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7/29/2019 B. Wellman Et Alias, Computer Networks as Social Networks, 1996
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Computer Networks as Social Networks: Collaborative Work, Telework, and Virtual
CommunityAuthor(s): Barry Wellman, Janet Salaff, Dimitrina Dimitrova, Laura Garton, Milena Gulia andCaroline HaythornthwaiteReviewed work(s):Source: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 22 (1996), pp. 213-238Published by: Annual Reviews
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2083430 .
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Annu.Rev.Sociol. 1996. 22:213-38Copyright? 1996 by AnnualReviewsInc. All rights reserved
COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIAL
NETWORKS:CollaborativeWork,
Telework,and VirtualCommunity
Barry Wellman, anetSalaff DimitrinaDimitrova,LauraGarton,MilenaGulia, CarolineHaythornthwaite
Centrefor UrbanandCommunityStudies, Universityof Toronto,Toronto,Canada
M5S 2G8
KEY WORDS: computersupportedcooperativework,virtualcommunity, elework,electronicmail,social networks, nternetcommunication
ABSTRACT
When computernetworks ink people as well as machines, they become social
networks. Such computer-supportedocial networks CSSNs) are becomingim-
portantbasesof virtualcommunities,computer-supportedooperativework,and
telework. Computer-mediatedommunication uch as electronicmail and com-
puterizedconferencingis usually text-basedand asynchronous. It has limited
social presence, and on-line communicationsare often more uninhibited,cre-
ative, and blunt than in-person communication. Nevertheless,CSSNs sustain
strong, intermediate,andweak ties that provide informationandsocial support
in bothspecializedand broadlybasedrelationships.CSSNs foster virtualcom-
munitiesthatareusually partialandnarrowly ocused, althoughsome do become
encompassingandbroadlybased. CSSNs accomplisha wide varietyof cooper-
ativework,connectingworkerswithinand betweenorganizationswho areoften
physically dispersed. CSSNs also link teleworkers rom their homes or remote
work centersto mainorganizational ffices. Although many relationships unc-
tion off-line as well as on-line, CSSNs have developed their own norms and
structures.The natureofthe
medium both constrainsandfacilitates social con-
trol. CSSNs have strongsocietal implications,fosteringsituationsthat combine
global connectivity, hefragmentation f solidarities, he de-emphasisof local or-
ganizations (in the neighborhoodandworkplace),and the increased mportanceof homebases.
213
0360-0572/96/08 15-0213$08.00
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214 WELLMANTAL
COMPUTER-SUPPORTEDOCIALNETWORKS
Whencomputernetworks inkpeople as well as machines,theybecome social
networks,whichwe call computer-supportedocial networks CSSNs). Three
formsof CSSNs arerapidlydeveloping,each withits own desiresandresearch
agendas. Membersof virtualcommunitywant to link globally with kindred
souls for companionship,information,and social support from their homesand workstations.White-collarworkerswant computer-supportedooperative
work (CSCW),unencumbered y spatialdistance,while organizations ee ben-
efits in coordinatingcomplex work structuresand reducingmanagerialcosts
and travel time. Some workerswant to teleworkfrom theirhomes, combining
employmentwithdomesticchoresandArcadian etreats;managementoresees
reducedbuildingand real estate costs, and higherproductivity.
We examine here the extent to which people workandfind communityon
CSSNs. Is it possible to sustainproductiveor supportive elationshipson-linewith networkmemberswho maynevermeet in-person?Whatwill thecompo-
sition and structure f CSSNs be like, with their weakerconstraintsof distance
and time,theireasy connectivity,and limitedsocialpresence?Whataretheim-
plicationsof suchchangesforthe societieswithin whichtheyareproliferating?
These questionshavecapturedhepublic'simagination.Punditsargueabout
whether we will have computer-supportedtopias-"the most transforming
technologicaleventsincethecaptureof fire" Barlow1995:40)-or dystopias-
"this razzle-dazzle... disconnectsus from each other"(Hightower,quotedinFox 1995:12). The popularmedia is filled with accountsof life in cyberspace
(e.g. Cybergal1995),much like earlier ravellers' ales of journeysinto exotic
unexplored ands. Public discourseis (a) Manichean,seeing CSSNs as either
thoroughlygood orevil, (b) breathlesslypresent-oriented,writingas if CSSNs
had been inventedyesterdayand not in the 1970s, (c) parochial,assumingthat
life on-line hasno connectionto life off-line, and(d) unscholarly, gnoringre-
search ntoCSSNs aswell as a century'sresearch nto the natureof community,
work,and social organization.
The Nets SpreadCSSNs began in the 1960s when the US Defense Department'sAdvanced
ProjectsResearchAgency developedARPANET o link largeuniversitycom-
putersand some of their users (Cerf 1993). The ElectronicInformationEx-
changeSystem, modeledaftera governmentemergencycommunicationsnet-
work, started supportingcomputerizedconferences of scientific researchers
(includingsocial networkanalysts)in the mid-1970s (Freeman1986, Hiltz &Turoff 1993). Othersystemswere also proposedandpartially mplemented n
thisperiod.
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 215
Since the mid-1980s personalcomputershave become increasingly con-nected(throughmodems,local networks,etc) to centralcommunicationhosts.These hosts have become linkedwith each otherthroughthe worldwide"In-ternet"andthe "WorldWideWeb"(encompassing nformationaccess as wellas communications).Togetherwithotherinterconnecting omputernetworks,
the overall network has become known simply as "TheNet,"a "networkofnetworks" Craven& Wellman1973) thatweaveshostcomputers usinghigh-capacitycommunication ines), each of which is at the centerof its own localnetwork. While the Net originallyonly encompassednonprofit(principallyuniversity)computers,commercialusers were allowed on in the early 1990s.Between October 1994 andJanuary1995, the numberof Internethosts grewby 26%(Treese1995).
