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BEYOND POLITICS: THE REALITY OF A DEOBANDI MADRASA IN PAKISTAN MASOODA BANO St Antony’s College INTRODUCTION Contemporary international political discourse—policy papers by international think tanks, and some recent scholarly literature—present the madrasa, the centuries-old institution of Islamic learning, as an overtly political entity, and particularly so in Pakistan. The madrasas are accused of promoting religious fanaticism and sectarian violence within Pakistan, and of ‘breeding terrorists’ for international Islamic jihad. 1 Prompted by the US government, General Musharraf’s regime has spearheaded an aggressive drive to reform Pakistani madrasas. But what is being reformed and to what end? Answers to both these questions remain unclear. This paper presents the results of a close study of one Deobandi madrasa in Pakistan, juxtaposed against the existing claims. 2 It argues that the current understanding of the functioning of a madrasa as well as its role in society is flawed in that, in the emphasis on the political outcomes of the madrasas, their social milieu is completely ignored. In fact, even today the madrasa remains primarily a spiritual and social entity in which the 6:lim (pl. 6ulam:8) builds his authority through continual interaction with the community: there are substantial checks 1 The headlines of two articles, one in a British daily, ‘British businesses are funding schools that breed terror’ (The Times, 10 August 2002), and the other in a US weekly, ‘Inside jihad university: the education of a holy warrior’ (New York Times Magazine, 25 June 2000) give a taste of such accusations. 2 The rationale for selecting this madrasa and the methodology used in the fieldwork preparatory to this study are explained in the Appendix to this article: see below, p. 24. ß The Author (2006). Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: [email protected] Journal of Islamic Studies 18:1 (2007) pp 43–68 doi:10.1093/jis/etl043

Beyond Politics - The Reality of a Deobandi Madrasa in Pakistan

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Page 1: Beyond Politics - The Reality of a Deobandi Madrasa in Pakistan

BEYOND POLITICS: THE REALITY OF A

DEOBANDI MADRASA IN PAKISTAN

MASOODA BANOSt Antony’s College

INTRODUCTION

Contemporary international political discourse—policy papers byinternational think tanks, and some recent scholarly literature—presentthe madrasa, the centuries-old institution of Islamic learning, as anovertly political entity, and particularly so in Pakistan. The madrasas areaccused of promoting religious fanaticism and sectarian violence withinPakistan, and of ‘breeding terrorists’ for international Islamic jihad.1

Prompted by the US government, General Musharraf’s regime hasspearheaded an aggressive drive to reform Pakistani madrasas. But whatis being reformed and to what end? Answers to both these questionsremain unclear.

This paper presents the results of a close study of one Deobandimadrasa in Pakistan, juxtaposed against the existing claims.2 It arguesthat the current understanding of the functioning of a madrasa as wellas its role in society is flawed in that, in the emphasis on the politicaloutcomes of the madrasas, their social milieu is completely ignored.In fact, even today the madrasa remains primarily a spiritual and socialentity in which the 6:lim (pl. 6ulam:8) builds his authority throughcontinual interaction with the community: there are substantial checks

1 The headlines of two articles, one in a British daily, ‘British businesses arefunding schools that breed terror’ (The Times, 10 August 2002), and the other ina US weekly, ‘Inside jihad university: the education of a holy warrior’ (New YorkTimes Magazine, 25 June 2000) give a taste of such accusations.

2 The rationale for selecting this madrasa and the methodology used in thefieldwork preparatory to this study are explained in the Appendix to this article:see below, p. 24.

� The Author (2006). Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Oxford Centre for Islamic

Studies. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: [email protected]

Journal of Islamic Studies 18:1 (2007) pp 43–68 doi:10.1093/jis/etl043

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on that authority since the community’s support for a madrasa isnot motivated by blind ideological conviction, but by very rationalcalculations about his efficiency and personal commitment. Thepaper argues that the current reform policies are based on normativejudgments and designed to fit pre-conceived notions aboutwhat values are worth promoting in society and what kind ofknowledge is valuable. In this process, what is being ignored is thatmadrasa education has its own hierarchy of knowledge, well-developed criteria for measuring knowledge, and its own socio-economicrelevance.

The first section presents a brief account of international policyconcerns about the madrasas in Pakistan, together with an overviewof the Pakistani government’s madrasa reform plan. Section II reviewsthe most influential policy reports and academic texts that dominate thecurrent debate on madrasas in Pakistan, listing its key claims. The paperthen steps back (section III) to provide a brief historical account of theevolution and development of the Deoband movement before movingon (section IV) to an ethnographic account of a particular Deobandimadrasa in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. This account of the origin, operation,social and economic milieu of a madrasa attempts to enable anunderstanding of the motives of the im:m (head), students and teachers,and of those individuals and the surrounding community who supportthe madrasa. The aim is to take the reader ‘inside’ the madrasa anddevelop an understanding of the relationship between it and the widersociety.

I. THE POLICY CONCERNS ANDTHE REFORM PACKAGE

Since September 11, madrasas in Pakistan have become the focusof international policy discourse on controlling ‘terrorism’. On thebasis of claims that key Taliban leaders were educated in madrasaslocated mainly in the tribal belts of Pakistan, the US government hasbecome very critical of the madrasa system as a whole. The Pakistanimadrasas are being seen as breeding grounds for Muslim fundamentalistsand terrorists. The Pakistani government, with the financial assistanceof the US government, has resolved to reform and increase itscontrol over the madrasas. An integral part of this plan is to gatherreliable information on the madrasas—their total number, thenature of their work, and their sources of funding. In 2003, a US$225 million package, to be spent over three years, was committed

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to madrasa reform.3 The thrust of the reform package is to introducesecular education in all the madrasas. The initial aim is to educate800,000 students of 8000 madrasas in secular subjects, as taught inprimary and secondary schools; this requires the training of 28,000madrasa teachers to teach those subjects. The plan also providesfinancial incentives to the madrasas’ management in the form ofmoney for teachers’ salaries, textbooks, stationery, computers, andfurniture. The financial incentives are expected to enable the stateto exercise greater authority over the working of the madrasa.

II. RECENT STUDIES ON MADRASAS

Academic analysis of the Pakistani madrasas is limited. The onlysignificant publication since September 11 has been Qasim Zaman’sThe Ulama in Contemporary Islam,4 which comments on the institutionswhere the 6ulam:8 are trained, namely the madrasas. In line with themood of the international policy discourse, this work is concerned withthe politics of the 6ulam:8. Focusing mainly on Deobandi 6ulam:8,Zaman finds Barbara Metcalf’s thesis—that, following colonial rule,the 6ulam:8 in order to cope with changing times focused on individualreform and personal religious responsibility—limiting. He contends(pp. 2–3) that this thesis ignores the public and political aspects ofthe operation of the Deobandi 6ulam:8. He criticizes Metcalf’s emphasison the ‘social milieu’ of the 6ulam:8, for failing to examine their thoughtsand discourse, which in turn limits her understanding of how theyconstruct and retain religious authority. Zaman is particularly concernedwith the role of the discursive medium of commentary in building theauthority of the 6ulam:8. He develops interesting arguments about thepolitical manoeuvring of the 6ulam:8 to retain their authority, but inthe process completely ignores the social basis of this authority.

