialstatethatindigenized,popularizedandrootedtheininIndia.Aspointedoutinanearlierchapter,thecolonialadministrationandideologiesnotonlytamperedwithcivillibertiesandresistedthenationalistdemandfortheintroductionofaparliamentarysystembasedonpopularelectionsbut,fromthemiddleofthenineteenthcentury,promotedtheviewthatforgeographical,historicalandsocioculturalreasonsIndiawasunfitfordemocracy.Itwasinoppositiontothiscolonialideologyandpracticethatthenationalmovement,influenceddeeplybydemocraticthoughtandtraditionsoftheEnlightenment,succeededinmakingdemocracyandcivillibertybasicelementsoftheIndianpoliticalethos.IffreeIndiacouldstartandpersistwithademocraticpolity,itwasbecausethenationalmovementhadalreadyfirmlyestablishedthecivillibertariananddemocratictraditionamongtheIndianpeople.ItwasthistraditionwhichwasreflectedintheIndianConstitutionandwhichprovedwrongCassandraswhohadrepeatedlypredictedthatdemocracyandcivillibertieswouldnotsurviveinasocietysodividedbylanguage,religion,casteandcultureandintheabsenceofaminimumofprosperityoreconomicdevelopmentandliteracyaswasthecaseinwesternEuropeandtheUnitedStates.Itisthistraditionwhichexplainswhymulti-partydemocracyandcivillibertieshavemetdifferentfatesinIndiaandPakistan,thoughbothequallyconstitutedcolonialIndia.Thepoliticalparty(anditspolitics)thatbroughtaboutPakistanwasnotknownforitsdefenceofcivilliberties,oritsfunctioningondemocraticlines,oritstolerancetowardsitspoliticalopponents.Democracywasno,asignificantpartofitspoliticalculture.Besides,thenationalmovementanditspoliticalculturewereweakpreciselyintheareaswhichcametoconstitutePakistan.Toconclude,overtheyears,thenationalistmovementsuccessfullycreated,analternativetocolonial

andprecolonialpoliticalculturebasedonauthoritarianism,bureaucratism,obedienceandpaternalism.Its

ideologyandcultureofdemocracyandcivillibertieswerebasedonrespectfordissent,freedomofexpression,themajorityprinciple,andtherightofminorityopiniontoexistanddevelop.

EconomicUnderpinningsoftheNationalMovement

TheIndiannationalmovementdevelopedacomplexandsophisticatedcritiqueofthebasicfeaturesofIndia’scolonialeconomy,especiallyofitssubordinationtotheneedsoftheBritisheconomy.Onthebasisofthiscritique,themovementevolvedabroadeconomicstrategytoovercomeIndia’seconomicbackwardnessandunderdevelopment.ThiswastoformthebasisofIndia’seconomicthinkingafterindependence.Thevisionofaself-reliantindependenteconomywasdevelopedandpopularized.Self-reliancewas

definednotasautarchybutasavoidanceofasubordinatepositionintheworldeconomy.AsJawaharlalNehruputitin1946,self-reliance‘doesnotexcludeinternationaltrade,whichshouldbeencouraged,butwithaviewtoavoideconomicimperialism.’4Atthesametime,thenationalistsacceptedfromthebeginningandwithnearunanimitytheobjectiveofeconomicdevelopmenttowardsmodernagricultureandindustryonthebasisofmodernscienceandtechnology—India,theyheld,hadtoindustrializeorgounder.Theyalsoemphasizedthecloselinkbetweenindustryandagriculture.Industrialdevelopmentwasseenasessentialforruraldevelopment,foritalonecouldreducepopulationpressureonlandandruralunemployment.Withinindustrialization,theemphasiswasonthecreationofanindigenousheavycapitalgoodsormachine-makingsectorwhoseabsencewasseenasacausebothofeconomicdependenceandunderdevelopment.Simultaneously,foressentialconsumergoods,thenationalistsadvocatedrelianceonmedium,small-scaleandcottageindustries.Small-scaleandcottageindustriesweretobeencouragedandprotectedasapartofthedevelopmentstrategyofincreasingemployment.Indiannationalistswereopposedtotheunrestrictedentryofforeigncapitalbecauseitreplacedand

suppressedIndiancapital,especiallyunderconditionsofforeignpoliticaldomination.Accordingtothemrealandself-reliantdevelopmentcouldoccuronlythroughindigenouscapital.Ontheotherhand,thenationalistsaverredthatifIndiawaspoliticallyindependentandfreetoevolveitsowneconomicpolicies,itmightuseforeigncapitaltosupplementindigenousefforts,becauseofhervastcapitalrequirementsandneedtoimportmachineryandadvancedtechnologyfromothercountries.Duringthethirtiesandfortiesabasicrestructuringoftheagrarianrelationsalsobecameoneofthe

objectivesofthenationalmovement.Allintermediaryrent-receiverssuchasthezamindarsandotherlandlordsweretobeabolishedandagriculturebasedonpeasantproprietors.Anactiveandcentralrolewasenvisagedforthestateineconomicdevelopmentbythenationalists.