Othercomputernetworkshavegrownconcomitantly,whilethecost of access
hasdecreased.Thoseprincipally orleisureuserangefromcommunitybulletinboardsystems (Marx& Virnoche1995) to global, for-profitnetworkssuch asAmerica OnLinethathave developedcommercialactivityand the structuredprovision of information e.g. airlineguides, movie reviews). In late 1995,America OnLine had an estimated4.5 million subscribersworldwide,Com-puServehad4 million,whileProdigyhad1.5million(Lewis 1996). Thedevel-opmentof WorldWideWebservices may displace suchcommercialsystems.Local low-cost Internetservice providers are proliferating,and Windows95
comes readyto connect to theInternet.Competitivepressureshave led these commercialsystems to link with theInternet,makingthe Net even morewidely interconnected.The Net has beengrowing,perhapsdoublingits users annually. Its rapidgrowth and structureas a networkof networksmakes it difficult to count the numberof users, forone mustcount boththe computersystems directlyconnected to the Net andthe users on each system. For example, estimates of recent Internetuse inmid-1995 rangedbetween 27 million and 10 million adults(InsightNew Me-dia 1995, Lewis
1995). Besides exchangingprivatee-mail messages, internetmembersparticipatedas of January27, 1996) in 24,237 collective discussiongroups(Southwick1996). There s muchscope for growth: In 1994 only 17%of the 2.2 million Canadian omputeruserslogged onto theNet (Frank1995).Moreover,users varybetweenthose who rarelylog on to those who arecon-tinuouslyconnected. Givensuchuncertainties nd thetendencyof enthusiastsandmarketers o forecasthigh levels of networkmembership,many estimatesof the numberof usersareunreliable.
There is little published nformationaboutthe demographicomposition
ofNetusers,although hisshouldchangeasitdevelopsas acommercialmarketingmilieu. There s generalagreement hatusersare argelypoliticallyconservative
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216 WELLMAN TAL
white men, often single, English-speaking,residing in North America, andprofessionals, managers, or students (Newsweek 1995; Treese 1995). One
surveyof Web users inSpring1995 found thatwomen comprised ess than one
fifth of theirsample,although he proportion f women usershad doubled n the
pastsix months(Pitkow& Kehoe 1995). Two thirdsof thissample had at least
a university education,an "average"household income of US $59,600, andthree quarters ived in North America. By contrast,Algeria had 16 registered
internetusersin July 1995 and Bulgariahad 639 (Danowitzet al 1995). Trends
suggestanincreasingparticipation f women, non-English peakers,andpeople
of lower socioeconomic status (Guptaet al 1995, Krautet al 1995, On-lineResearchGroup 1995). Nevertheless,FrenchPresidentJacquesChirac(1995)
has warnedthat if English continues to dominate the informationhighway,
"our futuregenerationswill be economically and culturallymarginalized....
Todefendthe influence of the French anguageis to defend therightto think,to communicate, o feel emotionsandto prayin a differentway."
Possibly morepeople participaten privateorganizationalnetworks hanon
theNet, eitherusingCSCW from offices orteleworking rom homes. Theyuse
proprietary ystems such as Lotus Notes or Internet ools adaptedfor use onprivate"intranets."n 1991therewere 8.9 millionparticipantsn Fortune2000
companies (ElectronicMail Association 1992). In late 1995, thereprobablywere still more users of privatenetworksthanof the Net, but there were no
availableestimates.There s also nopublisheddemographicnformationaboutprivatenetworkparticipants, utpresumably heyare even morehomogeneousthan those on the Net. To protect organizational ecurity, privatenetworks
often are not connectedto the Net. However,pressure romprofessionalem-
ployees to have access tocolleaguesand nformation lsewhere s leadingmany
organizations o connect to the Net (Pickering& King 1995).
Typesof SystemsAlmost all CSSNs supporta varietyof text-based nteractionswith messages
enteredon keyboardsand transmitted n lowest-commondenominatorASCIIcode. Basic electronicmail (e-mail)is asynchronous ommunication rom one
personto anotheror fromone personto a distribution ist. When e-mail mes-sagesareforwarded, heyconcatenate ntoloosely bounded ntergroup etworks
throughwhich informationdiffuses rapidly. E-mail is bidirectional,so that
recipientsof messages can reply with equalease. By contrast o these single-
senderarrangements, groupware"Johnson-Lenz& Johnson-Lenz1978) sup-
portscomputerized onferencing hatenables all membersof a boundedsocial
networkto read all messages. Many privatenetworkssupportcomputerizedconferencingas does the Net through"list servers"(such as the Progressive
Sociology Network)and leisure-time"Usenetnewsgroups."
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 217
The on-line storageof most messagesallows computer-mediated ommuni-cation (CMC) tobe asynchronous o thatparticipants an be indifferentplacesand on differentschedules. This gives people potentially more control overwhen they read andrespondto messages. Moreover,the rapidtransmissionof large files betweenindividualsandamonggroups increasesthe velocity of
communication, upports ollaborativework,andsustainsstrongand weak ties(Feldman1987, Finholt & Sproull 1990, Eveland & Bikson 1988, Sproull &Kiesler 1991). On-linestorageanddigitaltransmissionalso help intruders oread files and messages,althoughcomputerization oes providecryptographicmeans of protectingprivacy(Weisband& Reinig 1995).
Far ewerpeopleparticipatensynchronous"real-time"CSSNs,althoughm-proved echnology shouldleadto theirgrowth.The "chat ines" of commercialservicesand he InternetRelayChat IRC)systemoperatenrealtime, providing
multithreaded onversations ike cocktailparties (Bechar-Israeli1995, Danetet al 1996). As widespreadInternetaccess and microcomputermultitasking
develop, it is likely thatmany currentlyasynchronoususers will see messageswhenthey arrive,creating hepotential or morewidespread ynchronicsocialexchanges. Multi-UserDungeons (MUDs) and kindredsystems are a specialplay form of real-timecomputerizedconferencing. Those who enter MUDs
don pseudonymouspersonasandrole play in quests, masquerades,and otherforms of intense on-line communal nteraction Danetet al 1995, 1996, Reid
1996,Smith
1996).Current rendssupplement ext with graphics,animation,video, andsound,increasingsocial presence. However, this increases cost and requires goodhardwareandcommunication ines. Desktopandgroupvideoconferencing scurrently imited to researchgroupsandlarge-screencorporatemeetingrooms(Ishii 1992, Mantei et al 1991, Buxton 1992, Moore 1997). Otherexperi-mentalsystems include video walls (in whichlarge-screenvideos link widelyseparated ounges to promoteinformalcoffee-machineconversation),videohallways (Fish et al 1993,Dourish& Bly 1992) thatallow participants o checkthe availabilityof others at a glance, and agents or avatars hatmove, speakand searchon-line (Maes 1995, Riecken 1994, Stephenson 1992). Hence wefocus in thischapteron themostwidely used,text-based, ormsof CSSNs suchas e-mail andcomputerizedconferences. We look only at interpersonal om-munication. We do not coverimpersonalbroadcaste-mail (such as electronic
newsletters),distanceeducation,passivelyaccessible sites (suchas file transfer
[FTP]and Web sites), and the exchangeof data on-line (as in manufacturingprocessesor airlinereservation ystems).