In contrast to the scarce academic analysis, there has been anabundance of papers and reports on madrasas produced by internationalthink tanks. While all of these acknowledge that the madrasas promoting

3 Madrasa Reforms (Teaching of Formal Subjects in Deeni Madaris), factsheet hosted on website of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan,Washington D.C.: http://www.embassyofpakistan.org/ (last accessed: 5 January,2006.

4 Mohammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodiansof Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), 118.

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fundamentalism constitute a very small percentile of the total number ofmadrasas in Pakistan, they end up arguing, nevertheless, against thewhole madrasa system. The most prevalent explanation they give for thepopularity of madrasas is the state’s failure to provide public education.Yet the madrasas’ ability to fill this vacuum is not therefore viewedfavourably; rather, the system is projected as a major problem for thestate. Such views were popular even before September 11. In 2000,Jessica Stern argued in Foreign Affairs that the Pakistani governmentsupports militants and their religious schools as a cheap way of fightingIndia and educating Pakistani youth.5 She explained (p. 116) that thesefighters do fight in Kashmir and Afghanistan but they also create aculture of violence that increases internal sectarianism.

Peter Singer’s paper for the Brooking Institute is another frequentlyquoted document on madrasas in Pakistan.6 Singer argues (pp. 3–5) thatmadrasas now increasingly dominate the field of education in Pakistan.He acknowledges that only around 10–15 percent of the schools areaffiliated with extremist religious and political groups, yet he views anordinary madrasa’s displacement of the public education system asa serious threat to the political and economic stability of Pakistan.He argues that, being detached from a state regulatory system, everymadrasa is free to determine its own teaching syllabus, and mostgraduates are unable to multiply or find their nation on a map. Havingno better options, Singer says, the poor send their sons to madrasas,where they receive at least some education (p. 7): ‘In and of themselves,the schools are not the preferred option of many parents, but rather drawstudents from general desperation.’ The madrasa system, in Singer’sview, thus produces unemployed young men, who are entirely dependenton others. He argues (p. 5) that graduates from madrasas have skills onlyto be im:ms or assistants at mosques, and there are not enough jobsfor them in these areas. He recommends (p. 9) ensuring facilities fortechnical education to replace the madrasa system.

Since 2002, another policy report on Pakistani madrasas has gainedmuch prominence. Its claims are not radically different from the twostudies discussed above. Done by the International Crisis Group (ICG),7

5 Jessica Stern, ‘Pakistan’s Jihad Culture’, Foreign Affairs, 79.6 (2000):115–26, at 118.

6 Peter W. Singer, Pakistan’s Madrasahs: Ensuring a System of Education NotJihad, (Brooking Institute: Analysis Paper No. 4, 2001).

7 International Crisis Group, Pakistan: Madrasas, Extremism, and theMilitary (Islamabad/Brussels: ICG Asia Report 36, 2002), ‘ExecutiveSummary’, pp. 1–3.

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it argues that the madrasas produce indoctrinated clergymen. LikeSinger, the ICG report acknowledges that only a small number ofmadrasas are radical, and that too as a result of state-sponsoredexposure to jih:d. Yet, again like Singer, it raises grave concerns aboutthe madrasa system as a whole. It argues that the problems withmadrasas go beyond militancy, that even ordinary madrasas sow theseeds of extremism in the minds of their students, produce graduateswith a narrow worldview and a lack of modern civic education, who,because they are living in poverty, become a destabilizing factorin society. It further argues that for these reasons the graduates aresusceptible to romantic notions of sectarian and international jih:d,which promises instant salvation. The report also pointedly observes:‘Madrasas have become the fiefdoms of their clerics, who jealouslysafeguard autonomy because it gives them unchecked control of finances,their students, and what they are taught.’ It goes on to claim that33 percent of all children in schools in Pakistan attend madrasas.

However, a recent study sponsored by the World Bank8 on the totalnumber of students attending madrasas in the country argues thatthe bold assertions made in policy reports and popular articles on thehigh and increasing enrolment in Pakistani madrasas are inaccurate.Countering the ICG claim that 33 percent of Pakistani children enrolledin schools go to madrasas, this report maintains that madrasas accountfor less than 1 percent of all enrolment in the country. Basing thecalculations on census data, the report argues that there is no evidenceof a dramatic increase in the number of children going to madrasas inrecent years, and the fears of radicalization due to rising madrasapopulations are misplaced.

With the exception of the study just mentioned, which focuses onnumbers rather than qualitative assessment of the madrasas, all thereports present a substantially negative image of the madrasa systemas a whole. They argue that madrasa education should be reformedand replaced by modern education. They make strong claims aboutthe quality of education, the operation, the accountability mechanism,and the basis of authority of the im:m and of the madrasa, but the datagathering method upon which the claims are based is very limited. Thesestudies neither draw upon extensive surveys nor provide thoroughethnographies; they rely instead on a few selective interviews that hardlyjustify the strength of the claims made. The claims also rest upon an

8 Tahir Andrabi, Jishnu Das, Asim Ijaz Khawaja, and Tristan Zajonc,Religious School Enrollment in Pakistan: A Look at the Data (World Bank:Working Paper Series 3521, 2005), 1–2.

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underlying assumption—the sheer persuasiveness of ideology, the powerof the im:m fully to indoctrinate the students with religious bigotryand to exercise unchecked authority, and the corresponding passivityof students, parents, and the larger community, all of whom merelyingest the im:m’s discourse without question.

It is worth asking if the average madrasa in Pakistan really doesinculcate religious hatred among its students towards other sects; if therereally are no checks on the authority of the im:m, if the community,the parents, and the children have neither will nor means to hold theim:m to account. We need also to ask if the quality of education reallyis objectionable and socially irrelevant, and if so, judged against whichstandards and by whom. This paper attempts to address some of thesequestions based on an ethnography of a Deobandi madrasa in Pakistanand extensive interviews with individuals who donate to the madrasa incash and kind. However, before moving to the findings of the fieldwork,it will be helpful to have a brief look at the Deoband movement,to provide the necessary context for the present situation of madrasasin Pakistan.

