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    'ethical character.rf the good f fe for

    enough: we mustay become good.:y would rightly: would have tover to encourage:ause a characterI by virtue, theylo goodness and'd not by a sense: it is disgraceful,

    of emotion, they;an obtain them,not even have a

    r tasred t. Whatargument whatn o t e a s y. . . .

    r tO XfIargumentsibly persuade amotion does no tr be a characterthat loves what

    icult, unless one

    self-control andTherefore, theirey have becomenough that theySince they musthave growr up,in general. Forby punishmenrs

    )w we can learn

    slation unexam-eral problem of

    our philosophy

    Aristotle: he Politics 27 1

    B. The Politics

    "A state exists or the sake of the good ife."

    ft is often stated that Aristotle, in his Politics, was blind to the political facts oflife in his day in that he ignored the imperial state of the future that Philip andAlexander were creating and dealt only with the political life of the small city-states whose independent existence was largefy over. But this view ignores hefact that the Politics was meant to be a continuation of the Ethics, hat the purposeof the state s to promote and maintain the welf -being of its citizens, and that this"good and honorable life" would seem o him to be impossible of achievementin a huge and heterogeneous mpire in which people could not act as ree citizensparticipating n a shared ife. Yet what,^.::stotle writes in the Politics remains an

    excellent summary and interpretation of Creek political experience, and most ofits penetrating eneralizations n political and social behavior emain valid an dilluminating oday.

    The eight books of the Politics fafl into two main divisions, o which BookI serves s an introduction. n Books l, l l l , Vll, and Vlll , Aristotle gives evidenceof the influence of Plato as he describes he characteristics f an ideal state, bu tin books thought to have been written last lV, V, Vl), he puts aside considerationsof an ideal commonwealth and more realistically deals with practical mattersrelating to the nature and stability of the existing Creek states of his day. Theconclusions reached in this second part of his treatise were supported by themultitude of facts gleaned from his analysis of the constitutions of one hundredand fifty-eight Creek states.

    1. Nafure, Origin, and Purpose of the State

    In Book Aristotle ndicates he refationship f the Politicsto he Ethics y insistingupon the necessary onnection between the state and the individual's goal of avirtuous and happy life. The state is not an artificial creation, as the Sophistsargued, but is the natural culmination of earlier and simpler orms of society, hefamify and the village, which people naturally and instinctively reate n orderto satisfy heir immediate and elementary wants. But a life of moral virtue andhappiness, he highest f their wants, can only be provided by the finat manifesta-tion of the "social instinct . . implanted n all men by nature," namely he state.So "the state comes into existence, originating in the bare needs of life, an dcontinuing in existence or the sake of the good life." The modern concept ofman versus he state would be unthinkable to Aristotle, or "man is by nature apolitical animal" who can realize his highest deals only as a member of society.

    From The Politics of Aristotle, translated by Benjamin Jowen, ed. by H. W. C. Davis, 1905. Bypermission of rhe Oxford Universiry Press, Oxford.

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    I, 1. Every state is a communiry of some kind, arrd every community isestablished with a view to some good; for mankind always act in order to obtainthat which they think good. But, if all communities aim at some good, the stateor political communiry, which is the highest of all, and which embraces all therest, aims, and in greater degree han any other, at the highest good. . . .

    Governments differ in kind, as will be evident to anyone who considersthe mafter according to the method which has hitherto guided us. As in otherdepartments of science, o in politics, the compound should always be resolvedinto the simple elements or least parts of the whole.

    'W'emust therefore ook at

    the elements of which the stat e is composed, n order that we may see n whatthey differ from one another, and whether any scientific distinction can be drawnberween he different ki^,ds of rule.

    2. He who thus considers hrngs n their first growth and origin, 'vhether a

    state or anything else, will obtain the clearest view of them. In the first place (1 )there must be a union of those who cannot exist without each other; for example,of male and female, that the race may continue; and this is a union which isformed, not of deliberate purpose, but because, n common with other animalsand with plants, mankind have a natural desire o leave behind them an imageof themselves. And (2) there must be a union of natural ruler and subject, thatboth may be preserved. For he who can foresee with his mind is by nature ntendedto be lord and master, and he who can work with his body is a subject, and bynature a slave; hence master and slave have the same nterest. Nature, however,has distinguished berween he female and the slave. For she s not niggardly, likethe smith who fashions he Delphian knife for many uses; she makes each thingfor a single use, and every instrument is best made when intended for one andnot for many uses. But among barbarians no distinction is made ber'ween women

    and slaves, because here is no natural ruler among them: they are a communiryof slaves, male and female. Wherefore the poets say, "It is meet that Hellenesshould rule over barbarians"l as f they thought that the barbarian and the slavewere by nature one.

