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1 “Asking Interesting Questions” Prepared for Sage Handbook of Research Methods in Political Science and International Relations. Robert J. Franzese, Jr. and Luigi Curini, Editors. Forthcoming. By William Roberts Clark 1 Texas A&M University Good research is driven by impatience with bad answers to interesting questions. But where do interesting questions come from? Since this is the opening chapter of a handbook on research methods, it is imperative to point out at the start that there is no “method” to asking research questions in the sense of a cookbook that you can follow that will lead, inexorably, to scientific discovery. There may be a scientific method for evaluating answers, but there is certainly no scientific method for asking questions or generating answers. And there is certainly room for a lot of creativity in developing interesting and enlightening research designs, and serious shortcomings to “cookbook” approaches. 2 Karl Popper, (1962, 2003) for example, argued that science begins after a scientist has conjectured an answer to a question. The scientific method, therefore, is more (perhaps only) useful in evaluating answers to questions. Generating questions and answers, in contrast, is as much an art as it is a science. But that is not to say that the process is random or lacks structure. Thomas Kuhn (1962) says episodes of scientific discovery begin with an individual with the “skill, wit, or genius to recognize that something has gone wrong in ways that may prove consequential.”(p. 763) But, he hastens to add, “anomalies do not emerge from the normal course of scientific research 1 The author wishes to thank Branislav Slanchev and Laurie Clark for thoughtful comments and useful suggestions on an earlier draft of this paper. 2 The fad around “clever identification strategies” is but the most recent instantiation of this phenomenon.

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“Asking Interesting Questions” Prepared for Sage Handbook of Research Methods in Political Science and International Relations. Robert J. Franzese, Jr. and Luigi Curini, Editors. Forthcoming. ByWilliamRobertsClark1TexasA&MUniversity

Goodresearchisdrivenbyimpatiencewithbadanswerstointerestingquestions.But

wheredointerestingquestionscomefrom?Sincethisistheopeningchapterofahandbookon

researchmethods,itisimperativetopointoutatthestartthatthereisno“method”toasking

researchquestionsinthesenseofacookbookthatyoucanfollowthatwilllead,inexorably,to

scientificdiscovery.Theremaybeascientificmethodforevaluatinganswers,butthereis

certainlynoscientificmethodforaskingquestionsorgeneratinganswers.Andthereis

certainlyroomforalotofcreativityindevelopinginterestingandenlighteningresearch

designs,andseriousshortcomingsto“cookbook”approaches.2KarlPopper,(1962,2003)for

example,arguedthatsciencebeginsafterascientisthasconjecturedananswertoaquestion.

Thescientificmethod,therefore,ismore(perhapsonly)usefulinevaluatinganswersto

questions.Generatingquestionsandanswers,incontrast,isasmuchanartasitisascience.

Butthatisnottosaythattheprocessisrandomorlacksstructure.ThomasKuhn(1962)

saysepisodesofscientificdiscoverybeginwithanindividualwiththe“skill,wit,orgeniusto

recognizethatsomethinghasgonewronginwaysthatmayproveconsequential.”(p.763)But,

hehastenstoadd,“anomaliesdonotemergefromthenormalcourseofscientificresearch1TheauthorwishestothankBranislavSlanchevandLaurieClarkforthoughtfulcommentsandusefulsuggestionsonanearlierdraftofthispaper.2Thefadaround“cleveridentificationstrategies”isbutthemostrecentinstantiationofthisphenomenon.

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untilbothinstrumentsandconceptshavedevelopedsufficientlytomaketheiremergencelikely

andtomaketheanomalywhichresultsrecognizableasaviolationofexpectation.”(p.763)

Intheparlanceofsocialmedia,scientificdiscoverybeginswitha“WTF”moment.

Scientificdiscoverybeginswhenascholarobservessomethingcontrarytoexpectationsand

recognizesthatthisanomalousobservation“mayproveconsequential.”Notethatthe

motivatingfactmaybeanobservationabouttheworld,butitmayalsobeaboutwhatothers

havesaidabouttheworld.3

Butnotjustanysurprisewilldo.Anyonewhohaseverparentedayoungchildisfamiliar

withthequestions,bornoutofwonder,suchasthosethatourchildrenaskedmypartnerand

me:“whyistheskyblue?,”“wheredoesthesungo(attheendoftheday),”?or,“ifmybrain

controlsmybody,whydoIhavetogotothedoctortofindoutwhat’swrongwithmewhenI

amsick”?Answerstoallofthesequestions(assumingtheyareconsistentwithwhatscientists

currentlybelieve)arediscoveriesfortheinquirerbecausetheychangewhattheyknow,but

theydonotleadtoscientificdiscoveriesunlesstheychangewhatweknow.Thefieldsof

optics,astronomy,andneurosciencehavetheirrespectiveanswerstothequestionsabove

(althoughthelastquestionisprobablylesssettledthantheothertwo).