III. THE DEOBAND TRADITION:A BRIEF ACCOUNT

Under Mughal rule, the madrasa had become the key educationalinstitution for producing civil servants and judicial officials. With theestablishment of British rule, state patronage—the madrasa’s principalsource of financial support—disappeared. Changes in the administrationand economy introduced by the English East India Company meantthat madrasa education lost its usefulness as a route to employment.As a consequence, madrasa education, rather than addressing boththe religious and worldly needs of the Muslims, became increasinglyotherworldly.9

To survive in the changed environment, the madrasas had toreorganize dramatically. To begin with, they had to now build a supportbase among the general populace. The shift from reliance on the courtto reliance on the people proved too demanding for most of the oldermadrasas, including the leading ones like Farang; Mahal in Lucknow.

9 Farhan A. Nizami, ‘Madrasahs, Scholars, Saints: Muslim Response to theBritish Presence in Delhi and Upper Doab 1803–1857’ (D.Phil. dissertation:Oxford University, 1983).

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It has been argued that lack of funding was one of the reasons for theeventual decline of Farang; Mahal.10 The Deoband madrasa was bornin this changed environment. The 6ulam:8 who set it up argued that inthese changed times it was important for Muslims to focus on individualreform, on personal religious responsibility. Whereas, from the 1870sonwards, many scholars from Farang; Mahal entered public life todefend Islam, the Deobandi scholars kept out of politics, remainingfocused on personal reform.11

Deoband was, from the outset, distinct in its support base, itsorganizational structure, and its goals from the older madrasas. Insteadof state patronage, the Deobandi 6ulam:8 drew most of their incomefrom popular contributions pledged annually by their many supporters.As opposed to training government servants for Muslim courts, theDeobandi scholars aimed to train educated 6ulam:8 who would bededicated to a reformed Islam and to individual reform. Finally, unlikeFarang; Mahal’s style of one-to-one teaching, Deoband adopted thebureaucratic model of British universities. However, the respectof students for teachers in the Farang; Mahal survived intact in thenew system. The 6ulam:8 of Deoband from early on encouraged theestablishment of branch schools. The curriculum and administration ofthese affiliated schools, set up by graduates of the parent institution, wassubject to the control of the latter.

The Deoband school adopted the Dars-i NiC:m; syllabus, whichevolved at the Farang; Mahal’s during the lifetime of Mullah NiC:mal-Din (d. 1748) and the years immediately following his death, andremained dominant in Indian Islamic education. Dars-i-NiC:m; con-solidated the rationalist traditions of scholarship derived from Iran.12

However, the Deobandi 6ulam:8 placed much greater emphasis on theQur8:n and hadith, known as the traditional sciences, as opposed toFarang; Mahal’s emphasis on logic and jurisprudence, known as therational sciences.

Pakistan inherited a fair share of Deobandi madrasas at the timeof partition. Also, many 6ulam:8 trained in the Deobandi tradition

10 Ibid. See also: Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India:Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).

11 The discussion of Deoband and Farangh; Mahal in this section draws uponFrancis Robinson, The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in SouthAsia (London: Hurst & Co. Ltd., 2001), and Barbara D. Metcalf, IslamicRevival, 102–25.

12 Ibid.

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migrated to Pakistan.13 Given that Pakistan is predominantly Sunni,the presence of eminent scholars trained at Deoband resulted incontinued expansion of the Deobandi tradition in Pakistan. As Malikshows, the Deobandi madrasas are the largest in number and thusmost prominent.14 However, the external environment was no longerconducive to the flourishing of these madrasas: the newly created Muslimstate carried on the British legacy of modernization. It did not evenrecognize madrasa education as such—to the extent that establishedreligious scholars from madrasas with published books to their nameswere classed as illiterate and so excluded from the electoral register inthe country’s first elections.15

In fact, the limited scholarship that exists on the religious elite inPakistan shows that the post-September 11 focus on madrasa reform isnot entirely new. A remodelling of madrasas was proposed as early as1958. The concern then, however, was not militancy in the madrasas butthe perception of them as backward and out of step with modern-dayneeds. However, the reforms proposed by the Ayub Khan governmentrepeatedly met resistance from the religious elite, who initiated a demandfor recognition of madrasa degrees by the state. Ayub Khan and ZulfiqarBhutto both advocated reforms but refrained from enforcing any of theproposed plans: they did not want to clash directly with the religiouselite, who commanded respect within certain constituencies.

Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization agenda changed the climate in favour of thatreligious elite. Madrasa degrees were given equivalence to MA Arabicand MA Islamiyat. Also a system was set up for zak:h to be collected bythe state, and some state funds made available to madrasas. These twofactors led to a dramatic rise in the number of madrasas in the early1980s. The same period marks the birth of jih:d culture in some of theDeobandi madrasas. As a consequence of the huge influx of Afghans intoPakistan because of the Soviet-Afghan war, and Zia’s decision to supportthe Afghans, a number of madrasas became training centres for fightersin this war. Malik shows that the Zia government actively encouragedthe madrasas that moved to a jih:di culture.16

13 Z:hid al-R:shid;, ‘D;n; mad:ris k; asn:d . . . ayk phlu yay bh; hay’, Waf:qal-mad:ris Mult:n ka tarjaman (Urdu) Quarterly Newsletter: 12, (2004), 13–15.

14 Jamal Malik. Colonialization of Islam: Dissolution of TraditionalInstitutions in Pakistan (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1996), 192.

15 Z:hid al-R:shi@;, D;n; mad:ris k; asn:d’, 13–15.16 Jamal Malik, Colonialization of Islam: Dissolution of Traditional

Institutions in Pakistan (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1996), 202–8.

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The question that arises is why the Deobandi madrasas, ratherthan those associated with other local traditions, should have supportedjih:di culture during this period. Geography had some part in this: it isthe Deobandi madrasas that dominated in the tribal belt of Pakistanand the NWFP, 17 the areas that were the entry point (and proved to bethe final destination) for most Afghan refugees. As a matter of sensiblepractical policy, the Zia-ul-Haq government was therefore bound tofocus on the Deobandi madrasas. That regional links were alsoimportant can be judged by the fact that most Deobandi madrasas inSindh province refused to take zak:h money during the eighties.18

There were strong historical links between the original madrasa ofDeoband and Afghanistan: the D:r al-6Ul<m Deoband had many studentsfrom Afghanistan, whose Emir was a major patron. Therefore, in someways it was also natural for the Afghans to seek refuge in Deobandimadrasas. Can the shift by a few Deobandi madrasas toward jih:diculture justify a suspicion of all Deobandi madrasas? The discussion thatfollows highlights the need to develop a more nuanced understandingof the madrasa system in Pakistan.

IV. J2MI6AT AL- 6UL?M AL-SHAR>6A

‘J:mi6at al-6Ul<m al-Shar;6a’ is an average, medium-sized Deobandimadrasa in Rawalpindi with some 350 students. Established in 1970 as asmall madrasa under the name of ‘D:r al-6Ul<m Tadr;s al-Qur8:n’ witha focus on n:Cara and AifC (reading and memorization of the Qur8:n),the madrasa today teaches the entire Dars-i NiC:m;. It is registeredwith Waf:q al-Mad:ris al-6Arabiyya Pakistan (Association of ArabicSchools in Pakistan) and has its syllabus approved by Waf:q al-Mad:risMultan.19 Until the recent checks on foreign students in Pakistanimadrasas, it also hosted students from East Asia.