    Out of these wo relationships, berween man and woman, master and slave,the family first arises, and Hesiod is right when he says "First house and wifeand an ox for the plow," for the ox is the poor man's slave. The family is theassociation established by nature for the supply of men's everyday wanrs. . . . Butwhen several amilies are united, and the association aims at something morethan the supply of daily needs, hen comes into existence he village. And themost natural form of a village seems o be that of a colony from the family,composed of the children and grandchildren, who are said to be "suckled withthe same milk." And this is the reason why Greek states were originally governed

    by kings; because he Greeks were under rcyal rule before they came rogether,as the barbarians still are. . . . \Therefore men say thar the Gods have a king,because hey themselves either are or were in ancient times under the rule of aking. For they imagine, not only the forms of the Gods, but their ways of life tobe like their own.

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    ry communiry is

    n order ro obraine good, the srateembraces all theg o . r d . . . .e who considers

    us. As in orherways be resolvedherefore look armay see n whaton can be drawn

    rigin, whelhgl 3he first place (1 )

    er; or example,union which is

    h other animalsthem an image

    nd subjecq thatnature intendedsubject, and byture, however,niggardly, likekes each thing

    ed for one andenryeen womene a communiry

    that Hellenesn and the slave

    ster and slave,ouse and wife

    family is thew a n t s . . . . B u tmething morelage. And them the family,suckled withally governed

    ame together,

    have a king,the rule of aays of life to

    Aristotle: he Politics 273

    lfhen several villages are united in a single communiry, perfect and large

    enough to be nearly or quite self-sufficing, he state comes nto existence, riginat-ing in the bare needs of life, and continuing in existence or the sake of a goodlife. And therefore, f the earlier forms of sociery re natural, so is the state, orit is the end of them, and the completed nature is the end. For what each thingis when fully developed, we call its narure, whether we are speaking of a man, ahorse, or a family. Besides, he final cause and end of the thing is the best, andto be self-sufficing s the end and the best.

    Hence it is evident that the state s a creation of nature, and that man is bynature a political animal. And he who by nature and not by mere accident iswithout a state s either above humaniry or below it; he is the "tribeless, awless,heartless oner" whom Homer denounces-the outcast who is a lover of war; hemay he compared to a bird which flies alone. . . .

    Thus the state s by nature clearly prior to the family and to the individual,since the whole is of necessiry rior to the part; for example, f the whole bodybe destroyed, here will be no foot or hand, except n an equivocal sense, s wemight speak of a stone hand; for when destroyed he hand will be no better thanthat. But things are defined by their working and power; and we ought not tosay that they are the same when they are no longer the same, but only that theyhave the same name. The proof that the state is a creation of nature and priorto the individual is that the individual, when isolated, s not self-sufficing; andtherefore he is like a part in relation to the whole. But he who is unable to livein sociery, or who has no need because e is sufficient for himself, must be eithera beast or a god; he is no part of a state.

    A social nstinct is implanted in all men by nature, and he who first foundedthe state was the greatest of benefactors. For man, when perfected, s the best ofanimals, but when separated rom law and iustice, he is the worst of all; sincearmed injustice s the more dangerous, and he is equipped at birth with the armsof intelligence nd with moral qualities which h e may use for the worst ends.Vherefore, if he have not virnre, he is the most unholy and t he most savage ofanimals, and most full of lust and gluttony. But justice is the bond of men instates, and t he administration of justice, which is the determination of what isjust, is the principle of order in political sociery.

    2. A Criticism of Communism

    As a preliminary to his discussion of the ideal state, Aristotle condemns thecommunism n Plato's utopian Republic. he nub of his argument s hat commu-nistic unity runs counter to both human nature and to the nature of the state, aview supported n our day by the record of totalitarianism n modern communist"utopias"-{he U.S.S.R. nd other Maxist states. ristotleargues hat people ar ein the first nstance aware of their own private nterests, nd to deprive hem ofthese would be to create hostility to society and destroy he natural tendency tocooperate with fellow beings n creating he good life through the agency of the

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    state. he greater he degree of individual nterests, ctivities, nd possessions, hericher will be the individual 's contribution o the community. Aristotleadvocates

    reforms "by good customs and faws," but he condemns the radical who would"disregard the experience of ages" n an extreme haste o remove present evils.