So,questionsoftenbeginwithsurprise,butgoodresearchquestionsbeginwithwell-

informedsurprise.Ifyoualonearesurprisedbyanobservation,theanswertoyour“WTF

3InthewordsofBranislavSlantchev,(personalcommunication)“theoreticinnovationdoesnothavetobeginwithanempiricalobservationbutwithapotentialflawinthelogic,inconsistencyoftheassumptions,oraninsightaboutageneralclaim(e.g.,theimpossibilityresults)”.

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moment”islikelytobepersonallyrewarding.Ifmostwell-informedobserversaresurprisedby

anobservation,thenananswerislikelytobesocially,and,therefore,scientificallyvaluable.4

Butsometimes,scienceproceedswhenanindividualrecognizesthattheanswers

embodiedinwhat“weknow”aboutasubjectarenotverygood.Forexample,formillennia

“we”knewthattheanswertothequestion“wheredoesthesungo”tobesomethinglike“the

suncirclesastationaryearth,soatacertainpointeachdayitleavesoursightwhileshinningon

theotherhalfoftheplanetonlytoreturnthenextmorning.”Eventually,however,scientists

with“theskill,wit,orgenius”torecognizethemountinganomaliescreatedbymodelsbasedon

ageocentricviewoftheuniversecametotheconclusionthatabetteranswerwasneeded.At

firstthesebetteranswerscameinattemptstomodifytheheliocentricviewwithelaborate

patchesmeanttoexplainawayanomalousobservations.Inaddition,to“skill,wit,andgenius”

itrequiredagreatdealofcouragetochallengetheexistingviewinamorefundamental

fashion.

So,goodquestionscomefromknowingwhat“we”know.Buttheyalsocomefrom

thinkingdeeplyaboutwhatweknowandbeingsufficientlyunsatisfiedwithbadanswersto

taketheriskofthinkingdifferentlyaboutaproblem.Aswithallthearts,goodscienceseems

tocomefromindividualsandgroupsthatengageinacertainkindofpractice.Iwouldliketo

beginthisessaybycommentingonwhatIseeasacommonstructureofmanygreat

contributionstopoliticalscienceandinternationalrelations.Specifically,Iwillputforwardalist

4Itisfashionableinmanytopgraduatepoliticalscienceprogramsforfacultytosaythat“substantivecourses”areawasteoftimeandenterprisingstudentsshouldhaveanalmostsingle-mindedfocusonmethodstraining.Itisalsocommonplaceforprofessorstocomplainthattheirstudentsarenotadeptatidentifyinginterestingquestions.Isuspectthatthesephenomenaarenotunrelated.

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offivequestionsthat,whenansweredwell,arelikelytoproduceworkthatasksandanswers

interestingandimportantquestionsandgivesusareasontobeconfidentinthoseanswers.In

thesecondhalfoftheessayIwillruminateonthekindofpracticethatIexpecttoleadtogood

questionaskingandgoodanswergiving.

FiveQuestions

WhenIwasingraduateschool,oneofmyprofessors,D.MichaelShafer,taughtme

howtoread.Hedidsobyencouragingmetoemployatemplatehecreatedsostudentscould

recordthekeypartsofwhattheyread:“Whatisthedependentvariable?”“Whatarethe

independentvariables?“Whatisthelogicthattiesthemtogether?Etc.”Ifoundthis

enormouslyhelpfulingettingthroughtheridiculousamountofreadingrequiredinmy

graduateclasses.WhenIbeganteachingIsharedthislistwithmystudentsandovertheyearsI

haverefineditforvariousreasons.Ihavecometobelievethatthislistofquestionsisuseful

notjustinfocusingourreadingefforts,butalsoinourresearchefforts.Ifyouaskwhatthe

author’sanswertoeachofthefollowingquestionsis,youwillhaveagoodsummaryofmost

articlesorbooksinourdiscipline.5Ifyouaskwhethertheauthorhasagoodanswertoeachof

thequestions,youwillhaveagoodcritiqueofthepaperinquestion.Andifyouareimpatient

withanybadanswersprovidedbytheauthor,anddevelopbetterones,youwillbeonyourway

tomakingyourowncontributiontotheliterature.Consequently,Ihavecometobelievethat

thesequestionscanalsoserveasanexcellentguidewhendesigningaresearchproject.Ifyou

havegoodanswerstothesefivequestions(andatleastoneoftheseanswersisan5Thequestionswouldhavetobeadaptedtoservethispurposeforliteraturereviews,methodspapers,andpurelytheoreticalpapers.