Research nto CSSNs has involvedseveraldisciplines-principally computerscience, communicationscience, business administration,and psychology.
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218 WELLMAN TAL
There are annual CSCW conferences with publishedproceedings. Despite
the inherently ociologicalnatureof the matter, ociology is underrepresented,
and gatekeepersare mostly members of other disciplines (Dillon 1995). Al-
though mutuallygermane,studies of virtualcommunity,CSCW,and telework
generally have not informedeach other.
COMMUNICATIONON-LINE
Earlyresearchdeveloped rom"human-computer"nalysisof single-person n-
terfaceswithcomputersystems to analyzinghow small group communication
is mediated by computersystems. Many of these studies examined how the
limited "socialpresence"of CMC (as compared o in-person contact)affects
interactionsand groupdecision-making. What are the effects of losing verbal
nuances (e.g. voice tone, volume), nonverbal ues (e.g. gaze, body language)
physical context (e.g. meeting sites, seating arrangements) nd observable n-
formationaboutsocial characteristics e.g. age, gender,race)?Research n this
approachinksthetechnicalcharacteristics f CMCto taskgroupoutcomessuch
as increased participation,more egalitarianparticipation,more ideas offered,
and less centralized eadership Hiltzet al 1986, Kiesler et al 1984,Rice 1987,
Adrianson& Hjelmquist1991,Weisbandet al 1995). Limited social presence
mayalsoencouragepeopleto communicatemorefreelyandcreatively han hey
do in person,at times "flaming" thersby usingextreme, aggressive language
(Kiesleret al, 1984).Although groups supportedby CMC often producehigher quality ideas,
reaching agreementcan be a lengthyand morecomplex processas the greaternumberof ideas and the lack of status cues hindergroupcoordination Hiltzet al 1986, Kiesler& Sproull 1992,Valacichet al 1993). However,status cues
are notcompletelyabsent,as social information s conveyed through anguage
use, e-mail address,and signaturessuch as "VP-Research"Walther1992).
As messages are often visibly copied to others,they also indicate social net-
work connections. Some participantsprefer in-personcontact to CMC forambiguous, socially sensitive, andintellectuallydifficultinteractions Culnan
& Markus1987,Daft & Lengel 1986,Rice 1987,Fish et al 1993,Jones 1995).
However,CMCis also usedto maintain ocial distance,documentcontentious
issues, or when the messageinvolvesfear,dislike,awkwardness, r intimidation
(Markus1994a,Walther1996).Much CMCresearchhas beenindividualisticandtechnologicallydetermin-
istic, assuminga single person rationallychoosing amongmedia (Lea 1991).
Togo beyond this, some CMCanalystsnowconsiderhow socialrelationships,organizationaltructures, nd local normsaffecttheuse of communicationme-
dia (Finholt& Sproull1990, Orlikowsiet al 1995, Huber1990, Markus1990,
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COMPUTERETWORKS SSOCIALNETWORKS 219
1994b, Sproull& Kiesler 1991, Lea et al 1995,Orlikowskiet al 1996b, Zack &
McKenney 1995). Forexample, people do not"choose" o use e-mail in many
organizations: It is a condition of employment(Fulk & Boyd 1991). Even
when e-mail use is voluntary, criticalmass of usersaffects the extent to which
people use it (Markus1990). Thus the laboratorybasis of most CMC research
sets limits for understandingCSSNs in natural ettings. Sociological researchneeds to takeintoaccount he socialcharacteristics f participants e.g. gender,
SES), theirpositionalresources(CEO or mail-room clerk, brokeror densely
knitstar), he interplaybetweenongoing on-lineand off-line relationships,andtheir ongoingsocial relationships.
SUPPORTON-LINE
InformationMuch of the communicationon CSSNs involves theexchangeof information.
For example, in two weeks of March 1994 the 2295 newsgroupsin the top
16 Usenet newsgrouphierarchiesreceived 817,638 messages (Kling 1996b).
On-line digital librariesaregrowing, along with search tools (Kling & Lamb
1996), although ocatingtheright nformations difficult n large organizations
and communities. The natureof the mediumsupportsa focus on information
exchanges,as people can easily post a questionor comment and receive infor-
mation nreturn.Broadcastingqueries hroughCSSNs increases he chances offindinginformationquicklyandalters the distribution atternsof information.
It gives those workingin small or distantsites better access to experienced,skilled people (Constantet al 1996).
However, as anyone can contribute nformationto most newsgroupsand
distributionists, the Net can be arepositoryof misleading nformationand bad
advice, as some health careprofessionalshavecharged Foderaro1995). Such
worriesdiscount he fact thatpeoplehavealways giveneachotheradvice about
theirbodies, psyches, families, or computers(e.g. Wellman 1995, Kadushin1987). The Net hasjust made theprocessmore accessible and morevisible to
others, ncludingexpertswhose claims to monopolieson advice arethreatened
(Abbott 1988).Theflow of information hroughCSSNs itself generatesaccess to new infor-
mation. On-line nformation lowsspilloverunexpectedly hroughmessagefor-
warding,providingaccess to morepeopleand new social circles, thusincreas-
ing theprobabilityof findingthose who can solve problems(Kraut& Attewell
1993). Peopleoftenbump nto new informationor new sources of informationunintentionally hrough"leaky... quasisocial networlds"Brent 1994:on-line).Informationobtainedserendipitouslyhelps solve problemsbefore they occur
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220 WELLMANET AL
and helps keep people awareof organizationalnews. Weak on-line ties are
bridges between diverse sources of information. In one large organization,
those with more diverse ties obtained better on-line advice (Constantet al
1996).