Rapidindustrialization,inparticular,neededacomprehensivepolicyofdirectandsystematicstateintervention.Economicplanningbythegovernmentandthemassivedevelopmentofthepublicsectorwerewidelyacceptedinthethirties.Thestatewastodeveloplarge-scaleandkeyindustriesapartfrominfrastructure,suchaspower,irrigation,roadsandwater-supply,wherelargeresourceswereneeded,andwhichwerebeyondthecapacityofIndiancapital.Asearlyas1931,theResolutiononFundamentalRightsandEconomicProgramme,adoptedattheKarachisessionoftheIndianNationalCongressdeclaredthatinindependentIndia‘theStateshallownorcontrolkeyindustriesandservices,mineralresources,railways,waterways,shippingandothermeansofpublictransport.’5Interestingly,thesession

waspresidedoverbySardarPatel,theResolutiondraftedbyJawaharlalNehruandmovedintheopensessionbyGandhiji.TopromoteplanningasaninstrumentofintegratedandcomprehensivedevelopmentCongresssponsoredin1938theNationalPlanningCommitteewhiletheIndiancapitalistsformulatedtheBombayPlanin1943.Gandhijiwastheonlymajornationalistleaderwhodisagreedwiththeemphasisonmodernindustry.

But,intime,evenhemetthedominantviewhalfway.Inthethirties,herepeatedlyassertedthathewasnotopposedtoallmachineindustriesbutonlytothosewhichdisplacedhumanlabour.Headdedthathewould‘prizeeveryinventionofsciencemadeforthebenefitofall.’Butthiswassubjecttoonecondition:alllarge-scaleindustriesshouldbeownedandcontrolledbythestateandnotbyprivatecapitalists.Nevertheless,Gandhijididnotinsistthatthenationalmovementshouldaccepthiseconomicapproachoragenda,ashedidinthecaseofnon-violence,Hindu-Muslimunityandoppositiontountouchability.HealsodidnotcounterposehisviewstothoseoftheothernationalistsaswitnessedbyhismovingtheresolutionattheKarachisessionoftheCongressin1931whichfavoureddevelopmentoflarge-scaleindustryunderstateownershiporcontrol.Itisalsosignificantthatin1942hemadeJawaharlalNehruhisheirdespitethelatter’stotalcommitmenttothedevelopmentofindustryandagricultureonthebasisofmodernscienceandtechnology.Atthesametime,thenationalistmovementacceptedtheGandhianperspectiveoncottageandsmall-scaleindustries.ThisperspectivewastofindfullreflectionintheNehruvianSecondFiveYearPlan.

TheIndiannationalmovementwasquiteradicalbycontemporarystandards.Fromthebeginningithadapro-poororientation.Forexample,thepovertyofthemassesandtheroleofcolonialismasitssourcewasthestartingpointofDadabhaiNaoroji’seconomiccritiqueofcolonialism.WithGandhiandtheriseofasocialistcurrentthisorientationwasfurtherstrengthened.Theremovalofpovertybecamethemostimportantobjectivenexttotheoverthrowofcolonialism.Fromthelatetwenties,JawaharlalNehru,SubhasChandraBose,theCongressSocialists,the

Communists,theRevolutionaryTerroristsandvariousothersocialistgroupsstrovetogivethenationalmovementasocialistorientationandtopopularizethevisionofasocialistIndiaafterindependence.Socialistideasassumedprominencewithinthemovement,attractingtheyoungernationalistcadreandlargesectionsofthenationalistintelligentsia,buttheydidnotbecomethedominantcurrent.JawaharlalNehru,themajorideologueofsocialisminpre-1947India,readilyconcededthatCongresshadnotinanywayacceptedsocialismasitsideal.Ratherthegoalitsoughtwasthecreationofanegalitariansocietyinwhichallcitizenswouldhaveequalopportunitiesand‘acivilizedstandardoflife...soastomaketheattainmentofthisequalopportunityareality.’6

Nevertheless,evenwhilethequestionofthebasiceconomicstructureoffreeIndiaremainedopenandundecided,thesocialistsdidsucceedingivingthenationalmovementaleftisttilt.Itwascommittedtocarryingoutbasicchangesinsociety,economyandpolity.Itwentondefiningitselfinmoreandmoreradicalterms,basedonequityandsocialjusticeandgreatersocialandeconomicequality.Itacceptedandpropagatedaprogrammeofreformsthatwasquiteradicalbycontemporarystandards:compulsoryandfreeprimaryeducation,loweringoftaxesonthepoorandlowermiddleclasses,reductionofthesalttax,landrevenueandrent,debtreliefandprovisionofcheapcredittotheagriculturists,protectionoftenants’rightsandultimatelytheabolitionoflandlordismand‘landtothetiller’,theworkers’righttoaliving

wageandashorterworkingday,workers’andpeasants’rightstoorganizethemselvesandreformofthemachineryoflawandorder.AdramaticmomentintheevolutionofthisradicalorientationofthenationalmovementwastheKarachiresolutionofthe1931Congresswhichdeclaredthat‘inordertoendtheexploitationofthemasses,politicalfreedommustincluderealeconomicfreedomofthestarvingmillions.’7