The madrasa is located at the low-income end of an affluent localityin Rawalpindi. Like most locations in Pakistan, it hosts many othermadrasas of varying scale. On one side of the madrasa live

17 Ibid, 196.18 Ibid, 197.19 There are five waf:qs recognized by the government of Pakistan. These

represent the five dominant Islamic schools of thought in the country. Waf:qal-Mad:ris Multan represents the madrasas following the Deobandi line.

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affluent professionals, businessmen, and serving and ex-military officials.On the other side is the Pakistan Railways’ Housing Colony. Themadrasa is thus situated in the narrow strip between these twoprosperous communities. The immediate neighbourhood of themadrasa includes small grocery shops, motor workshops, small houses,and open fields.

The madrasa has expanded gradually under the leadership ofits current head (im:m), who took charge of the mosque that hoststhe madrasa in 1965. At that time it was just a small prayer-hall builtby a local industrialist, with the im:m its only employee. The im:m tookup the job and residence there on the advice of one of his teachers,when he was a twenty-year old student. As legally required, a board ofgovernors regulated the mosque at the time. The board continues tofunction. However, authority shifted toward the im:m when, soon afterhis arrival, he expressed the desire to expand the mosque. None of theboard members were in a position to help financially, but they did givethe im:m the authority to shape the place, provided he himself couldmobilize the necessary funds.

Today the mosque has a grand building with a very fine interior.It accommodates up to 700 men for congregational prayers. Its madrasaissues seven different degrees in Islamic studies (the highest beingaccredited by Pakistan’s Ministry of Education as a master’s degree); ithouses and feeds 350 students, and it holds 9000 books on Islam, someof them rather rare. The expansion process was not easy, however. Thestate donated the land but funds had to be mobilized entirely from thepeople. Even after construction had started there were periods of extremetension and stress. The fluctuating inflow of funds made it impossible topay contractors on time. The religious commitment of the contractorplayed a key role in sustaining work on the project during these lowperiods. Since the completion of the building, the project has expandedsteadily with public support.

The madrasa does not view itself as only an educational initiative;it also claims a role in welfare. Its brochure states its objectives asthreefold: to produce scholars of Islam, to spread the teachings of Islamto the wider society, and to carry out welfare programmes for the needy.The students are charged no fee and are provided free board and lodging.In addition, the J:mi6at al-6Ul<m al-Shar6;a has also been running afree medical centre since 1993. Renowned specialists in Rawalpindiand Islamabad volunteer their services on a regular basis at this clinic.The im:m explains that the inspiration for this model comes from theProphet’s mosque in Madina.

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The nature and quality of knowledge in J:mi6at al-6Ul<m

What is the nature of education in the madrasa? Is there a system ofgrading students? Who has the authority to grade? What are the mainteaching methods? The many answers offered to such questions showthat most analysts have not really tried to understand madrasaeducation, and have lost sight of the fact that it is extremely strenuousand complex. J:mi6at al-6Ul<m issues seven different degrees in Islamicstudies. The highest (as we noted) is accredited by Pakistan’s Ministryof Education as a master’s. But these degrees are not easy to attain. Theyare contingent on passing complex external examinations set by Waf:qal-Mad:ris Multan.20 In preparation for these final exams, the madrasaconducts its own written exams three times a year.

Entry into the madrasa is fairly competitive—there are 150 to 200applicants for the 100 places available each year. The selection processplaces as much emphasis on the personality of the applicant as it does onhis performance in the formal entrance exams. The aim is to identifystudents who have the motivation as well as the calibre to cope withmadrasa education, and who demonstrate a decent demeanour. Formalrequirements include a primary degree. ‘The students who have clearedprimary AifC memorize better. They perform even better after eighthgrade, and even more after matric,’ explains one of the teachers.21 Theselection process rules out applicants who have dropped out of primaryor middle education—the im:m does not want to admit students whothink the madrasa is an easy option. ‘Our courses are much moredemanding than school degrees. People do not realize this,’ heexplains.22 In addition to these formal checks, the selection committeeis keen to observe the personality traits of the child that indicate that hehas an interest in AifC and religious education. ‘We can tell by the face ofthe child about his interest in AifC,’ the im:m says.23 He and the teachers

20 Every madrasa that wants to award these degrees must register with thewaf:q of its sect. The im:m has to write a letter formally requesting thisassociation, and explaining the current status of the madrasa and the reasons forseeking this association. Representatives from the waf:q authorities then come toinspect the madrasa before they register it. The madrasa has to pay the waf:q afee for entering students in its examination system.

21 Interview with Maulana Saifur Rehman, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi,03.01.04.

22 Interview with E:fiC M. Ishaque, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi, 12.10.03.23 Ibid.

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are particularly keen to avoid children who are ‘aw:ra’ (wayward),uninterested in studies, or are being forced by their parents because theyhave heard of the ‘thaw:b’ (religious reward) for AifC.

Once admitted, the students follow a set route. They start with AifCthen move on to a two-year middle degree (eighth grade), which coversthe secular subjects taught in the state schools: Mathematics, Science,English, and Pakistan Studies. After this, the students are promoted tomatriculation level, where they start learning Arabic grammar and fiqh.Depending on their motivation and calibre, students can carry on theireducation within the madrasa up to a master’s degree.

The methods of teaching vary for AifC, middle degree, andmatriculation. During the years of AifC the child is part of one bigclass, but also gets individual lessons from the teacher, depending on thepace of his memorization. Every day the teacher asks the children torecite lessons taught in the last seven days. The emphasis is on correctingpronunciation. However, the teachers argue that there is no standardmethod of helping students achieve AifC; it is up to the individual teacherto develop the strategy. The normal practice is to start from thebeginning of the Qur8:n. However, many myths about the process prevailtoo. ‘I read somewhere that those who memorize S<ra Y<suf first,memorize faster. Therefore, when my daughter wanted to do AifC,I suggested this to her. She completed the AifC within one and half years,’adds the im:m, while explaining the different strategies that peopledevelop to achieve AifC.24

In addition to teaching strategies there are also factors specific tothe student that affect his ability to achieve AifC. Explaining thatdifferent students memorize at different pace, one of the teachersargued that some people are more intelligent from birth, while others(also) have AifC in the family. Also, there was consensus among theteachers that the children who start after matric memorize very fast,for which their explanation was that these students, being older, havea more mature grasp of the importance of their own time and theirfamilies’ resources. The im:m also argues that the surroundings of thestudent make a difference. Unless the house has a notably religiousatmosphere, it is considered much easier to do AifC within the madrasa.Once the child enters eighth grade the method of teaching switches toclassroom lectures. From matric onwards, in addition to the lectures,small group discussions become a key teaching strategy. ‘Everyonehas different levels of understanding; when there are five boys together

24 Interview with H:fiC M. Ishaque, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi, 07.01.04.

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in a group the one who knows more can guide the others,’ explains oneof the teachers.25

The academic year follows the Islamic calendar. The new class yearopens after Rama@:n holidays. The average school day is heavily packed:it starts with the fajr prayer and goes on till 6aBr. The only time that thestudents are completely free is between 6aBr and maghrib prayers, whenthey are free to go out of the madrasa. The teachers, however, encouragethe students to utilize this break for sports activities. A recent donationof two computers has led to the initiation of computer trainingprogrammes for the students.