Social SupportIf CSSNs were solely a means of information xchange,thenthey would mostly
containnarrow, pecializedrelationships.However, nformations only one of
manysocial resourcesexchangedon-line. Despitethe limited social presence
of CMC, people findsocial support,companionship,and a sense of belonging
through he normalcourseof CSSNs of work and community,even whenthey
are composed of persons they hardlyknow (Rice & Love 1987, McCormick
& McCormick 1992, Haythornthwaitet al 1995, Walther1996, Wellman&
Gulia 1996). Althoughprovidingsuchtypes of supportoften does notrequire
major nvestmentsof time, money,orenergy,CSSN membershavealso mobi-lized goods, services, and long-termemotionalsupport o helpeach other(e.g.
Lewis 1994). Thus while most of the elderlyusers of the "SeniorNet"virtual
community oinedto gain access to information,heirmostpopularon-lineac-
tivityhas beencompanionable hatting Furlong1989,see alsoHiltz et al 1986,
Walther1994, Rheingold 1993, Meyer 1989, Krautet al 1995). An informal
supportgroupsprangup inadvertentlywhen the "YoungScientists'Network"
aimedprimarilyatprovidingphysicistswithjob hunting ipsandnews stories.
Similarly,the "Systers"mailing list, originally designedfor female computerscientiststo exchange nformation,has become a forum orcompanionshipand
social support(Sproull& Faraj1995). The membersof a computerscience
laboratory requentlyexchangeemotionalsupportby e-mail. Because much
of their time is spent on-line, and many of their difficultieshappenat their
terminals, t is natural or them to discuss problemson-line (Haythornthwaite
et al 1995).
Some CSSNs are explicitly set up to be supportgroupsthatprovideemo-
tional aid, groupmembership,and informationabout medical treatmentandothermatters Foderaro1995, King 1994). One therapistwhoprovidesone-to-
one counselingthrougha bulletin boardreports hat,while she has less socialpresence and cues than through n-person sessions, the greateranonymityof
CMC allows herclients to reveal themselves more(Cullen 1995). For exam-
ple, PeterandTrudyJohnson-Lenz1990, 1994)haveorganizedon-linegroups
for 20 years, workingto buildself-awareness,mutually supportiveactivities,
social change,anda sense of collective well-being. Their softwaretools, such
as passingaround acred"talking ticks,"rearrange ommunication tructures,vary exchangesettings,markgrouprhythms,andencourage urkers o express
themselves.
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 221
RELATIONSHIPS ON-LINE
SpecializedandMultiplexTiesCSSNs containboth specialized and multiplexrelationships. The structure
of the Net encourages specializedrelationshipsbecause it supportsa market
approach o findingsocial resources in virtualcommunities. With more easethanin almost all real life situations,people can shop for resourcesfrom the
safety and comfort of their homes or offices, and with reducedsearch and
travel time. The Usenet alone houses more than 3500 newsgroups (Kling
1996b)to whichanyonemaysubscribe,withdiverse oci includingpolitics (e.g.
feminism), technicalproblems(e.g. SPSS), therapeutics e.g. alcoholism),
socializing (e.g. singles), and recreation e.g. BMWs, sexual fantasies). Net
memberscan browsethroughspecializedchannelson synchronouschat lines
before decidingtojoin a discussion(Danetet al 1996). Relationships n thesevirtualcommunitiesare often narrowlydefined.
The narrowfocus of newsgroups,distribution ists, and chat lines allows
people to take risks in specializedrelationships hatmay only exist in a single
partialon-linecommunity.Some CSSNs even allow people to be anonymousor use nicknameswhen they wantto speakfreely or try on differentpersonas
(Hiltz & Turoff1993). However, he inclusionof e-mailaddresses nmost mes-
sage headersprovides he basisfor moremultiplexrelationships o develop. In
the absence of social andphysical cues, people are able to get to know each
otheron the Net on the basisof theircommunication nddecide later o broaden
the relationshipor move it off-line (Rheingold 1993). Thusmore than half of
the recoveringaddicts on electronicsupportgroupsalso contact each otherby
phone or in-person (King 1994). Soon after an especially intensecomputer-
ized conference, many"of the participants lteredtheirbusinessand vacation
travelplansto includea face-to-facemeetingwith one another" Hiltz & Turoff
1993:114).
StrongTiesCan hemediumupporthemessagefthe imited ocialpresencefcomputer-mediated communicationworks against the maintenanceof socially close,
strong ies on CSSNs? Manyon-line tiesdo meetmost of the criteria orstrong
ties. They facilitatefrequent,reciprocal,companionable,andoften supportive
contact,andtheplacelessnessofCSSNinteractions acilitates ong-termcontact
without the loss of relationships hat often accompaniesresidentialmobility.
Virtualcommunities arequitevoluntary,while CSSN participationvariesbe-
tween voluntaryandmandatoryn CSCWand telework(Hiltz& Turoff1993,Johnson-Lenz& Johnson-Lenz1994, Rheingold 1993). Certainlymany ac-
countsreportgreat nvolvement n on-linerelationships.Communitymembers
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 223
Nevertheless, here s evidenceof reciprocal upportiveness n CSSNs, even
betweenpeople withweakties (Hiltzet al 1986, Walther1994). Providingre-
ciprocalsupportand informationon-lineis a meansof increasingself-esteem,
demonstratingechnicalexpertise,earningrespectandstatus,andresponding
to norms of mutualaid (e.g. Constantet al 1994, 1996, Kraut& Attewell
1993, Kollock& Smith1996b). In some organizations, mployeesareencour-aged to help each otheror to directthose in need to otherswho could help.
Computerized onferencesandpublicarchivesreinforce hissupportivenessby
making t visible to all co-workersandmanagers Constant t al 1995, Kraut&
Attewell 1993, Kollock& Smith 1996b). Suchprocessesalso arisein densely
knitvirtualcommunitiesandare common amongfrequent ontributorso com-
puterizedconferences. People havinga strongattachment o an organization
or electronicgroupwill be more likely to participateand provideassistanceto
others. For example,computerhackers nvolvedin illegal activitiesarereluc-tantto changetheir pseudonymsbecausethe statusthey gain throughon-line
demonstrations f technicalexpertiseaccrues o thatpseudonym Meyer1989).