    II, 5. Next let us consider what should be our arrangements about propeffy;should the citizens of the perfect state have possessions n common or not? . . .

    There is always a difficulry in men living together and having things incommon, but especially n their having common properry. . . . The present ar-rangement, f improved as it might be by good customs and laws, would be farbetter, and would have the advantages of both systems. Properry should be in acertain sense ommon, but, as a general ule, private. For when everyone has hisseparate nterest, men will not complain of one another, and they will make moreprogress, because everyone will be anending to his own business. Yet amonggood men, and as regards use, friendsr" as he proverb says, will have att things

    common." . . . For although every human has his own properry, some thingshe will place at the disposal of his friends, while of others he shares he useo f t h e m . . . .

    Again, how immeasurably greater s the pleasure, when a man feels a thingto be his own For love of self s a feeling mplanted by narure and not given invain, although selfishness s rightly condemned. This, however is not mere loveof self, but love of self n excess, ike the miser's ove of money; for all, or almostall, men love money, and other such objects n a measure. Furthermore, there isthe greatest pleasure n doing a kindness or service o friends or guests or compan-ions, which can only be done when a man has private properfy. These advantagesare lost by the excessive nification of the state. . . No one, when men have al lthings in common, will any longer set an example of liberaliry or do any liberalaction; for liberaliry consists n the use a man makes of his own properry.

    Such [communistic] legislation may have a specious appearance of benevo-lence. Men readily listen to it, and are easily induced to believe that in somewonderful manner everybody will become everybody's friend, especially whensomeone s heard denouncing he evils now existing n states, uits about contracts,convictions or periury, flatteries of rich men, and the like, which are said to ariseout of the possession f private property. These evils, however, are due to a verydifferent cause-the wickedness of human nature. Indeed, we see hat there ismuch more quarreling among those who have all things in common, thoughthere are not many of them when compared with the vast numbers who haveprivate properry.

    Again, we ought to reckon, not only the evils from which the citizens willbe saved, but also the advantages which they will lose. The life which they areto lead appears o be quite impracticable. The error of Socrates i.e., Plato] mustbe anributed to t he false notion of uniry from which he starts. Unity there shouldbe, both of the family and of the state, but in some respects nly. For there is apoint at which a state may attain such a degree of uniry as to be no longer astate, or at which, without actually ceasing o exist, t will become an inferior

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    For citizens, f they are truly citizens, ought all to parricipate n the advantages

    of a state. J7ecall that form of government n which one rules, and which regardsthe common interest, kingship or royalry; that in rvhich more than one, but no tmany' rule, aristocracy. t is so called, either because he rulers are the best men,or because hey have at heart the best nterest of the state and of the citizens. Bu twhen the citizens at large administer the state for the common interest, thegovernment s called by the generic namHonstitutional government. And thereis a reason or this use of language. One man or a few may excel n virtue; bu tof virtue there are many kinds. As the number of rulers ncreases t becomes moredifficult for them to attain perfection in every kind, though they may in militaryvirtue, for this is found in the masses. Hence, n a constitutional government thefighting men have the supreme power, and those who possess rms are citizens.

    Of the above-mentioned orms, the perversions are as follows: of royalty,ryranny; of aristocracy) oligarchy; of constitutional governmenr, democracy. Fortyranny is a kind of monarchy which has in view the interest of rhe monarchonly; oligarchy has n view the interest of the wealthy; democracy) f rhe needy;none of them the common good of all.

    4. The ldeal State: ts True Object

    The rue obiect of the state s neither rade nor empire nor the prevention f crimenor anything but the good life. By "state" Aristotle does not mean ',country,"but "government" or "constitution," and the best states re those n which therulers are best itted by their possession f virtue to rule "in such a manner as toattain he most desirable ife." Whether this is to be the rule of one (kingship),

    or few(aristocracy),

    r many (constitutionalism), epends upon the nature andtenrperament f the people. n any case, n an ideal state he laboring and businessclasses ill not be citizens, or "the vi(ue of a good man is necessarily he sameas the virtue of a citizen in a perfect state," and these classes have not the"leisure necessary both for the development of virtue and the performance ofpol i t icaldut ies ."