The school sees education as a never-ending process. Attaining themaster’s degree does not mean the end of education—reading andreflection have to go on for life. Some students do pursue further formalqualifications. Many of those that I talked to wanted to do so at theInternational Islamic University in Islamabad; most wanted to focus ontheir spoken English and Arabic. As a whole, education at the madrasais geared towards producing Islamic practitioners and scholars, ableto meet the different religious needs of society. Those who leave themadrasa after completing AifC, matriculation, or bachelors, either goon to serve as im:ms, leading prayers in the mosque—often these areindividuals who would not themselves be effective speakers andteachers—or khat;bs—individuals who are good speakers, and able torespond well to questions. The students that are the pride of a madrasaare those who go on to Kulliyat-i shar6;a, i.e., higher study and researchin Islamic jurisprudence.

This case study shows that the madrasa has a complex hierarchyof knowledge designed to cater to the different needs of the society it isserving. Its students follow a rigorous academic routine in which theaverage day is much more heavily packed than a day in a secularPakistani school. In this respect, the claim that madrasa students are notexposed to secular education is untrue. Rather, primary and secondaryeducation is deemed compulsory within the madrasa before a studentcan move on to specialized courses. The fact that the madrasa studentsremain weak in some ‘secular’ subjects, notably mathematics, has moreto do with the overall poor quality of teaching available in these subjectsin the country as a whole—it is not something that can be specificallyattributed to madrasa education.

Also, judging by this case, the madrasa system has an economic role,providing specialized training for jobs within the religious network.

25 Interview with Mawl:n: Tariq Mahmood, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi,12.01.04.

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The im:m affirmed with some pride that his students are employedas q:r;s, im:ms, khat;bs even before they leave the madrasa. Singer’sclaim about lack of job options for madrasa students seemsquestionable in the light of this case study.26 Indeed, it seems that, ascompared to government schools and colleges, the madrasa studentshave a better employment rate. Of course, the issue needs furtherinvestigation and detailed quantitative measures before any firmconclusions are drawn.

Factors that shape the decisions of the students

Interviews with the students as well as the teachers, themselves formerstudents of madrasas, contradict the notion that madrasa education isonly a choice of the poorest or even poor families. The case study showsthat the students come mainly from the lower middle-income householdsrather than the absolute poor. It also shows that there is no single reasonthat a child becomes a student at a madrasa.

None of the students interviewed in the madrasa came from acompletely destitute family. Those from villages often mentioned theirfathers as being small landowners; those from the cities often came frommiddle-income households where the father was an engineer or smallbusiness trader. Some also came from poor families, in which the fatherworked in a workshop or store. The im:m, the teachers, and especiallythe students were keen to reject the perception that most madrasastudents are from very low income families, who cannot afford propercare for the children and so leave them at the madrasa to be fed andeducated. One of the students said: ‘If today the madrasa startedcharging a fee, I am confident that the majority would stay and paythat fee.’27

Interviews with the students, teachers, and a few parents show thatthe most prevalent reason for a child being in a madrasa is the parents’regard for religious values. The majority of students at the madrasamentioned that it was the wish of their father or mother that theybecome an 6:lim. Most students, however, mentioned at the same timethat their siblings were going to ordinary schools or were engaged inother occupations. Why they, and not the siblings, were sent to themadrasa is explained by their particular aptitude and capability.The im:m explains that his father, who was the head of their villagemadrasa, wanted both of his two sons to become religious scholars.

26 Singer, Pakistan’s Madrasahs, 5.27 Group interview, Mohammad Irshad, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi,

13.01.04.

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However, the im:m’s brother proved not to have the aptitude anddropped out to become a technician.

In certain instances, the interviews confirm, it is not the family but thechild himself who develops a strong preference for religious education.Five out of the twenty students interviewed said that they themselvesdeveloped a feeling for the value of gaining Islamic knowledge. Oftenthis appreciation was an outcome of inspiration received from a cousin,friend, or acquaintance involved in religious education or teaching.Many of these students also emphasized the poor quality of education inordinary schools as a factor in shaping their preference for madrasaeducation. Four of the students, who had done matric in secular schoolsbefore coming to the madrasa, were of the view that the madrasaeducation was much more rigorous and academically rewarding than theeducation in secular schools. They maintained that the education in thegovernment or private schools that they had attended had been very poorand a waste of time.

Discussions with the students showed that the community also can,at times, be a factor in persuading a student to join a madrasa. Onestudent said that in his village there was no trained 6:lim, while thepeople felt the need for it. ‘My mother really wanted one of her childrento become an 6:lim. Since there was also a need in the community for anim:m, I decided to get training in religious education.’28

Sometimes, however, it is calculation that shapes a couple’s decision tosend their child to a madrasa. The im:m mentioned that some parentsthink that AifC will help their child in school since a A:fiC gets 20 pointsin the matric exams. They also think that doing AifC will sharpenthe child’s memory, which will help him perform better in the seculareducation system.

Clearly, as far as this case is concerned, the perception that mostmadrasa students come from poor families, that parents send theirchildren to madrasas because they offer free board, lodging andeducation, is exaggerated. The students actually come from diverseeconomic backgrounds. The most prevalent reason for a child taking upmadrasa education is the parents’ appreciation of religious values,irrespective of their economic status. The second important factor is thepoor quality of education in ordinary state and private schools, wherethe child is neither equipped for the job market nor given a preparationin the affairs of religion.

28 Group interview, Mohammad Zaheer, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi,10.01.04.

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Teacher–student relationship in the madrasa

The teacher in the madrasa ranks high on the hierarchy of employmentoptions within the religious sphere. Teaching posts at reputed madrasasare prized positions. The teacher–student relationship in the madrasafocuses on personal bonding just as much as it does on academic merit.Discussions with the students and the teachers showed that mutualrespect is a critical feature of this relationship. This respect betweenteachers and students at J:mi6at al-6Ul<m strongly resembles Robinsonand Metcalf’s description of teacher–student relationship in their studiesof Farang; Mahal and D:r al-6Ul<m Deoband respectively.29 Thestudents never raise their voices in front of the teacher. The teacher inturn is expected to treat them with the same respect and affection.