Some commentatorshave warnedaboutthe consequencesof makingcon-
nectionson CSSNsteemingwithstrangerswhosebiographies, ocialpositions,
and social networksare unknown(Stoll 1995). NeverthelessCSSN members
tend to truststrangers,much as people gave rides to hitchhikers n the flow-
erchilddays of the 1960s. This willingness to engage with strangerson-line
contrastswithin-person ituationswherebystanders reoftenreluctanto inter-vene andhelp strangers Latane& Darley 1976). Yetbystandersaremoreapt
to intervenewhentheyarethe only ones aroundand theycan withdraweasily
in case of trouble. Analogously,on-line requestsfor aid are read by people
aloneattheirscreens. Evenif therequest s to a newsgroupandnotbypersonal
e-mail, as far as the recipientof the requestknows, s/he is the only one who
could provideaid. At the same time, on-line interventionwill be observedby
entiregroupsandwill be positivelyrewardedby them. It is this visibility that
may fosterthe kindnessof strangers.Justas physicalproximityprovidesthe
opportunity or observingface-to-faceinteraction,CSSNs providesocial ex-
emplarsto largenumbersof passiveobserversas well as to activeparticipants.
Individualacts can aggregateto sustaina large communitybecause each act
is seen by the entire groupand perpetuatesa normof mutualaid (Rheingold
1993, Barlow 1995,Lewis 1994).
StressfulTiesMost research nto antisocialbehavioron-linehasstudieduninhibited emarks,
hostile flaming,nonconformingbehavior,and grouppolarization(Hiltz et al1978, Kiesleret al 1985, Siegal et al 1986, Sproull& Kiesler 1991, Lea et al
1992, Waltheret al 1994). The limitedsocial presenceof computer-mediated
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224 WELLMANTAL
communicationencourages the misinterpretation f remarks, and the asyn-chronous natureof most conversationshinders the immediaterepairof dam-
ages, stressingandevendisrupting elationships.Therearenumerousanecdotes
about antisocial behavioron-line. Hackersdisseminateviruses, entrepreneurs"spam" flood) the Net with unwantedadvertisements, talkersharass partic-
ipants on-line, and scoundrels take on misleading roles such as men posingon-line as womentoseduce otherselectronically Cybergal1995, Slouka 1995).
SOCIALNETWORKSON-LINE
In what kinds of social networksare on-linerelationships mbedded?Because
they operatesomewhatdifferently,we separatelydiscuss virtual community
and computer-supportedwork groups. For both community and work, we
consider the compositionof computer-supportedocial networks-the nature
of the participantsn them,andthe structureof CSSNs-the networkpatternof relationshipsand hierachiesof power.
Size and CompositionVIRTUAL OMMUNITYAlthough ontemporaryeople n the westernworldmay know 1000 others, they activelymaintainonly about20 communityties
(Kochen 1989). Easy access to distribution ists and computerizedconfer-
ences should enableparticipantso maintainmoreties, includingmorestrong
ties. Communicationalso comes unsolicitedthroughdistributionists, news-groups,and forwardedmessages from friends. These provideindirectcontact
betweenpreviouslydisconnectedpeople,allowingthem to establishdirectcon-
tact. Newsgroupsand distribution ists also provide permeable, shiftingsets
of members,withmore intenserelationships ontinuedby privatee-mail. The
resulting relaxationof constraintson the size and proximityof one's personal
communitycan increasethe diversityof people encountered(Lea & Spears
1995). Thus the Net facilitatesformingnew connectionsbetweenpeople and
virtualcommunities.The relative lack of social presence on-line fosters relationshipswith Net
memberswho have more diverse social characteristicshan arenormallyen-
countered nperson. It alsogives participantsmore controlover thetimingand
contentof theirself-disclosures Walther1995). This allowsrelationshipsode-
velopon the basis of shared nterests atherhan obe stuntedat the onsetbydif-
ferencesin social status(Coate 1994,Hiltz& Turoff1993,Jones1995, Kollock
& Smith 1996a). This is a technologicallysupportedcontinuationof a long-
term shift to communitiesorganizedby shared nterestsrather hanby sharedneighborhoodsor kinship groups (Fischer1975, Wellman1979, 1994). When
their shared nterestsareimportanto them,those involved in the same virtual
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 225
communitymay havemorein commonthan those who live in the samebuild-
ing or block (Rheingold 1993). Indeed,people have strongcommitmentsto
theiron-linegroupswhen theyperceive hem to be long-lasting Walther1994).
Thereis a danger, hough, hatvirtualcommunitiesmay develophomogeneous
interests(Lea & Spears1992). Furthermore,he similarityof social character-
istics of mostcurrentNet participants lso fosters culturalhomogeneity.This emphasison sharedinterestsrather hansocial characteristics an be
empowering ormembersof lower-statusand disenfranchisedocialcategories
(Mele 1996). Yet althoughsocial characteristicshave become less apparent
on CSSNs, theystill affectinteractions.Womenoftenreceivespecialattention
frommales(Shade1994,Herring1993,O'Brien1996). In part, hisis afunction
of thehighratioof mento womenon-line. "Revealyour genderon theNet and
you'retoast"claims one (fictional)femaleparticipantCoupland1995:334).
COOPERATIVEORK The evidenceis mixed aboutwhetherCSSNsreducethe
use of othercommunicationmedia,addto the total amountof communication,
orboost theuse of othercommunicationmedia(Garton& Wellman1995). One
studyfoundthatworkgroupsusingCMChaveahigher evel of communication
than those that do not (Bikson & Eveland 1990), while anotherfound that
heavy CMC use reducesface-to-faceand telephonecommunication Finholt
et al 1990).
People can greatlyextendthe numberand diversityof theirsocial contacts
when theybecomemembersofcomputerized onferencesor broadcastnforma-
tion to other CSSN members.In one large,physicallydispersedorganization,
fourfifths of thee-mailmessageswerefrom electronicgroupsand notindivid-
uals. More than half of these messages were from unknownpeople, different
buildings,orpeopleexternal o theirdepartment rchain of command Finholt
& Sproull 1990, Kiesler & Sproull1988). In anotherstudy,an on-line work
teamformedmore subcommittees handid anoff-lineteamandwas betterable
to involve its membersin its activities (Bikson & Eveland 1990). Wherethe
organizational limatefostersopencommunication,he lackof statuscues fos-ters connectionsacrosshierarchical r otherformsof statusbarriersSproull&
Kiesler 1991, Eveland& Bikson 1988).