    / . III, 9. . . . But a state exists for the sake of a good life, and nor for the saket of life.only. If l ife only were the obiect, slaves "r,d

    b.ur. animals might form aI state, but they cannot, for they have no share in happiness or in a life of free\ choice. Nor does a state exist merely for the sake of-alliance and securiry from

    iniustice, nor yet for the sake of trade and mutual intercourse; for then theTyrrhenians and the Carthaginians, and all who have corrunercial reaties withone another, would be citizens of one state. . . Those who care for good govern-ment take into consideration the larger questions of virnre and vice in states.Whence it may be further inferred that virtue musr be the serious care of a starewhich truly deserves he name. Otherwise the communiry becomes mere alliance,which differs only in place rom alliances f which the members ive apart. And

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    e advantageshich regardsone, but nothe best men,citizens. Bu tinterest, the

    nt. And theren virtue; butecomes morey in military

    vernment thes are citizens.: of royalty,

    mocracy. Forthe monarchof the needy;

    ention f crimeean country,"e n which he

    a manner s oone (kingship),th€ nature andng nd businesssarilyhe same

    s have not theperformance f

    t for the sakemight form aa life of free

    securiry fromfor then th etreaties with

    good govern-vice in states.care of a statemere alliance,ve apaft. An d

    Aristotle:The Politics 277

    law is only a convention, "? surery to one another of justicer" as the sophistLycophron says, and has no real power to make the citizens good and just. . . .

    Clearly then a state s not a mere society, having a common place, establishedfor the prevention of crime and for the sake of trade. These are conditions withoutwhich a state cannot exist; but all of them together do not constitute a state,which is a community of families and aggregations of families in well-being forthe sake of a perfect and self-sufficing ife. Such a community can only be estab-lished among those who live in the same place and intermarry. Hence arise instates amily connections, brotherhoods, common sacrifices, musements whichdraw men together. They arc created by friendship, for friendship s the motiveof sociery. The end is the good life, and these are the means owards it. And thestate is the union of families and villages having for an end a perfect and self-

    sufficing life, by which we mean a happy and honorable life.Our conclusion, then, is that political sociery exists for the sake of noble

    actions, and not of mere companionship. And they who contribute most to sucha society have a greater share in it than those who have the same or a greaterfreedom or nobiliry of birth but are inferior to them in political vinue; or thanthose who exceed hem in wealth but are surpassed by them in virtue. . . .

    18. We maintain that the true forms of government are three, and that thebest must be that which is administered by the best, and in which there is oneman, or a whole family, or many persons, excelling in virtue, and both rulersand subjects are fitted, the one to rule, the others to be ruled, in such a manneras o attain the most eligible ife. We showed at the commencement f our inquirythat the virtue of the good man is necessarily he same as the virtue of the citizenof the perfect state. Clearly then in the same manner, and by the same means

    through which a man becomes ruly good, he will frame a state which will betruly good whether aristocratical, or under kingly rule, and the same education andthe same habits will be found to make a good man a good statesman nd king. . . .

    VIII, 9. . . . Now, since we are here speaking of the best orm of government,and that under which the state will be most hrppy (and happiness, as has beenalready said, cannot exist without virnre), t clearly follows that in the state whichis best governed the citizens who are absolutely and not merely relatively justmen must not lead the life of mechanics or tradesmen, or such a life is ignobleand inimicalto virtue. Neither must they be husbandmen, ince eisure s necessaryboth for the development of virtue and the performance of political duties.

    5. The Ideal State: Education

    Like so much in Aristotle 's writings, his discussion f the central mportance ofpublic education is pertinent o our modern civilization where state ersus privateeducation has long been a subject of controversy. He also distinguishes etweenliberal education he was the first o use he term) and vocational education, an dhis arguments n favor of the former stem rom his all-pervading esire o providethe good life for everyone. t should be noted that what Aristotle erms "music"includes l l the ar ts and l i tera ture , r what we today cal l the "humani t ies ."