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improvementoverexistingwork),youwillhaveagoodpaper,dissertation,orbook.These

questionsalsocorrespondtotheorganizationofthemodalpaperinourdiscipline:

“Introduction”,“LiteratureReview”,“Theory”,“ResearchDesign”,and“Findings”.

Itisimportanttoaddthatresearchquestionsneednotbegeneratedbyreading.They

canjustaseasily,andperhapsmoreprofoundly,beprovokedbyourinteractionand

observationofthesocialworld.Wemightobservebehaviorandsay“whydoesthathappen”?

Itisgoodpracticetoofferone’stentativeanswertosuchaquestionunencumberedby“the

literature.”Butitisimprudenttospendverymuchtimeonsuchactivitybeforeevaluating

existinganswerstoyourquestion.

Question1:WhatdoIwishtoexplain?(TheIntroduction)

FollowingKuhn’sdescriptionofscientificrevolutions,mostgoodworkbeginswitha

puzzlingobservation.Beginningwithobservationisimportantbecausegoodreaderswouldlike

tobeconvincedthatthephenomenonyouareexplainingactuallyoccurs(thoughitis

frequentlyfruitfultoengageinthoughtexperimentsaboutthingsthathavenotoccurred).

Thisstepisbynomeanstrivialandconsiderablemethodologicalsophisticationmaybe

necessarytoaccuratelydescribetherealworldeventsor,betterstill-patternsofevents-which

youwishtoexplain.

SamuelHuntington’sclassicPoliticalOrderinChangingSocieties(1968)seekstoexplain

therisingpoliticalinstabilityheobservedaroundtheworld.Asevidenceofthisrising

instability,onpagefourofthis462pagebook,theauthorpresentsU.S.DepartmentofDefense

datashowingthatthenumberofnationsaroundtheworldexperiencingmilitaryconflictsof

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varioustypesrosealmostmonotonicallyfrom34in1958to57in1965(Table1.1).Thisisa

dramaticincrease:inlessthanadecadethenumberofconflictsnearlydoubled!Theproblem,

however,isthat,asaresultofdecolonization,thenumberofindependentcountriesinthe

worldalsogrewrapidlyduringthisperiod.IfonetakesHuntington’snumbersanddividesthem

bythenumberofindependentcountriesineachyear(asameasureoftheopportunityfor

militaryconflict),therelativefrequencyofmilitaryconflictactuallydeclinedoverthisperiod.

Sincemilitaryconflictwasjustoneproxyforpoliticalinstability,itisentirelypossiblethat

politicalinstabilityactuallyincreasedduringtheobservedperiod.Butifyoubelievethat

therelativefrequencyofconflictisabetterindicatorofpoliticalinstabilitythantheraw

frequency,youwouldbejustifiedinwonderingifthephenomenonexplainedinthesubsequent

fourhundredorsopagesactuallyoccurred.

Thefirstorderofbusiness,therefore,indemonstratingthatsomethingthatmayprove

consequentialhashappened;istodemonstratethatthatthinghashappened.Thiscrucialtask

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isoftenbestaccomplishedwiththepresentationofclearlypresented,wellthoughtout,

descriptiveevidence.Whilethisoftenrequiresafairamountofmethodologicalskill,

sometimesitsimplyrequiresnumeracy–which,unfortunately,isofteninshortsupply.

Effectivelypresentingevidenceforone’sexplanandumis,perhaps,bestdescribedinthe

breach.Forexample,youcanreadnewspaperheadlinesonalmostadailybasisthatpurportto

capturesomeimportantchangeintheworldthatis,infact,notsupportedbythetextofthe

accompanyingarticle.Wouldthatitwerethecasethatthesemistakeswererareinacademic

work.

Onecommonmistakeistomakeaclaimaboutinter-temporalchangeinavariableby

citingonlycurrentvaluesofthatvariable.“Tenure-trackjobsaredisappearing”readsthetitle

ofanarticle,butthearticlemakesnoreferencetothenumberofsuchjobsthatwereavailable

inthepast.Howdoweknowthatchangehasoccurred?Arelatedissuethatrequiresabit

moremethodologicalskilltoavoidistopointoutadifferencebetweenthevaluesofafew

recentvaluesofavariablefromprecedingvaluesandclaimthattheyareevidenceofanew

trendwithoutcomparingthenewobservationswithalongenoughtrendofdatatodetermine

whethertheyrepresentameaningfuldeviationfromthetrendor,asisoftenthecase,just

typicalvariationwithinthetrend.