StructureVIRTUAL OMMUNITYThe architecturef the Netmaynourishwo contra-
dictorytrendsfor the structureof virtualcommunities. First,the Net fosters
membership n multiple,partialcommunities. People often belong to several
computerized onferences,andthey can easily send out messages to separatepersonaldistributionists for differentkindsof conversations.Moreover, hey
can varyin theirinvolvements n differentcommunities,participating ctively
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226 WELLMANTAL
in some and occasionally in others. Second, the ease of respondingto entiregroups and forwardingmessages to others foster the folding in of on-line net-
works into broadercommunities(Marx& Virnoche 1995). Moreover,MUDs
andsimilarrole-playingenvironments esemble village-like structures f they
capture heirmembers' attention.
The proliferationof CSSNs may producea trendcounterto the contempo-raryprivatization f community.People in the westernworld are spending ess
time in public places waiting for friends to wanderby, and where they can tointroduce hem to otherfriends(Wellman1992, Economist 1995). Community
has moved indoors to private homes from its former semi-public, accessiblemilieus such as cafes, parks,andpubs. This dispersionand privatizationmeans
that people must activelycontactcommunitymembersto remain in touchin-stead of visiting a cafe andwaitingfor acquaintanceso drop by. By contrast,
computerizedconferencessupportconnections with largenumbersof people,providing possibilities for reversingthe trendto less public contact. Because
all membersof newsgroupsanddiscussiongroupscan readall messages-justas in a caf6 conversation-groups of peoplecan talkto eachothercasuallyand
get to know the friendsof their friends. "Thekeyboard s my caf6,"William
Mitchell enthuses(1995:7). Moreover,each participant's ersonalcommunityof ties connects specialized, partialcommunities,providingcross-cutting inks
between otherwisedisconnectedgroups.
WORKGROUPS There has not been much research nto how widespreaduseof CSSNs affect broadorganizational tructuresof managementand control.
Researchhas focused morenarrowlyon CSSNs themselves. Forexample,or-
ganizationalCSSNs are maintainedby systemadministrators homaysupportmanagementgoals by monitoringon-line activities and devising proceduresthataffect social outcomes. Some administrators romotethe "appropriate"
use of the CSSN andadmonishthose who use it for recreationalor noncom-
pany purposes (Chiu 1995, Orilowskiet al 1995). Managers ear thatCSSNs
will threatencontrolby acceleratingthe flow of (mis)information,ncludingrumors,complaints, okes, andsubversivecommunications Finholt& Sproull
1990). Forexample, management losed anemployee "Gripenet"when groupdiscussionschallenged ong-standing orporatepractices Emmett1982). Even
when organizations upport nformalelectronicgroups, managersoften viewthem with distrust(Perin 1991). When women in a large corporationestab-
lished a computerizedconference to discuss careers, managementmonitored
the messages because they feared it would lead to demandsfor unionization
andaffirmativeaction(Zuboff 1988).Nevertheless,CSSNssupporta varietyof agendas,notonlythose sanctioned
by the organization. For example, strikingIsraeliuniversityprofessorsused
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COMPUTERETWORKS S SOCIALNETWORKS 227
bothprivateandgroupmessagestocoordinateheirnationwide trike Pliskin&Romm 1994). Lessconfrontationally,managersandstaff use discussiongroupsto cross status and power boundariesby exchanging nformationabout shared
leisure interests. In one decentralizedcorporation,more than half of those
surveyeduse e-mail at least occasionally to keep in touch, take work breaks,
and take part n games and otherentertaining ctivities (Steinfield 1985). Suchgroups are larger,more dispersed,and more spontaneous han the distributionlists which the organization equiresemployees to be on, and their exchanges
emphasize fun rather han displays of competence (Finholt & Sproull 1990).Such informalmessaging may reduce work stress (Steinfield 1985), integrate
neworperipheral mployees (Eveland& Bikson 1988,Rice &Steinfield1994,
Steinfield 1985), and increaseorganizationalcommitment(Huff et al 1989,Kaye 1992, Sproull& Kiesler 1991).
Much"groupware"asbeen written osupporthe social networksof denselyknit and tightly bounded work groups in which people work closely with
a focused set of colleagues. For example, video conferencing systems en-
able spatially dispersedcoworkers to confer instantly (Moore 1997), whileco-writing systems support oint authorship Sharples 1993). Yet both the In-
ternet and within-organizationntranetsare also well-suited to supportwork
relationships n sparsely knit, loosely bounded organizationswhose members
switch frequentlyandroutinely amongthe people with whom they are deal-
ing throughout he day, as they move between projectsor need differentre-
sources (Fulk & DeSanctis 1995, Kling & Jewett 1994, Koppelet al 1988,Weick 1976, Wellman 1996). In such organizations,work outcomes dependmore on the ability of people and groupsto bridge cognitive distances thanon having people and other resources ocatedin the same place (Mowshowitz1994). This relativelyautonomousmode of workis often found among pro-
fessionals, scholars, or academics who have to make multiple, often unex-
pected, contactswith colleagues within and outside their own organizations
(Abbott 1988, Burt 1992, Hinds& Kiesler 1995, Star 1993, Walsh& Bayama
1996).From an organizationalperspective, dispersedwork teams require social
as well as technicalsupport(Wellmanet al 1994, Garton 1995). Studies ofcollaborationamong scientific communitiessuggest that an initial period of
physical proximityis necessaryto build trust and to come to consensus on
the focus of proposed projects (Carley& Wendt1991). Such collaborations
may needdifferent ormsof CMCsupportat differentpoints in a project.For
example,workgroups tightlyfocused on a single projectneed differenttypes
of CSCW supportthan do individualsswitching among multiple tasks andrelationships Mantei& Wellman1995).
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228 WELLMANTAL
Shifting boundariescharacterizenetworkedvirtualorganizations,not onlywithin the organizationsbut between them. InterorganizationalCSSNs canhelp an organizationin negotiations between buyers and sellers and in
coordinating oint projects. They also help managersandprofessionalsmain-tain a large network of potentially useful contacts, stockpilingnetwork cap-ital for the time when they need to obtaininformationexternally. These in-terorganizational etworks also help employees to maintain a sense of con-nection with formercolleagues and can provide supportduringjob changes
and other stressful events. CSSNs blurorganizationalboundaries, upporting"invisiblecolleges" of dispersed professionals. (Constantet al 1994, 1996,Hesse et al 1993, Hiltz & Turoff 1993, Kling 1996, Meyer 1989, Carley1990, Kaufer & Carley 1993, Huff et al 1989, Kaye 1992, Rice & Stein-field 1994, Walsh & Bayama 1996). They can knit scientificresearchers nto"highly cohesive and highly cooperativeresearchgroups, . . . geographically
dispersed yet coordinated" Carley& Wendt 1991:407). However, there isless use of CSSNs in disciplines such as chemistrywherepractitionerswantto protectunwantedcommercialuse of their knowledge (Walsh& Bayama1996).