AndtocrownthisgrowingradicalismwasthatofGandhijiwhodeclaredin1942that‘thelandbelongstothosewhoworkonitandtonooneelse.’8

Anaspectofitscommitmenttothecreationofanegalitariansociety,wasthenationalmovement’soppositiontoallformsofinequality,discriminationandoppressionbasedonsexandcaste.Itallieditselfwithandoftensubsumedmovementsandorganizationsforthesocialliberationofwomenandthelowercastes.Thenationalmovementbroughtmillionsofwomenoutofthehomeintothepoliticalarena.Itsreformagendaincludedtheimprovementoftheirsocialpositionincludingtherighttoworkandeducationandtoequalpoliticalrights.Aspartofitsstruggleagainstcasteinequalityandcasteoppression,abolitionofuntouchabilitybecameoneofitsmajorpoliticalprioritiesafter1920.Themovement,howeverfailedtoformandpropagateastronganti-casteideology,thoughGandhijididadvocatethetotalabolitionofthecastesystemitselfintheforties.ItwasbecauseoftheatmosphereandsentimentsgeneratedbythenationalmovementthatnovoicesofprotestwereraisedintheConstituentAssemblywhenreservationsfortheScheduledCastesandScheduledTribesweremooted.Similarly,thepassageoftheHinduCodeBillsinthefiftieswasfacilitatedbythenationalmovement’seffortsinfavourofthesocialliberationofwomen.

Secularism

Fromitsearlydays,thenationalmovementwascommittedtosecularism.Secularismwasdefinedinacomprehensivemannerwhichmeanttheseparationofreligionfrompoliticsandthestate,thetreatmentofreligionasaprivatematterfortheindividual,stateneutralitytowardsorequalrespectforallreligions,absenceofdiscriminationbetweenfollowersofdifferentreligions,andactiveoppositiontocommunalism.Forexample,tocountercommunalismandgiveexpressiontoitssecularcommitment,CongressinitsKarachiresolutionof1931declaredthatinfreeIndia‘everycitizenshallenjoyfreedomofconscienceandtherightfreelytoprofessandpractisehisreligion,’thatallcitizenswouldbe‘equalbeforethelaw,irrespectiveofcaste,creedorsex,’thatnodisabilitywouldattachtoanycitizenbecauseofcaste,creedorsex‘inregardtopublicemployment,officeofpowerorhonour,andintheexerciseofanytradeorcalling,’andthat‘theStateshallobserveneutralityinregardtoallreligions.’9

Itistruethatinhisearlyyears,Gandhi,adeeplyreligiousperson,emphasizedthecloseconnectionbetweenreligionandpolitics.Thiswasbecausehebelievedthatpoliticshadtobebasedonmorality,andtohimallreligionswerethesourceofmorality.Religionwas,infact,hebelieved,itselfmoralityintheIndiansenseofdharma.ButhenotonlymovedtheKarachiresolutionin1931,butwhenhesawthatthecommunalistswereusingreligionasasectarianbelief-systemtodividethepeople,heovertlybegantopreachtheseparationofreligionfrompolitics.Thushesaidin1942:‘Religionisapersonalmatterwhichshouldhavenoplaceinpolitics.’10Andagainin1947:‘Religionisthepersonalaffairofeachindividual.Itmustnotbemixedupwithpoliticsornationalaffairs.’11JawaharlalNehruwroteandspoke

passionatelyandwithdeepunderstandingoncommunalism.HewasperhapsthefirstIndiantoseecommunalismastheIndianformoffascism.Interestingly,theleadersofthenationalmovementneverappealedtothepeopleonreligiousgroundsorthattheBritishrulers’religionwasChristianity.TheircritiqueofBritishrulewasinvariablyeconomic,political,socialorcultural.Itistruethatthenationalmovementwasnotabletocounterforcesofcommunalismadequatelyor

evolveaneffectivestrategyagainstthem.ThiscontributedtothePartitionandthecommunalcarnageof1946-47.Butitwasbecauseofthestrongsecularcommitmentofthenationalmovementthat,despitethesetraumaticevents,independentIndiamadesecularismabasicpillarofitsConstitution,asalsoofitsstateandsociety.