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    VIII, 1. No one will doubt that a lawgiver should direct his attention aboveall to the education of youth, or that the neglect of education does harm to states.The citizen should be molded to suit the form of government under which helives. For each government has a peculiar character, which originally formed andwhich continues to preserve t. The character of democracy creates democracy,and the character of oligarchy creates oligarchy. The better he character, alwaysthe better the government.

    Now for the exercise of any faculry or art a previous training and practiceare required; clearly then they are required for the exercise of virtue. And sincethe entire state has one end, manifestly education should be one and the samefor all, and should be public and not private. It should not be as at present,when everyone ooks after his own children separately, and gives them separate

    instruction of the sort he thinks best. The training in things of common interestshould be the same or all. Neither must we suppose hat any one of the citizensbelongs o himself., .or they all belong to the state, and are each of them a partof the state, and the care of each part is inseparable rom the care of the whole.In this particular the Spartans are to be praised, or they take the greatest painsabout their children, and make education the business f the state.

    / 2. That education should be regulated by law and should be an affair of

    I state s not to be denied; but what should be the character of this public education,I and how young persons should be educated, are questions yet to be considered.For men are by no means agreed about the things to be taught, whether we aimat virtue or the best life. Neither is it clear whether education should be moreconcerned with intellectual or with moral virtue. Existing practice s perplexing;no one knows on what principle we should proceed. Should he useful n life, or

    should virtue, or should higher knowledge, be the aim of our training? All threeopinions have been enterrained. Again, about method there s no agreement; ordifferent persons, tarting with different deas about the nature of virtue, narurallydisagree about the practice of it .

    Undoubtedly children should be taught those useful things that are reallynecessary, ut not all useful things. For occupations are divided into liberal andilliberal, and to young children should be impaned only such kinds of knowledgeas will be useful o them without vulgarizing hem. Any occupation, art, or science,which makes the body or soul or mind of the free man less it for the practiceor exercise of virt ue, is vulgar. Therefore we call those arts vulgar which tend todeform the body, and likewise all paid employments; hey absorb and degradet h e m i n d . . . .

    3. The customary branches of an education are four, namely, (1) reading

    and writinE, (2l'gymnastic exercises, 3) music, o which is sometimes dded (4 )drawing. Of these, eading, writing, and drawing are regarded as useful for thepurposes of life in a variety of ways, and gymnastic exercises re thought to infusecourage. As to music a question may be raised. n our own day most men cultivateit for pleasure, ut originally t was included n education because ature herself,as has been often said, requires hat we should be able, not only to work well,

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    best. And the same criteria of virtue and vice are characteristic of cities and ofconstitutions; for the constitution is in panern the life of the ciry.

    Now in all states here are three elements; one class s very rich, another verypoor, and a third in the mean. It is admirted that moderation and the mean are best,and therefore t will clearly be best o possess he gifts of fortune in moderation; forin that condition of life men are most ready to listen to reason. . . Those whohave too much of the goods of fortune, strength, wealth, friends, and the like,are neither willing nor able to submit to authority. The evil begins at home; fo rwhen they are boys, by reason of the luxury in which they are brought up, theynever earn, even at school, the habit of obedience. On the other hand, the verypoor, who are in the opposite extreme, are too degraded. So that the one classcannot obey, and can only rule d"spotically; he other knows not how to commandand must be ruled like slaves. 'hus arises a ciry, not of freemen, bu: of mastersand slaves, he one despising, he other envying. Nothing can be more fatal tofriendship and good fellowship in states han this; for gclod fellowship starts fromfriendship. When men are at enmity with one another, they would rather noteven share he same path.

    But a ciry ought to be composed, as f.ar as possible, of equals and similars;and these are generally the middle classes. Wherefore a ciry which is composedof middle-class citizens s necessarily best constituted with respect o what wecall the natural elements of a state. And this class of citizens s most secure n astate, or they do not, like the poor, covet their neighbors' goods; nor do otherscovet theirs, as the poor covet the goods of the rich. And as they neither plotagainst others nor are themselves lotted against, hey pass hrough life safely. . .

    Thus it is manifest that the best political communiry is formed by citizens ofthe middle class, and that those states are likely to be well administered n whichthe middle class s large, and if possible arger than both the other classes, r atany rate than either singly, for the addition of the middle class urns the scaleand prevents either of the extremes rom being dominant. Great then is the goodfortune of a state in which the citizens have a moderate and sufficient properry.For where some possess much and the rest nothing, there may arise an extremedemocracy, or a pure oligarchy; or a ryranny may grow out of either extreme{utof either the most rampant democracy or out of an oligarchy. But it is not solikely to arise out of a middle and nearly equal condition. will explain he reasonfor this hereafter when I speak of revolutions in states. . .