TELEWORKON-LINE
ImplementationTodate,mostdevelopmentsnorganizationalCSCWhavebeen toimprovecon-
nectionsbetweenexisting workplaces.However,CSSNsprovideopportunitiesfor developingrelativelynew forms of workorganization.Thus,telework(aka"telecommuting")s a special case of CSCW in which CMCs link organiza-tions to employeesworkingprincipally itherat home oratremoteworkcenters
(Fritzet al 1994). Most writingabout teleworkhas been programmatic,ore-
casting,ordescriptive,assuming hat hetechnologyof teleworkwill determine
its social organization e.g. Hesse & Grantham1991, Helms & Marom1992,Greyet al 1993). Yetteleworking'sgrowthhas been drivenby newmarketcon-ditions that are promotingorganizational estructuring, educing employees,eliminatingoffices, andgivingmoreflexibilityto remainingemployees (Salaff& Dimitrova1995a,b). Althoughteleworkersnow comprisea tinyfractionoftheworkforce(DiMartino& Wirth1990),theirgrowingnumber ncludesmanysalespeople, managers,professionals,andsupportpersonnel.Entireoffices of
dataentryclerksandtelephoneservices have moved to home or other remote
offices (Kugelmass1995).Researchis moving from technologicaldeterminism o studyingthe inter-play between telework and workorganization. Severalanalystshave shownmanagerialnertiaandorganizationalethargy o be barriers o telework.Many
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 229
employees favor teleworkto gain more work autonomyor to accommodate
family, but many managersfeel theirpower threatened Kraut1988, 1989,
Olson 1988, Huwset al 1990,Grantham& Paul1994,Tippin1994). Although
therehavebeen concernsthatthe careersof teleworkingmanagersandprofes-
sionals wouldsufferbecauseof less visibility in organizations,his has notyet
been the case (Tolbert& Simons 1994). Despite the proliferationof telework
and greatpublic interestin the subject, therehas not been much systematic
research nto what teleworkersactuallydo, their connectionswith theirmain
offices, theirlinks with coworkers(peers,subordinates,andsupervisors),and
the implicationsof theirphysical solationfortheircareerswithinorganizations
orfor laborsolidarity.
CommunicationTeleworkers onot communicatemorefrequentlyon-linewithcoworkersorsu-
pervisors hando similarlyoccupiednonteleworkersKinsman1987),althoughteleworkersdo have less postal and in-personcontact(see also Olszewski &
Mokhtarian1994). However, eleworking eadsto more structured ndformal-
ized communicationwith supervisorsand,to a lesser extent,with coworkers.
This may be due as much to physicalseparation romthe organizational ffice
as to the use of CMC (Olson 1988, Heilmann1988, Huws et al 1990, Olson &
Primps1984).
There has been contradictory vidence about how teleworkingaffects in-
formalcommunicationamongcoworkers.One studynotes thatpersonalcon-versationsamongteleworkingprogrammers avedecreasedand their nformal
relationshipshave deteriorated Heilmann 1988). Another study finds that
the restructuringof work accompanyingthe shift to telework among pink-
collar workerscurtailsinformal communication Soares 1992). By contrast,
universityemployees, both white- and pink-collar,who work at home have
more informalcontactwith other employees (McClintock1981). At the same
time, teleworkerscan increaseautonomyby being slow to respondto on-line
messages (Wellmanet al 1994). The natureof informalcommunicationsbyteleworkersappears o dependon the employees' social status,theirprevious
relationships,andthe supportof the organization.For example,BritishTele-
com reports(1994) thatpink-collar eleworkerscomplainless aboutisolation
thanaboutthe slowness of help in fixingcomputersand thelack of news about
mainoffice events (see also Shirley1988).
Teleworkmayonlybe a continuation f existingtaskindependenceandwork
flows alreadydrivenby messages andformson computerscreens (Dimitrova
et al 1994). Thismayexplainwhysome studiesfind thatprofessional elework-ers maintainwork-relatednetworks,butpink-collarclerical workersbecome
more isolated (Durrenberger t al 1996). New work force hierarchiesthat
emerge from teleworkingsegregatethose who lack informalcontacts, while
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230 WELLMANTAL
those thathave them benefit richly (Steinle 1988). In this way, CSSNs may
furtherbifurcate hework force.
WorkOrganizationMost researchon the impactof teleworkaddresses workplace ssues such as
the control and autonomy of teleworkers, flexibility of work schedules, jobredesign, remotesupervision, and productivity.Althoughmuch post-Fordist
hype suggests that teleworkingwill liberateworkers(e.g. Toffler 1980), re-
searchsupports he neo-Fordist onclusionthatmanagers etainhigh-level con-
trolof planningand resourcesbut decentralize he execution of decisions and
tasks. Companies that implementteleworkingto cut costs often tighten con-
trol. This strategy s most effective with abundantpink-collar abor, typically
women with children. The more severe the employees' personalconstraints
(e.g. child-care,disabilities)and the less the demand or their skills, the more
likely they are to experience tighter control(Olson 1987). Thus management
has increasingcontrol of clerks who become teleworkers,while profession-
als have gainedmoreautonomy(Olson & Primps 1984, Simons 1994, Soares
1992).Thusthedivergent mpactof teleworkon controland ob design follows the
logic of the dual natureof labor markets,with companystrategydetermining
the outcome(Steinle 1988,Huwset al 1990). Wherea companyseeks to retain
scarce skills by reducingpersonalconstraints, eleworkingprovidesmore dis-
cretion overworkarrangements.Professionalsoften obtaingreaterautonomy,
flexibility, skills, andjob involvement,butthey may have more uncertainties
abouttheir careersand incomes(Olson 1987, Simons 1994, Bailyn 1989).