Nation-in-the-making

Thenationalmovementrecognizedearlyonthattheprocessofnation-formationinIndiawasarecentone.Inotherwords,Indiawasanation-in-the-making.Promotingthisprocessthroughthecommonstruggleagainstcolonialismbecameabasicobjective.Inthisrespect,theleadershipofthemovementacknowledgedtheroleofcolonialisminunifyingIndiaeconomicallyandadministrativelyevenwhileitcriticizeditsfurtheringallkindsofpoliticallydivisivetendencies.Fromtheoutsetthemovementemphasizeditsall-Indianness.Forexample,theIndianNational

Congresswasfoundedin1885notasafederationoftheexistingprovincialpoliticalorganizationsbutasanewnation-wideorganizationcommittedtonation-widepoliticalmobilizationonthebasisofall-Indiademands.Itscadresanditsappeal,itsaudienceandaboveallitsleadershipweredrawnfromalloverIndia.Andfromthebeginningitemphasizedtheunityandintegrityofthecountry.Infact,itwastheallianceofthestatespeoples’movements,aspartoftheall-Indianationalmovement,thatenabledeasyintegrationoftheprincelystateswiththerestofIndiaafterindependence.Thisall-IndiannesswasnotapeculiarfeatureoftheIndianNationalCongress.Otherpoliticalparties

andpopularmassorganizationstoofollowedsuit.Tothenationalistleaders,thenotionofastructurednationdidnotcontradictitsunity.Theynotonly

acknowledgedbutalsoappreciatedIndia’srichcultural,linguistic,religious,ethnicandregionaldiversity.Theemergenceofastrongnationalidentityandthefloweringofothernarroweridentitieswereseenasmutuallyreinforcingprocesses.ThediversityandmultipleidentitieswerenotseenasobstaclestobeovercomebutaspositivefeaturesthatweresourcesofstrengthtoIndianculture,civilizationandthenation,andwereintegraltotheemergingnationhood.Theseregional-culturalidentities,inparticular,developednotinoppositiontobutaspartofthenationalmovementandtheall-Indiaidentity.Indiansocietywasalsodividedbyclass.Butwhilenotlettingclassdivisionstosegmentit,the

movementdidnotstandinthewayofclassorganizationsandclassstruggles.Overtime,thenationalmovementevolvedthedualconceptsandobjectivesofunityindiversityand

nationalintegration.Theformerwastobebasedonculturaldiversityandculturalinteraction,leadingtoafederalpolity.NationalintegrationwastoleadtoastrongpoliticalcentreandtheweavingofthedifferentculturalstrandsintoanevolvingcompositeIndianculture.

ForeignPolicy

IndependentIndia’sforeignpolicywasalsorootedintheprinciplesandpoliciesevolvedbythenationalistssincethe1870s.Overtime,Indianleadershaddevelopedabroadinternationaloutlookbasedonoppositiontocolonialismandsympathyandsupportforthepeoplesfightingfortheirindependence.Inthethirtiesandforties,thenationalmovementtookastronganti-fasciststand.ThiswasputforwardinamostexpressivemannerbyGandhi.CondemningHitlerforthegenocideoftheJews,andcondoningviolence,perhapsforthefirsttime,hewrotein1938:‘Ifthereevercouldbeajustifiablewarinthenameofandforhumanity,awaragainstGermany,topreventthewantonpersecutionofawholerace,wouldbecompletelyjustified.’12ThenationalistapproachtoworldproblemsduringthethirtieswasclearlyenunciatedbyJawaharlalNehruinhispresidentialaddresstotheLucknowCongressin1936:

Weseetheworlddividedupintotwovastgroupstoday—theimperialistandfascistononeside,thesocialistandnationalistontheother

...Inevitably,wetakeourstandwiththeprogressiveforcesoftheworldwhicharerangedagainstfascismandimperialism.13

ItisofgreatsignificancethatIndiannationalismwasnotchauvinistorjingoist.ItdidnottakerecoursetoreverseracismevenwhenactivelyopposingracismpractisedbytheBritishinIndia.OpposingandhatingBritishimperialism,ittraineditscadretoeschewhatredorbitternesstowardstheBritishpeople.

PoliticalNorms

Inamass-basedstruggle,ideologyanditsinfluenceplaysacriticalrole.Yet,amassmovementhasalsotoincorporateandaccommodatediversepoliticalandideologicalcurrentsinordertomobilizemillions.Besides,ithastobedisciplinedandorganizationallystrongandunited;yetitcannotaffordtobemonolithicorauthoritarian.Recognizingthisduality,Congress,underwhoseleadershipandhegemonytheanti-imperialiststruggle

waswaged,washighlyideologicalanddisciplinedwhilealsobeingideologicallyandorganisationallyopen-endedandaccommodative.RepresentingtheIndianpeopleandnotanyoneclassorstratum,Congresscouldnotbeandwasnotideologicallyhomogeneous.Widelydifferingideologicalandpoliticalstreamscoexistedwithinit.ItissignificantthatatnostagedidGandhijiclaimtohaveanideologicalmonopolyoverit.Congress,therefore,succeededinunitingpersonsofdifferentideologicalbents,differentlevelsofcommitmentandofvastlydifferentcapacitiestostruggletogetherforsomebroadcommonobjectivesandprinciples.Congresswasabletoachievethistaskbyfunctioningdemocratically.Therewasaconstantpublic