    Democracies are safer and more permanent than oligarchies, because heyhave a middle class which is more numerous and has a greater share in thegovernment. For when there is no middle class and the poor greatly exceed nnumber, troubles arise and the state soon comes to an end. A proof of thesuperiority of the middle class s that the best egislators have been of a middlerank; for example, Solon, as his own verses estify, and Lycurgus, or he was nota k i n g . . . .

    7hat then is the best form of government. and what makes it the best isevident. Of other states, since we say there are many kinds of democracy an doligarchy, t is not difficult to see which has the first and which the second or

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    of cities and ofy.h, another verYe mean are best,moderation; for. . . T h o s e w h os, and the like,ns at home; forrought up, theY

    hand, the verYat the one classow to command, but of ^.^asterse more fatal toship starts fromould rather no t

    als and similars;hich s composedect to what we

    most secure n as; nor do othershey neither Plotgh life safely. . . .ed by citizens ofistered in which

    her classes, r ats urns the scalethen is the goodficient proPeffY.arise an extremeher exremHut

    But it is not so '

    xplain the reason

    es, because heYater share in thegreatly exceed in

    A proof of thebeen of a middles, for he was not

    kes it the best isf democracy andch the second or

    Aristotle: he Politics 281

    any other place in the order of excellence, now that we have determined whichis best. For that which is nearest o the best must of necessiry e the better, andthat which is furthest from it the worse, if we rare judging absolutely and notwith reference to given conditions. I say "with reference to given conditionsr"since a particular government may be preferable for some, but another form maybe bener for others.

    7. The Practicable State: Causes of Revolution

    Aristotle eems o eelthat ven he best racticable onstitution, escribed bwe,was too visionary or the Creeks of hiT?ay whose govqrfrmenu;_gg_eglggllyexTmples oI tF-eworst tvp bulent-dbrnocriCies rselfi-sli-oligacTIB:Tle Th-erelore u rns i-ii aft-enion to these bad or "perverted"constitutions nd realistically escribes methods or making hem more stableand, equalfy mportant, ess iable of degenerating urther.He urns irst o analyzethe nature f the danger hat constantly hreatened he governments f his day-revof tion.His account f the causes f revolutions, articularlyn democracies,has particular elevance or us oday.

    V, 1. The design which we proposed to ourselves s now nearly completed.Next in order follow the causes f revolutions n states, how many they are, andwhat is their narure; what elements work ruin in particular states, and out ofwhat and into what they mostly change; also what methoj_slherqare qf-preseryingstates generally, or a pafticular state, and by what means each state may be best

    preserved: Fese questions emain to be considered. . .2. In considering how dissensions nd political revolutions arise, we must

    first of all ascertain he beginnings and causes of them which affect constifutionsgenerally. They may be said to be three n number; and we have now to give anoutline of each. I7e want to know (1) what isl[._f:gli"€_Atd (2) *hat:gl S_motives of those who make them and (3) what causes political disrurbances nd-qgrgqsTFe uniffie of revolutionary feeling hasalieaTfT6enmentioned; namely, .1thg@ whqn gel f 4_that thev areeqggl-le-elltg-rglle o', tt'i Jeeuq|q1'"gg9@'fia-superioriry, when they believe hemselves uperior and think they have not moreb"^ti6a;"-e or less m" tmit ilGiorE pretenliions h-icli-*;t;;;"y "ot U.iust. Inferiors revolt in order that the-y may be e9exl, and equals hat they maybe=s-gpglor.-Su;IT the stite oT-mda'wliiEh-Cr?aGirevolu-t-ions:- '- - ==-

    The motives for making them are the desire for gain and for honor, or thefear of dishonor and loss. The authors of them want to divert punishment ordishonor from themselves r their friends. . . . Other causes are insolence, ear,love of superioriry, contempt, disproportionate ncrease n some part of the state.Causes of another sort are election intrigues, carelessness, eglect about trifles,dissimilarirv of elements. . .