Telework,Domestic Work, nd GenderTelework is partof changing relationshipsbetween the realms of work and
nonwork: a high proportionof women working,morepart-timeand flextime
work,andthebifurcationof workers nto the information-skillednd -deskilled
(Hodson& Parker1988,Olson 1988,Steinle 1988). Womenandmen often ex-perienceteleworkdifferently,although heevidence is somewhatcontradictory.
Telework einforces he gendereddivisionof household aborbecausewomen
teleworkersdo morefamilycare and householdwork. Women are morelikely
toreporthighstress overtheconflict of work andfamilydemands,andthelack
of leisuretime(Olson& Primps1984,Christensen1988). Womensay theyare
satisfied with teleworking, possibly becauseblendingwork andfamily space
may ease role strain between family and work, and it may improve family
relations (Falconer1993, Higgins et al 1992, Duxbury1995). Thus, femaleteleworkingclerks are morefamily orientedthanaretheiroffice counterparts
(French1988, DuBrin 1991).
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 231
Yet fusing domestic and work settings can be disruptiveand can embed
womenmore deeplyin the household(Ahrentzen1990, Calabrese1994,Heck
et al 1995). Women doing paid work at home spend a similar amountof
time on domesticworkregardlessof their ob status,numberand ages of their
children,part-timeor full-time employment,or thestructure f theirhousehold
(Ahrentzen1990). Althoughteleworkingwomen may benefitfrom flexibilityin their"double oad,"managersand researchersalike claim that doing paid
work at homeis nota good way to provideearlychildcare(Christensen1988).
Teleworkersare almostas likely to use paid childcare,and indeedmost have
higherchildcareexpensesthando office workers Falconer1993). Yetmothers
with olderchildrenare betterable to work while theirchildrenarein school, to
greetthem afterschool, and to be available n emergencies.
Fatherswho teleworkreportbetterrelationshipswith theirchildrenthando
comparablenonteleworkers.Theyhave more leisuretime and less stressthanbefore they beganteleworking,andthey play morewith their children(Olson
& Primps1984). Yetgenderdynamicsare different.Men see teleworkingas a
privilegebecausetheywantmore autonomy,and they getmore interactionwith
theirfamilies as a bonus. Womensee teleworkingas a compromisebecause
family responsibilitieslimit their employmentopportunities,and they want
flexible scheduling(Olson 1987, Gerson& Kraut1988).
GLOBALNETWORKSAND LITTLEBOXESDespite their limited social presence, CSSNs successfully maintainstrong,
supportive ies with work andcommunityas well as increasethe numberand
diversityof weak ties. They areespecially suited to maintainingntermediate-
strengthties between people who cannot see each otherfrequently. On-line
relationshipsare basedmore on shared nterestsand less on sharedsocial char-
acteristics. Althoughmanyrelationships unctionoff-line as well as on-line,
CSSNs are developingnormsand structures f theirown. The are notjust pale
imitationsof "real ife." The Net is the Net.Organizational oundariesarebecomingmore permeable ustas community
boundariesalreadyhave. The combinationof high involvementin CSSNs,
powerfulsearchengines, and the linkingof organizationalnetworks o the Net
enablesmanyworkers oconnect with relevantotherselsewhere,wherever hey
areand whomever heywork or. Iforganizations row toward heir nformation
andcommunication ources(Stinchcombe1990),CSSNsshouldaffectchanges
in organizational tructures.
Social networksare simultaneouslybecomingmore global and more localas worldwide connectivityand domestic matters ntersect. Globalconnectiv-
ity de-emphasizes he importanceof localityfor workandcommunity;on-line
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232 WELLMAN TAL
relationshipsmaybe morestimulatinghansuburban eighborhoodsand alien-ated offices. Even more thanbefore,on the informationhighway each person
is at the center of a uniquepersonalcommunityand work group.
The domestic environment round he workstation s becoming a vital home
baseforneo-Silas Marners itting n frontof theirscreensdayandnight. Nests
are becoming well feathered. Teleworkexaggeratesboth trends. Although itprovides long-distanceconnectionsfor workers, t also moves them home, pro-
viding a basis for the revivalof neighborhood ife. Just as before the Industrial
Revolution,home and workplaceare being integrated,although gender roles
have notbeenrenegotiated.The privatizationof relationshipsaffects community, organizational,and
coworkersolidarity. Virtualcommunitiesare accelerating he ways in which
people operateat thecentersof partial,personalcommunities, witchingrapidly
and frequentlybetween groups of ties. Whetherworkingat home or at anoffice workstation,many workershave an enhancedability to move between
relationships.At the same time, theirmoreindividualisticbehaviormeans the
weakeningof the solidarity hatcomes fromworking n large groups.Suchphenomenagive sociologistswonderfulopportunities.A Bellcore vice
presidentsays thatwhen "scientists alk aboutthe evolutionof the information
infrastructure,.. [we don't]talkabout... thetechnology.We talk aboutethics,law, policy and sociology.... It is a social invention" Lucky 1995:205). Yet
there has been littlesociological studyof computer-supportedocial networks.Research in this area engages with important ntellectualquestionsand social
issues at all scales, fromdyadicto worldsystem. It offers stimulatingcollab-
orations with otherdisciplines, industry, abor,and government. It providesopportunities o develop social systems and not just study themafterthe fact.As our computerscience colleague William Buxton tells us, "the computerscience is easy; the sociology is hard."
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
More than100scholarsresponded o ouron-linerequests orgermanework. Weregret hatwe areunable ocitethemallor to includerelevant eferences o main-
streamsociology. We thank AaronDantowitz, Paul Gregory,and EmmanuelKokufor help in gathering nformation,BeverlyWellman or editorialadvice,and RonaldBaecker,WilliamBuxton,andMarilynMantei for introducingusto computerscience. Ourwork has been supportedby the Social Science and
HumanitiesResearchCouncil of Canada,Bell Canada, he Centre orInforma-
tionTechnologyInnovation, ndtheInformationTechnologyResearchCentre'sTelepresenceproject.
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COMPUTERNETWORKSAS SOCIALNETWORKS 233
Any Annual Reviewchapter, as well as any article cited in an Annual Review chapter,
may be purchased from the Annual Reviews Preprints and Reprints service.
1-800-347-8007;415-259-5017;email: [email protected]
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