debateandcontentionbetweenindividualsandgroupswhichsubscribedtodivergentpolitical-ideologicaltendenciesorparadigms,eventhoughtheysharedmanyelementsofacommonvisionandwereunitedinstruggle.Themajorityviewregardingthestrategicandtacticalframeworkofthemovementprevailedbuttheminoritywasnotdecimated.Itremainedpartofthemovement,hopingonedaytohaveitsapproachaccepted.EvengroupsandmovementswhichwereoutsidetheCongressstreamevolvedacomplexandfriendlyrelationshipwithit.Thecommunal,casteistandloyalistpartiesandgroupsweretheonlyonestoadoptanadversarialapproachtowardstheCongress.ThenationalmovementthusbequeathedtoindependentIndiathepoliticaltraditionofcompromise,

accommodationandreconciliationofdifferentinterestsandpointsofview.Nehruworkedwithinthistraditioninevolvingnationalpoliciesafterindependence.Thisapproachis,however,nowrunningratherthin.Itwas,ofcourse,nevereasytotransferthistraditionofamassmovementtoapartyofgovernanceor

topartiesofoppositionforthatmatter.ButitwasaninvaluableexperienceandlegacyforallthosewhowantedtobuildastrongandprosperousIndiaandajustandegalitariansociety.Thehighestnormsofpoliticsandpoliticalbehaviourweresetupbythemovement.Itsmajorleaders

forexample,DadabhaiNaoroji,GopalKrishnaGokhale,LokamanyaTilak,Gandhiji,BhagatSingh,JawaharlalNehru,SubhasBose,SardarPatel,RajendraPrasad,C.Rajagopalachari,AcharyaNarendraDev,JayaprakashNarayan,possessedmoralintegrityofthehighestorder.Itwasbecauseofthismoralauthorityandhighmoralstandardsoftheleadershipthatthemovementcouldmobilizemillions.Thiswasalsotrueofthecadres,mostofwhomgaveuptheircareers,theirstudiesandtheirjobs,abandonedfamilylifeanddevotedtheirentirelivestothemovement.Also,judgedinitstotality,themovementwasabletomaintainharmonybetweenmeansandends.Themovementwasabletodevelopthecapacitytoevolve,renovateandchangewiththetimes.Itsprogrammeandpolicies,underwentcontinuouschangeandmovedinaradicaldirectioninresponsetotheurgesofthemassesastheywereawakenedtopoliticalactivityandtothechangingpoliciesofthecolonialrulers.Themovementwas,therefore,inmanywayshighlyoriginalandinnovative,keepingabreastwithcontemporaryworldthought,processesandmovements.Thelegacyofthenationalmovementcouldbesummarizedas:acommitmenttopoliticalandeconomic

independence,moderneconomicdevelopment,theendingofinequality,oppressionanddominationinallforms,representativedemocracyandcivilliberties,internationalismandindependentforeignpolicy,promotionoftheprocessofnation-in-the-makingonthebasisofthejoyousacceptanceofthediversity,andachievementofalltheseobjectivesthroughaccommodativepoliticsandwiththesupportofalargemajorityofthepeople.IndependentIndiahasasawholeremainedloyaltothebasicsofthelegacyofthenationalmovement,a

largepartofwhichisenshrinedintheConstitutionandincorporatedintheprogrammesandmanifestosofmostofthepoliticalparties.TheIndianpeoplehavetendedtousethislegacyastheyardsticktojudgetheperformanceofgovernments,politicalpartiesandinstitutions.Alegacy,especiallyofaprolongedmovement,tendstoendureforalongtime.Butnolegacy,however

strongandsound,canlastforever.Ittendstoerodeandbecomeirrelevantunlessitisconstantlyreinforcedanddevelopedandsometimestranscendedinacreativemannertosuitthechangingcircumstances.