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    lrlir ltit

    282

    4. In revolutions the occasions may be trifling, but gteat interests are atstake. . . . Revolutions are accotnplished in rwo-tga5 -bl_.force and-by fraud.Force -ry_ q Appltgdeithgl_l the time of making$: revglgqiqq qlafterwards-.

    FraudfZfliln, is of rwo kindt-Gim sometimes the g4izspr-s;qe deceived inqo

    "ietptrn;achange-of go-v&nmenr,

    "r,i "fr.wil eople are p-rsuadid at first, and afterwards, bya Epetitien of the persuasion, heir good will and allegiance re still retained. . .

    / 5. . . .Revolutions n democracies re often caused by the intemperance f

    I demagoguj:S, ho either n a private capacity report information against ich men\ uniilTh-ey ompel them to combine (for a common danger unites even he binerest

    enemies), or else come forward in public and stir up the people against them.The truth of this remark is proved by a variery of examples. At Cos the democracywas overthrown because wicked demagogues rose and the nobles combrrred. . .

    Much in the same manner the democracy at Megara was overturned [Selection21DJ. There the demagogues drove out many of the nobles in order thatthey might be able to confiscate their property. At length the exiles, be -coming numerous, returned, engaged and defeated he people, and establisheda n o l i g a r c h y. . . .

    Of old, the demagogue was also a general, and then democracies changedinto ryrannies. Most of the ancient ryrants were originally demagogues. hey arenot so now, but they were then; and the reason s that they were generals andnot orators, for oratory had not yet come into fashion. Vhereas in our day, whenthe art of rhetoric has made such progress, orators lead he people. . . . These arethe principal causes of revolutions in democracies.

    8. The Practicable State: Preserving Constitutions

    How to preserve existing constitutions rom revolution, and even how to curethem of their defects nd make hem more workable, s he ast ask which Aristotlesets or himself in the Politics. His views on the preservation of democracy ar edrawn from his observation of Creek politics, and their evident applicability oour present world indicates ow fundamentally imilarwere he political develop-ments of these specific periods in the history of the two civilizations. At theend, Aristotle eturns again o the importance of education. He insists hat in ademocracy it is fatal to educate people to believe n an extreme and hence "falseidea of freedom" which leads men to "think i t slavery o live by the rules of theconstitution." Respect or.law is the fundamental safeguard f any constitution.

    V, 8. We have next to consider what means there are of preserving states ngeneral, and also in particular cases. In the first place, i t is evident that if we

    understand the causes which destroy states, we shall also understand the causeswhich preserve them; for opposites produce opposites, and destruction is theopposite of preservation.

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    erests are atnd by fraud.r afterwards.deceived into

    against heirfterwards, byl r e t a i n e d . . . .mperance ofinst rich menn the bitterestgainst them.e democracy

    o m b i n e d . . . .ed [Selectionn order thate exiles, be-d established

    cies changedues. They aregenerals andur day, when. . T h e s e a r e

    onstirutions

    n how to curewhich Aristotleemocracy arepplicabilityoitical evelop-zations. t thensiss hat n ad hence falsehe rules of they constitution.

    ving states nnt that if wend the causesuction is the

    In all well-organized overnments here is no3hing_fyttr_cfr$gul_d_bg-stg.ljealously maintained than the spirit-of obedience o law, more especially n small

    matt?F;-IilIawlessness creeps n@st rffithET6nstant epetition* T small expenses n tlmeE-ts up

    -a6rtune.TtEihanll

    Aristotle: he Politics 283

    doe@iTonce, and d is deceived,

    may be a want of self-discipline n states as well as in individuals. . . .ln democracies of the more extreme type there has arisen a_ alse idea of

    freedom which is contradtlto.11o the true interests f the st:te. For rwo principles

    as by the fallacy which says, if each part is liale, then the whole is little.". . .VI, 5. The mere establishment f a democracy s not the only or the principal

    business of the lawgiver, or of those who wish to create such a state, f.or aoystate, however badly constituted, may last one, rwo or three days. A far greatert a sk l s thep ' . l e*a t ion9*f - i t .T l ' . l "@ere fo reendeavor- t . o | 9y -z -fi"n f; p ggly{ig _and-ilesuuction f starc$EA;Ft"ld guard aeaime elements, nd-maTe w{Tii n gn or gnw r ne n, whicE; ilG-o n a n