According to the im:m, the ideal teacher is one who demonstratesgreat affection for his students and provides mentoring in every aspect oftheir life. Reminiscing about his favourite teacher, the im:m said thateveryone in the area loved him: ‘He was a teacher famous in the wholesubcontinent. He was an extremely affectionate human being. When hewent out the children from the area would get hold of his stick to ask himwhere he was going. Until the children let go of his stick he would notmove from there.’30

Other teachers also emphasized how the ideal teacher should beconcerned with the overall well-being of the student. Such a teacher giveshis time to share in the students’ joys and sorrows. Many teachersnarrated stories about how their favourite teachers had honoured themby travelling great distances, even when they were very old and frail,to attend their marriage ceremonies. One of the teachers explained howhe had married his teacher’s daughter.

There is a marked difference between the teacher–student relationshipin a madrasa and that relationship in an ordinary school. Six of thetwenty students interviewed had joined the madrasa after completingeighth grade or matric in secular schools; one of the studentsinterviewed had joined after completing his BSc; another one wascontinuing with his masters degree at the same time. All were of the viewthat they felt and behaved very differently towards their teachers in themadrasa as compared to their previous teachers in secular institutions.One example given was considering it an honour to carry the teacher’sbag in the madrasa, something none of the students would ever think of

29 Robinson, The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall, 116–19 and Metcalf, IslamicRevival, 110.

30 Interview with H:fiC M. Ishaque, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi, 05.01.04.

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doing for a teacher in the school or college. The inspiration for thisbehaviour comes from the established norms within the madrasa as wellas from the stories of the Islamic role models that the students readabout. Explaining this, one of the students quoted a saying from oneof the caliphs: ‘Even if someone has taught me [just] one word, I ama slave of that person.’31

Similarly, an ideal student is one whose actions are good, who does notfight with others, and who does not have too many people complainingabout him. The students are expected to stay in touch even after theyhave graduated. They either write letters or pay a visit if they are intown. The teachers, however, realize that times are changing and theclose bond that the teachers and students had in the older generation isgrowing weaker. The im:m holds the teachers partially responsiblefor this. In his view the teachers are not as committed to teachingas those in previous generations.

J:mi6at al-6Ul<m’s self-perception

While the im:m, the teachers, and the students, see the madrasa asproducing scholars of Islam and dislike being viewed as economicallymarginal, in the discussion it was clear that they were consciousof the low prestige associated with the madrasa as compared tomodern education institutions. This is reflected in an anecdote narratedby the im:m: ‘Someone said that we rely on public money. I said, youare a government official, your salary comes out of the taxescollected from the people. At times these taxes also come with cursesas people complain about taxes. In our case the money also comesfrom the people but it comes willingly. They are happy after givingthis money.’32

Similarly, at another point, while explaining the improvements in themadrasa’s facilities, the im:m added: ‘Now we see our children playingwith college and school-children in break time; before our children usedto feel inferior to the school-children.’33 He was of the view thatthe long period of British rule had changed peoples’ perception of goodand bad.

The students in general shunned being projected as poor ordisempowered. None of the students admitted feeling inferior to thestudents who attend secular schools and colleges. ‘We chose to comehere. We could have stayed in the school system if we wanted,’ said one

31 Group interview, Bilal Yasir, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi, 13.03.04.32 Interview with H:fiC M. Ishaque, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi, 1.04.04.33 Ibid.

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of the students who had come after completing eighth grade.34 ‘Weprefer it here; our time is much better utilized here. In the schools that weattended so much time was simply wasted,’ he added.

Relationship between the madrasa and the society

The previous section has reported the thoughts and views of the peopleinside the madrasa. I now turn to the madrasa’s relationship with society.How does a madrasa evolve? How does the im:m develop his hold onthe surrounding community? Can a madrasa emerge all at once aftera big influx of money, and start to disseminate a narrow, ideologicalprogramme, or does the madrasa have to work hard to win the trust ofthe community before the public accept the authority of its head andlisten attentively to his sermons?

Any discussion on the material means of survival of madrasas inPakistan gets embroiled in the contentious issue of Saudi money. It isclaimed that many madrasas rely on Saudi money given to promote the‘Wahh:b; agenda’. The im:m at J:mi6at al-6Ul<m denies receivingany foreign financial support for the madrasa. He vehemently opposesreceiving money from the government or any international donor. In hiswords: ‘As a rule the madrasa does not take money from any country’sgovernment or any influential person. When governments help they helpin order to promote their own agenda. If those agendas are not met theystop giving. In a poor man’s giving there is sincerity, and barakah(blessing). The poor man’s motivation is correct. All madrasas run withthe support of poor or middle class people.’’35

Continuing with the Deobandi tradition of relying on contributions incash and kind from the ordinary public, the madrasa maintains a receiptsystem for all kind of donations, which include zak:h, Badaqa, khayr:t.But, given the current claims about the political motives of the madrasas,the question really is who is donating, in what form (cash or kind),and for what reasons. Interviews with the people who support J:mi6atal-6Ul<m with donations in cash and kind show that there are twocategories of donors in the case of madrasas, each with their own distinctperception of the madrasas.

The first category of donors, who seem to be the majority, viewpresent-day madrasas as places where poor students get to memorizethe Qur8:n and not as places of scholarly learning, which in the pastthey might have been. They were sceptical of the ability of a madrasa

34 Group interview, Mohammad Zaheer, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi,10.01.04.

35 Interview with H:fiC M. Ishaque, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi, 10.10.03.

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(not J:mi6at al-6Ul<m in particular, but in general) to produce scholars ofIslam, given the gradual decline in madrasa education over the decades.

In short, they saw madrasas as places where some good is being doneby teaching poor children God’s word. This, in everyone’s view, is avirtuous deed, and for this reason most donors feel a direct associationwith the madrasa in their locality.

The other category of people who support the madrasas still viewthem as places of scholarly learning. They are often people who arethemselves religiously inclined and actively engaged with the madrasas.The biggest donations to the madrasas came from wealthy individualswithin this category.

Why do they donate? Interviews with over thirty people who supportthe madrasa show that both categories of donors support the madrasabecause they are seeking rewards from God in this life and the afterlife.The other significant factor is a sense of social responsibility to localcommunal projects. In the interviews with the givers there was a generalaffirmation that the madrasa in the area is theirs. Part of this feeling ofownership stems from social interaction with the im:m and students ofthe madrasa in their daily lives, and part of it is embedded in Islamicemphasis on the responsibility of the better-off to those less well-off inthe same community. For most, the local madrasa, irrespective of itsspecific performance, was thus deserving of some support due to thepublic’s own inner compulsion to give. Many respondents said that theBadaqa they had to give to ward off ill-fortune was often channelledtowards a madrasa in their area. The feeling was that, however poor thequality of education in the madrasa might be, poor students do get tolearn the Qur8:n there. This is viewed as a positive activity, bysupporting which one would be helping these poor children as well asearning a reward in the afterlife.