4TheEvolutionoftheConstitutionandMainProvisions

TheConstitutionofIndiacameintoforceon26January1950.SincethenthedayiscelebratedasRepublicDay.Butbefore1950,26JanuarywascalledIndependenceDay.Since26January1930,itwasthedayonwhichthousandsofpeople,invillages,inmohallas,intowns,insmallandbiggroupswouldtaketheindependencepledge,committingthemselvestothecompleteindependenceofIndiafromBritishrule.Itwasonlyfittingthatthenewrepublicshouldcomeintobeingonthatday,markingfromitsveryinceptionthecontinuitybetweenthestruggleforindependenceandtheadoptionoftheConstitutionthatmadeIndiaaRepublic.TheprocessoftheevolutionoftheConstitutionbeganmanydecadesbefore26January1950andhas

continuedunabatedsince.ItsoriginsliedeeplyembeddedinthestruggleforindependencefromBritainandinthemovementsforresponsibleandconstitutionalgovernmentintheprincelystates.Morethanpassingresolutionsontheneedfor,orframingproposalsforconstitutionalreformtheheart

ofthenationalmovement’scontributionlayinitsconcretepoliticalpractice.Thispopularizedamongthepeoplethenotionsofparliamentarydemocracy,republicanism,civilliberties,socialandeconomicjustice,whichwereamongtheessentialprinciplesoftheConstitution.Forexample,theideaofaparliamentaryformofgovernmentwasintroducedintotheIndianpoliticalconsciousnessbytheinclusionoftheterm‘Congress’(theLowerHouseinUSA),inthenameoftheIndianNationalCongress.TheactualfunctioningoftheCongressorganization,especiallyfrom1920onwards,afterGandhijimodifiedtheCongressconstitution,wasbasedontheelectiveprinciple.Alloffice-bearerswerechosenthroughelection,beitthepresidentoftheAll-IndiaCongressCommittee(AICC)orthesecretaryofthevillage-levelCongressCommittee.TheAICC,whichconsistedofdelegateselectedbytheProvincialCongressCommittees(PCCs),wastheequivalentoftheLokSabhaortheparliament,andtheWorkingCommitteewastheequivalentoftheCabinet.TheCongresspresidentwasthecounterpartoftheprimeminister.Thus,whentheConstitutionin1950adoptedaparliamentaryformofgovernment,withaCabinetledbyaprimeminister,itwasnot,asiscommonlysupposed,theBritishparliamentthatitwasemulating.Itwasformalizingnationalistpractices,whichthepeoplewerealreadyfamiliarwith.Evenmorethantheform,itwasthespiritofdemocracy,onwhichinthelastandfirstresortthe

foundationsoftheConstitutionrest,thatwasinculcatedamongthepeoplebythenationalmovement.Thisfoundexpressioninwidespreadmassparticipation.Itensuredaplaceforadultfranchiseafterindependence.Couldwomenhavebeendeniedthevotein1950afterGandhijiasearlyas1930hadentrustedcrucialpartsoftheCivilDisobediencemovementtotheircare?Couldapropertyorincomequalificationco-existwiththeconceptsofdaridranarayanandantodya?CouldtheliteracyoreducationalqualificationbesmuggledintotheConstitutiononceGandhijihadbasedhisentirestruggleonthe‘dumbmillions’?

ThestruggleforthefreedomofthePressunderBritishrulewasvigorouslyfoughtbymanyleaders,andespeciallybyLokamanyaTilakwhopaidaveryheavypriceforthecombativetoneofhisnewspapers.ManyothernewspaperstooliketheLeader,AmritaBazarPatrika,BombayChronicle,TheHindustanTimes,TheHindu,theTribune,Searchlight,AndhraPatrika,Aaj,AnandaBazarPatrika,amongothersfunctionedasunpaidorgansofthenationalmovement.ThishistoryensuredthatfreedomofexpressionbecameafundamentalrightintheConstitution.

StepstotheConstitutionSwaraj...willnotbeafreegiftoftheBritishParliament.ItwillbeadeclarationofIndia’sfullself-expression.ThatitwillbeexpressedthroughanActofParliamentistrue.ButitwillbemerelyacourteousratificationofthedeclaredwishofthepeopleofIndiaevenasitwasinthecaseoftheUnionofSouthAfrica....TheBritishParliament,whenthesettlementcomes,willratifythewishesofthepeopleofIndiaasexpressednotthroughthebureaucracybutthroughherfreelychosenrepresentatives.Sivarajcanneverbeafreegiftbyonenationtoanother.Itisatreasuretobepurchasedwithanation’sbestblood.Itwillceasetobeagiftwhenwehavepaiddearlyforit.

Thisstatement,madebyGandhijiin19221,makescleartheBritishdidnotintroduceanyconstitutionalreformsororgansontheirowninitiativebutalwaysinbelatedandgrudgingresponsetosustainedIndiannationalistpressure.ThereisamythwhichhasbeencarefullyandoftensuccessfullypurveyedbyBritishadministratorsandlaterneo-imperialistscholarsthattheBritishinitiatedmodernresponsibleandconstitutionalgovernmentinIndiaandthattheConstitutionwasmerelytheculminationoftheseriesofconstitutionalinitiativesmadebythemin1861,1892,1909,1919and1935.Thiscanbedisprovedgiventhefactthattheirconcessions,ateverystage,fellfarshortofwhatIndiansweredemanding.Forexample,theelectiveprinciplewasfirstintroducedbytheBritishintheIndianCouncilsActof