    4 l*:ar;_r

    I.Jp eie v a ue -l-

    staG. He musi noi-iEinFlat the iruly ZEmgcii$ -olol-ig-irclilc "measilaTrihZt-ever iII giu. t iEofiearc-h/Jtua'rfiat will*" r pr"p..ty.@qr$ in orde. io pl."t. th. p.opl.-

    Now,inthe[astandworstfor@zensareverynumerous 'athere are no revenues presses ard s, for the money must beo t pr".tt..toft *ffitr,things;hich have befor. ** ouffiffiGreare revenues, lEjgnqagogues should not be allowed after heir fashion o distrib-,rt. th.- ru.piumore, To-uch help is of .th-e peopleT6ollllsee t arler-er-lo-q1e1qjhs-)character of the democracy. Measures should also be-taken which will eive them .tl a i s i s e q u a l l y t o t h e i n r e r e s r o f a l I c l a s s e s , r h e - p , o c e e d , . tof public revenues should be accumulated and distributed among the poor, if Ipossible, n such quantities as may enable them to purchase a linle farm, or, at /any rate, make a beginning n trade or agriculture. And if this benevolence annoy'be extended o all, money should be distributed by tribes or other divisions. . .

    V, 9. . . . But of all the things I have mentioned, hat which most contributesto the permanence of constirutions s the adaptation of education o the form ofgovernment, and yet in our own day this principle is universally neglected. Thebest laws, though sanctioned by every citizen of the state, will be of no availunless he young are rained by habit and education n the spirit of the constitution,if it is democratic, democratically, or if it is oligarchic, oligarchically. For there

    are cnarac overnment malorlry athinf that what is equal-is ust,

    "ttEThat.q,r^@lbgpopnl"t

    .ry1tfand-tEa,r .6Ze-ocr"-l l l , and t . ln sucn democra-cies everyonC lives as he pleases, or in the words of Euripides, "according to his

    Men----

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    {3n:y. " I " lrh t_l . tl_ry:eng men _r egl@y gy_to Jr_ve_aesordin&to the rule ofThe constiiutign, or it ii their salvalionI have now discussed enetally F. inw.s ofGe revolutions nd destruction

    of states, nd the means of their preservation nd- ontinuance.

    Demosthenes ersuslsoc ates

    284 Greek Civilization: 35

    "Nationalism" ersus

    "lnternationalism"The defeat and destruction of the Athenian Empire n 4O4 e.c. marked he collapseof a movement oward internationalism n the Creek world. The half-century ha tfoflowed was characterized by almost continuous warfare punctuated by futilepeace conferences as the chief Creek states-Sparta, Thebes, and Athens, aidedand abetted by the intervention of Persia n Creek affairs-successfulty used theprinciple of the balance of power to prevent any one state from dominatingCreece. The resulting political anarchy nterfered disastrously with interstate radeand produced within the Creek states a continuing economic depression ha tmanifested tself n bitter class strife, The plight of the poor led them to promoteradical socialistic attacks on the property of the rich, while the resulting ears ofthe rich produced in them a reactionary opposition to even moderate reform.lsocrates 436-388 s.c.) noted the bitter and uncompromising haracter of thisclass struggle at Athens as he contrasted he conditions of this later period withthose hat had prevailed during the prosperous ays of the Athenian Empire: ' lntheir mutual relations hey are so mistrustful and hostile hat they fear their fellowcitizens more than their enemies; and whereas, during the period of our suprem-acy, they were united and readily assisted one another, hey have now becomeso unsocial that those who are possessed of wealth would rather throw theirproperty into the sea than assist he needy, while the poor would prefer to takewhat they want from the rich by force rather than find a treasure.,'

    Unity and stability or the Creek world were finallyachieved n 338 e.c., utthey were imposed from outside Creece by Philip of Macedon and at the pointof a sword. All the Creek states except Spartar were forced into a federaf unionunder Macedonian leadership. Each state retained its local autonomy but wasrequired to renounce the right both to make war on is neighbors and to engagein civil strife at home. No tribute was required, but each state was to rrpptymilitary assistance or a projected war on Persia which Philip's son Alexanderfater carried out.

    tAlthough Sparta was still greatly admired, its Lycurgan sysrem had collapsed and ir could no longerplay a significant role in interstate relarions. By allowing proud Sparra o remain outside rhe ne wfederation, Philip could maincain he fiction rhat memberrt ip *"i voluncary.