Despite this inner compulsion to donate, it was clear that people donot give blindly. They make conscious judgements about the quality andefficiency of a madrasa and base the amount and frequency of theirdonations on these calculations. People choose to support a madrasa onthe basis of very rational calculations about the efficiency andcommitment of the im:m of the madrasa. This also explains why inthe same locality some madrasas expand much more than others. Thedonors make it clear that the visibility of the work, reputation built overtime, social networks, and competence and commitment of the im:m,are the critical factors in persuading an individual to support a particularmadrasa.

It appeared that in making a decision about which madrasa to support,the visibility of its work was an important criterion. 350 studentslive and study within J:mi6at al-6Ul<m’s premises at any given time.

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As part of their daily routine these students mingle with the localcommunity, through the shopkeepers they deal with, and thechildren they play with on common grounds. They also interact dailywith people who come to pray in the mosque. This constant presenceof the students makes the work of the madrasa very visible. Everyonecan see that a certain number of children are being fed and taught inthis madrasa.

Then, the quality of the teaching and calibre of the im:m are criticalin making people choose one madrasa over another. The head of themadrasa is a part of the community; he is present in people’s lives atthe time of key life-cycle ceremonies, like birth, marriage and death.Many senior students from the madrasa teach Qur8:n to children inneighbouring houses. This interaction gives the people a good idea aboutthe im:m who heads the madrasa. Along with this knowledge also comesthe sense of differentiation. People get to form an opinion about theim:m, his character, his calibre, and his knowledge. Many respondentssaid that they differentiate among im:ms from the quality of the khutbas(sermons) he gives, and by seeing whether he practises what he preaches.Also, people consult the im:m on religious issues influencing daily life.In the words of one respondent: ‘One gets to know a lot about thecapacity and capability of the im:m through that.’36

The fact that the people differentiate between madrasas was alsoevident in the interviews with students, teachers, and parents. Parentsand students differentiated between madrasas as to their quality andeffectiveness and chose one on that basis. J:mi6at al-6Ul<m al-Shar6;aadmits students from all over Pakistan. Social networks are important inspreading the good name of a madrasa. The conduct and knowledge ofthe current teachers and their students become a living advertisement forthe madrasa. They take the knowledge about the madrasa back to theircommunities. The manners and knowledge of an existing student helpother parents judge the standard of education at that madrasa. Based onthese observations they decide where to send their child for religiouseducation. It is worth mentioning here that this analysis is very much inline with Metcalf’s observations about the ‘concentric circles ofinfluence’ of the 6ulam:8 at D:r al-6Ul<m Deoband.37

Interviews also show that the visible signs of the im:m’s commitmentto his religious beliefs are important in mobilizing people. Self-sacrificeon the part of the im:m is a critical factor for donors—it is important forthe im:m to convey humility and simplicity. According to the im:m

36 Interview with Ahmed Loan, Rawalpindi, 17.01.04.37 Metcalf, Islamic Revival, 235.

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himself: ‘The mawlv; ’s living is among the people. The people surroundhim on all four sides. The mawlv; goes to their homes; people come to hishouse. They continually get to know where their money is being spent.They can see the mosque and the madrasa. If I were to change cars everyday they would question it in their minds.’38

The fact that donors make their donations based on the efficiencyand commitment of the im:m was expressed by one of the womendonors to the madrasa in these words: ‘I do occasionally make a smalldonation to the smaller madrasa in the area. I know that the im:mof that madrasa lacks proper training and his commitment to his workappears questionable, especially when he sends out messengers withpathetic stories to collect donations. But the fact that God’s name isbeing taken in that place and relatively poor children are studyingthere makes me feel that I should donate at least a small amount to it.However, I give my main donation to J:mi6at al-6Ul<m al-Shar6;a becauseI know the im:m there is knowledgeable and ensures a very high qualityof education for his students.’39

The study also shows that the biggest donations to the madrasacome from people who are more religiously inclined and who, because oftheir active interest in religious education, make a real effort to identifygood madrasas. In their case giving is not tied to their local madrasa.These are people who will contribute to J:mi6at al-6Ul<m not becauseit is in their neighbourhood but because they have the knowledge andaccess to compare the efficiency and performance of various madrasasand realize that this one is better than others. In an interview with onesuch donor, the reason given for supporting J:mi6at al-6Ul<m al-Shar6;awas that one gets to know the repute of the madrasa. Interviews withother such donors and the im:m show that there are several differentmeans that help build this repute. The Friday sermons of the im:m, hispublications, and those of other scholars associated with the madrasa,are two obvious means of building repute. Also, participation ingatherings of religious scholars, the newsletters produced by Waf:qal-Mad:ris, the scholarly work of students who graduated from themadrasa, and other similar networks, help establish the repute of themadrasa. What this indicates is that, as compared to the general public,those who are more religiously inclined are better informed and applyclear criteria for measuring the performance of, and differentiatingamong, madrasas.

38 Interview with H:fiC M. Ishaque, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m, Rawalpindi, 05.01.04.39 Interview with Mrs. Mansur, Rawalpindi, 15.10.03.

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These individuals explore various madrasas, meet like-minded peoplewith shared interests, attend social ceremonies at these madrasas, readthe published work of the im:ms of the madrasa, and make informeddecisions about their efficiency. They thus become part of a networkthrough which the repute of a good madrasa is spread. Manyrespondents, who themselves had limited knowledge about madrasasoutside their own area, mentioned that they give to a specific madrasaon the recommendation of a relative known to be very religious andknowledgeable about religious institutions. The longer the madrasasurvives, the more important the role of reputation becomes: in the caseof established madrasas people start to donate from afar rather than justfrom the immediate community.

The above discussion shows that there are many checks on the im:m.The community, the donors, as well as the parents, base their decisionto donate to a madrasa or send their child to study there, on rationalcalculations about its performance, and not on blind religions orideological conviction. Judgements about the efficiency of the im:m arenot made on general hearsay but on the basis of visible signs or directexperience of his work or the recommendations of those who havean established interest in and knowledge about the madrasa system. Theduration of time that the madrasa has been working matters, not becauseit establishes familiarity, but because it indicates success in havingsurvived the suspicion of so many others. Similarly, self-sacrifice on thepart of the im:m is important because it is evidence of his motivation:when the im:m is clearly making a material sacrifice for the sake of thework he is doing, it is rational for the donors to think that he is notmisusing donations. The im:m thus is not above questioning, nor doeshis being a religious figure allow him to exercise unchecked authorityand influence on the public. The people have their own means ofchecking on the im:m. It is only when he meets the standards ofcompetence and commitment demanded by the people that he is able toexercise some moral authority over them.