1892.TheCongressanditsnationalistprecursors,andtheIndianPress,hadbeendemandingelectionstothecouncils,electedmajoritiesinthem,andgreaterpowerstothenon-officialmembersofcouncilsformanyyearsbeforethat.Nationalistdemandshadalreadyfarexceededwhatwasgrantedin1892.ItisalsonecessarytorealizethatnationalistdemandswerenotjustalittlemoreadvancedthanBritish

practice:theywerefarahead.WhentheCongressdemandedthatatleasthalfthemembersofthecouncilsheelected,andthatthereshouldbemaleadultfranchise,votebyballot,powertothelegislativecouncilstovoteonthefinancebills,etc.,theactualBritishpracticeinIndiawasthattheImperialorCentralLegislativeCouncilwasatotallynominatedbodyofamaximumofseventeenmemberswithanofficialmajorityandafewtokenIndianmembers.The1892Actintroducedelectedmembersbuttheywerestillinaminority,andhadveryfewpowers.Ontheotherhand,thenationalists’conceptionofthenatureofIndia’sconstitutional,frameworkwasadvancingrapidly.In1895,thereappearedtheConstitutionofIndiaBill,alsoknownastheHomeRuleBill,aboutwhoseauthorshipthereisnoconclusiveevidence,butwhich‘AnnieBesant...thought...wasprobablyissuedunderLokamanyaBalGangadharTilak’sinspiration’2,whichconceivedofbasichumanrightssuchasfreedomofexpression,equalitybeforethelaw,righttotheinviolabilityofone’shome,righttoproperty,etc.,forallcitizensofIndia.EventheGovernmentofIndiaAct,1935,thelastBritishenactment,failedtosatisfytherepeatedIndiandemand,firstmadein1895,foradeclarationoftherightsofthepeopleofIndia.TheIndianleadersfeltnonecessitytoabandontheconstitutionallegacyofthepre-independence

periodatthetimeofthewritingoftheConstitutionandtostartonacleanstate—thiswastheirownlegacyforwhichtheyhadfoughthardandmademanysacrifices.TheConstitutioncouldthusborrow

heavilyfromtheGovernmentofIndiaActof1935becausethosewhodraftedtheConstitutionhadnoneedtoprovetheirindependentcredentials.Theyalsobelievedthattheadvantagesoffamiliaritywhichexistinginstitutionshadshouldnotberejected.Sincetheyalsofreelyrejectedwhatwasunsuitableintheoldandaddedmuchthatwasnew,theydidnothesitatetoretainwhatwasofvalue.

ConstitutionalDevelopment

Beginninginthe1880sand1890swiththenotionthatBritainmustgrantresponsiblegovernmenttoIndia,thenationalmovement,bytheendoftheseconddecadeofthetwentiethcenturybeguntoespousethedoctrineofself-determinationortherightofIndianstoframetheirownconstitution.TilakandAnnieBesant,duringtheFirstWorldWar,hadlaunchedaHomeRuleagitation(thenamebeinginspiredbytheIrishHomeRuleMovement).TheCongress-MuslimLeagueSchemeforconstitutionalreformswhichemergedoutoftheCongress-LeaguePactof1916demandedthatfour-fifthsofthemembersoftheprovinciallegislaturesbeelected‘bythepeopleonasbroadafranchiseaspossible.’3In1918,theCongresssessionatDelhiresolvedthat:‘InviewofthepronouncementofPresidentWilson,MrLloydGeorge,andotherBritishstatesmen,thattoensurethefuturepeaceoftheworld,theprincipleofSelf-determinationshouldbeappliedtoallprogressivenations,...thisCongressclaimsrecognitionofIndia...asoneoftheprogressivenationstowhomtheprincipleofSelf-determinationshouldbeapplied.’4TheargumentsdidnotimpresstheBritishrulers,andthenewinstalmentofreformsin1919wasintroducedwiththeassertionthatthe‘timingandpace’ofconstitutionalreformwouldbedecidedbytheBritishalone.TheIndiananswertothiswastheNon-cooperationMovementledbyGandhiji.Afterthismovementendedin1922,andsectionsofCongressmennowconstitutedastheSwarajpartyfoughtelectionstothelegislativecouncils,theconstitutionalbattlewasjoinedwitharenewedvigour.OneinitiativeinwhichAnnieBesant,TejBahadurSapru,V.S.SrinivasaSastriplayedaleadingrole,

wastheCommonwealthofIndiaBillwhichwasdraftedinIndia,revisedbyLabourPartyleaders,acceptedunanimouslybytheExecutiveCommitteeoftheParliamentaryLabourParty,andhaditsfirstreadingintheHouseofCommonsinDecember1925.Itcouldnot,however,survivethedefeatoftheLabourgovernment.ItissignificantthattheBill,whichhadthesupportofverywidesectionsofIndianopinion,specifiedincleartermsthat‘IndiashallbeplacedonanequalfootingwiththeSelf-GoverningDominions.’5TheMemorandumaccompanyingtheBillremindedtheBritishoftheirhistory:6

Weseekanhonourableagreement,suchasBritainrefusedtoherAmericanColoniesandcreatedaRepublic,butmadewithherotherColoniesandcreatedpeaceandamity.

Atthisjuncture,averyprominentrolewasalsoplayedbyMotilalNehru,whointroducedaresolutionon8February1924intheCentralLegislativeAssemblywhichaskedthegovernment‘tosummon,atanearlydate,arepresentativeRoundTableConferencetorecommend,withdueregardtotheprotectionoftherightsandinterestsofimportantminorities,theschemeofaconstitutionforIndia.’7Thisschemewouldberatifiedbyanewly-electedIndianlegislatureandthensenttotheBritishparliamenttobeembodiedinastatute.ThiswasthefirsttimethatthedemandforaConstitutionandtheprocedureforitsadoptionwerespeltoutinsuchclearterms.Thisresolution,whichcametobeknownasthe‘NationalDemand’,waspassedbyalargemajorityintheCentralLegislativeAssembly—76forand48against.

TheBritish,showingtheircontemptforthe‘NationalDemand’,appointedtheall-WhiteSimonCommissioninNovember1927torecommendfurtherconstitutionalchanges.ThemovewasroundlycondemnedbyallsectionsofpoliticalopinioninIndia.LordBirkenhead,theSecretaryofState,whileannouncingtheCommissionintheHouseofLordson24November1927,alsorepeatedhischallengetoIndians,firstdeliveredon7July1925:‘LetthemproduceaconstitutionwhichcarriesbehinditafairmeasureofgeneralagreementamongthegreatpeoplesofIndia.’8

Thechallengewasacceptedand,attheinitiativeoftheCongress,anAllPartiesConferencewascalledinMay1928whichappointedacommitteechairedbyMotilalNehru‘todeterminetheprinciplesoftheConstitutionforIndia.’9TheNehruReport,submittedon10August1928,wasineffectanoutlineofadraftConstitutionforIndia.MostofitsfeatureswerelaterincludedintheConstitutionofIndia.Itvisualizedaparliamentarysystemwithfullresponsiblegovernmentandjointelectorateswithtime-boundreservationofseatsforminorities.TheNehruReportlaidspecialemphasisonsecuringfundamentalhumanrightsforthepeopleofIndia.Theseincludedtherightto‘thefreedomofconscienceandthefreeprofessionandpracticeofreligion,’‘therightoffreeexpressionofopinion,aswellastherighttoassemblepeaceablyandwithoutarms,andtoformassociationsorunions,’equalrightsformenandwomen,therighttoformunions,andtherighttofreeelementaryeducation.Interestingly,thesecularcharacteroftheStatewaslistedasafundamentalright.OfthenineteenrightslistedintheNehruReport,tenwereincorporatedintotheConstitution.TheNehruReportalsorecommendedthat‘theredistributionofprovincesshouldtakeplaceonalinguisticbasis.’10

TheNehruReportwasfollowedbyaboycottoftheSimonCommissionandmassdemonstrationswhereveritsmemberswent.InDecember1929,theCongressdeclaredcompleteindependenceasitsgoalandfollowedthisupwiththelaunchingofthemassCivilDisobedienceMovementinApril1930whichbroughthundredsofthousandsintothestreetsandsawaroundonehundredthousandinjail.ItwasbecomingincreasinglyclearthatIndianswereunlikelytobesatisfiedwithanythinglessthantherighttoframetheirownConstitution.Theideathatthisshouldbedonenotthroughtheconferencemethod,aswasthecasewiththeNehruReport,butviaaConstituentAssemblyelectedforthisspecificpurpose,onthebasisofthewidestpossiblefranchise,begantogainground.JawaharlalNehruwasthefirstnationalleadertoarticulatetheideain1933thoughM.N.Roy,theMarxistleader,hadmadethesuggestionearlier.InJune1934,theCongressWorkingCommittee,whilerejectingtheWhitePaperpresentedbytheBritishgovernmentonfurtherconstitutionalreform,resolvedthatthe‘onlysatisfactoryalternativetotheWhitePaperisaconstitutiondrawnupbyaConstituentAssemblyelectedonthebasisofadultsuffrageorasnearitaspossible.’11

ThedemandforaConstituentAssemblywasrepeatedfrequentlyafter1934andincludedintheCongressmanifestoforthe1936-37elections.TheCongresswonmajoritiesinsevenoutofelevenprovincesanddecidedtoformministries.However,itmadesurethatthiswasnotconstruedasacceptanceoftheexistingconstitutionalframework.ThemeetingoftheCongressWorkingCommitteeatWardhaon27-28February1937whichdecidedinfavourofacceptingofficealsoremindedthelegislatorsthataresolutionoftheFaizpurCongresshadboundthemtoart