CONCLUSION

The investigation of J:mi6at al-6Ul<m al-Shar6;a and its relationship withthe community suggests that the current understanding of the madrasasystem is based on misplaced claims and normative judgements, which inturn raises serious ethical and practical concerns about the proposedpolicies derived from that current understanding. This paper questionsthe perception of a madrasa as an overtly political entity; it argues

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instead that a madrasa, even today, is primarily a social entity with aspecific socio-economic role. The 6ulam:8 may well project someauthority through written commentary on the Qur’:n (as argued byZaman)40 but their real moral authority builds through the day-to-dayinteractions with the immediate community. This argument is in linewith Farhan Nizami’s historical analysis of madrasas in north India.41

Looking at the madrasas, Sufi orders, and qasbat (small towns) during1803–1857, Nizami argues that the eminence the 6ulam:8 enjoyedderived not merely from ideological factors but, equally importantly, fromsociological ones. Noting that the people differentiated between ‘ulama-i-dunya’ (worldly scholars supported by the state) and ‘ulama-i-akhirat’(religiously-minded scholars who lived off public charity or on theirown earnings, and maintained an attitude of independence), Nizamimaintains that their piety and erudition, combined with their povertyenhanced the status of ‘ulama-i-akhirat’ in the eyes of the ordinarypeople: their moral authority and social standing were built through theirlifestyle and interaction with the community, and they were moresocially effective and powerful for that reason.

Directions for Further Research on Madrasas

Since the arguments developed in this paper are based on case study ofa single madrasa, the scope of these claims is questionable. However,the intention of this study is to question the current generalizations byindicating the complex reality of how a madrasa is established, and howit functions in its social context. It should therefore serve as an argumentfor more detailed and extensive research on the madrasa network inPakistan before any attempts to reform it. A series of studies is neededthat focus on different types of madrasas in Pakistan, so that a meaningfultypology and some clearly definable criteria for differentiation areevolved: it is reasonable to expect differences in relation to the syllabusthey offer (AifC, n:Cara, or fiqh), sectarian affiliation, reputation, numberof students, geographical location, ‘period’ (whether established beforepartition, established in the 1960s and 1970s, established during the1980s after Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization), and the socio-economic char-acteristics of the surrounding community. Also, madrasas registered withthe government are likely to differ from the unregistered ones. Only anhonest effort to engage with the array of madrasas, and to develop anappreciation for the education they impart, will enable the policy-makers

40 Mohammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam:Custodians of Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002).

41 Nizami, ‘Madrasahs, Scholars, Saints’, 127–32.

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to come up with an effective and fair regulating mechanism. The study ofJ:mi6at al-6Ul<m al-Shar6;a suggests that as yet there has not been enoughresearch on and understanding of the madrasa system in Pakistan todesign reform policies or a regulatory framework that will be both fairand effective.

APPENDIX ON METHODOLOGY

This appendix explains the criteria for selection of the madrasa andthe process of data collection. The reason for choosing a Deobandimadrasa was that Deobandi madrasas are the largest in number inPakistan, and are more frequently associated by the analysts with jih:diculture than other sects. The aim was to select an average Deobandimadrasa rather than one of the most prominent or older madrasas withnationally eminent scholars, so that the findings cannot be set aside asdrawn from an exceptional case. With 350 students in residence, but noscholar of national profile attached to it, J:mi6at al-6Ul<m met thiscriterion. In respect of geographical location, again the aim was tochoose a site that was not unique—Rawalpindi is a fairly typical city inPakistan.

Two factors helped make the final choice: the socio-economiccharacteristics of the locality, and access to the madrasa. Since it wasreasonable to expect that the local socio-economic characteristics mustinfluence the madrasa, it was preferable to select one in a location thathoused people across the income divide. J:mi6at al-6Ul<m was interestingas it is located in the low-income zone of an upper-income locality inPakistan, thus providing a good opportunity to gauge the perspective ofpeople of different socio-economic background. The access issue wasimportant because of the timing of the fieldwork. The fieldwork wasconducted during the autumn of 2003 and spring 2004, when themadrasa reform plan was being rolled out and the government wasundertaking many surveys on the madrasas. To gain entry to a madrasawhere the management would not be distrustful of my intentions orconnections, I chose a madrasa where I could be introduced by someonemutually trusted and respected. One of my uncles, an ENT specialist,now eighty years of age, had over many years volunteered his services atthe free clinic run by J:mi6at al-6Ul<m. This made J:mi6at al-6Ul<m thebest choice, given that it already met the other criteria.

During the fieldwork period, September 2003–April 2004, twenty-fivevisits were paid to the madrasa. The im:m or head of the school was

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the main contact. The information was gathered through repeatedin-depth interviews with him and five out of the total of 25 teachers.Group-discussions were conducted with 20 out of a total of 350students, each group comprising four students. The students wereall from the senior classes and in their late teens or early twenties.The reason for choosing students from senior rather than primaryclasses was that they were more likely to have a clearer idea of whythey were in the madrasa and why they had chosen this particularmadrasa over another.

The fieldwork did not start with a pre-formed concept of atypical student, teacher or donor. In fact, the whole idea was todocument the various types and see if certain characteristics aresignificant across the population. Thus purpose sampling rather thanrandom sampling techniques were used to select the teachers, students,as well as the people who donate to the madrasa. The studentswere selected by the teachers and the im:m. The idea was to cover asdiverse a range of students as were present in the madrasa. Therefore,students were selected who differed in origin (urban/rural), socio-economic background, and exposure to secular schools. In respectof donors, the approach was more ad hoc. I met some donors whileI was sitting at the madrasa, interviewed them and asked them toname other individuals they knew to be supporters of this madrasa.In addition, the donors interviewed included people in the immediateneighbourhood of the madrasa like the local shopkeeper, and themotor mechanic. Parents of three students local to the area werealso interviewed.

The questions put to the im:m, teachers and the students were open-ended so as not to lead the responses. A list of issues to be coveredrather than specific questions guided the interviews. Key areas to becovered were: the socio-economic characteristics of the locality in whichthe madrasa is situated; the physical infrastructure of the madrasa;the curriculum and evaluation system; teaching methods and learningstrategies; backgrounds of the teachers and the concept of an idealteacher; socio-economic background of the students and their motiva-tions for joining; their expectations and aspirations; teacher–studentrelationship; the differences between a madrasa and the secular school.In addition, there was an effort to understand how the im:m, teachers,and students view themselves, what kind of normative values they like toassociate with themselves, and their perception of how the societyperceives them. Also important to the study was understanding themadrasa’s relationship with the society, its fund-raising techniques,the contributions that the community makes to the madrasa and

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the criteria on which people choose to support one madrasa overanother. Questions were designed to access maximum information ratherthan get the respondents to choose between given options. For example,while trying to understand the concept of the ideal teacher, teachersand students were asked to identify the attributes that in their mindessentially mark an ideal teacher; they were not asked to choose betweencertain pre-selected attributes.

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