Anothercommonerroriswhatmightbecalled“thedenominatorproblem”–thefailure

tochooseadenominatorthatwouldtransformthedataintoavariableappropriateforthe

conceptualcomparisonrelevanttothediscussionathand.Wealreadysawanexampleofthis

whenHuntingtonconfusedatrendintherawfrequencyofavariableforatrendintherelative

frequencyofthedata,whichIarguedwouldhavebeenmoreappropriate.Butitisalsopossible

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thattherawnumberiswhatmostinterestsus–inwhichcaseweshouldnotbedistractedby

anapparentlyrelatedratio.Toreturntothe“disappearingtenuretrackjobs”problemwe

oftenhearaboutinthepopularpress,intherareinstanceswhereinter-temporaldatais

presentedinanattempttoestablishthistrend,thequantitypresentedistypicallytheratioof

tenuretrackjobstothetotalnumbercollegeteachingjobs.Thisisproblematicbecauseitis

entirelypossiblefortheshareoftenuretrackjobstobedecliningwhenthenumberoftenure

trackjobsisincreasing(ashasbeenthecaseintheUnitedStatesfordecades).Anditis

probablythelatternumberthatisofinteresttomostreaders(forexample,currentdoctoral

studentshopingtoforecastfuturedemandforpeoplewiththecredentialstheyareworking

hardtoobtain).

Question2:Whydoesitneedtobetoexplained?(TheLiteratureReview)

Havingexplainedthatthisthinghasoccurred,itisimportantforauthorstodemonstrate

thata)thisthingviolatesexpectationsinsomeway(i.e.“somethinghasgonewrong”)andb)

thatthisviolationmay“proveconsequential.”Inotherwords,inthewordsofMilesDavis,“so

what?”

Onceagain,itmightbeeasiertosaywhatoneshouldnotdo.Ionceattendedapractice

jobtalkwhereasmart,hard-workingand,subsequently,verysuccessfulscholar,whenpressed

tosaywhathewastryingtoexplain,saidthathewastryingtoexplainwhyaparticularvariable

varies.BeinglesssupportivethanIshouldhavebeen,Iasked,“doyouhaveatheorythatleads

ustoexpectthisvariabletobeaconstant?”Variablesvary.Itisevenintheirname.

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Observingthatvariation,therefore,hardlyconstitutesasurprise.Soifvariationinavariable

doesnotconstituteaviolationofexpectations,whatdoes?

Asacomparativepoliticsscholar,itpainsmetosaythatIhaveattendedmanyseminar

talksoverthelastfewdecades,mostgivenbysuccessfulandinfluentialseniorscholars,where

theworkinprogressismotivatedbyanassertionthatissomevariantofthefollowing“puzzle”:

theoryQclaimsthathighlevelsofvariableXshouldcauseYtohappen,butincountryiattimet,Xwasveryhigh,andYdidnotoccur.

Theproblemwiththis“puzzle”isthatoncethemisunderstandingitisbasedonisclearedup,it

isnolongerapuzzle.Themisunderstandingisthis:withveryfewexceptions(Icannotthinkof

one)theempiricalimplicationsofsocialscientifictheoriesarebesttreatedasprobabilistic

(Lieberson1991).Whetheronetracesthereasonstotheintrinsicallyprobabilisticnatureofall

humanbehaviorderivingfromhumanagency,thelimitationsofourunderstanding,thefact

thatmost(all?)socialphenomenahavemultiple,context-dependentcauses,orthepossibility

ofclassificationerror(didYoccurordiditnot?wasXreallyhighorlow?andcomparedto

what?)itisbesttothinkofourhypothesesasprobabilistic.WhichmeansthemosttheoryQ

canclaimisthat“highlevelsofvariableXshouldmakeYmorelikelytohappen.”

Consequently,thefactthatYdidnotoccurincountryiattimet,despitethefactthatXwas

veryhighisnot,atleasttomyear,particularlypuzzling.Unlikelyeventsareexpectedtohappen

occasionally.Consequently,onecannotreasonablycallaprobabilisticconjectureintoquestion

withasinglenullcase.Doingsoislikebeingpuzzledaboutone’sunclewholivedtoaripeold

agedespitebeingaheavysmoker.Thisisnotpuzzlingbecausethebestscientificevidenceis

thatsmokingincreasesthelikelihoodofcancer,notthatitalwaysleadstocancer.Incontrast,it

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wouldbesurprisingtofindanentiresub-sampleofthepopulationthatappearstobeimmune

tothedeleteriouseffectsofsmoking,or,thataftercontrollingforincomeoreducation(orany

otherpotentialconfound),smokersarenotmorepronetocancerthannon-smokers.Insum,

sinceourtheoriestypicallyjustifyexpectationsaboutpatternsofdata,ittakesobservations

aboutpatternsofdata,notdiscreetdatapoints,toviolatethoseexpectations.

Whilerecognizingapatterninthedataisoftennecessaryforgeneratingsurprise,itisbyno

meanssufficient.GoingbacktothemanycomparativepoliticsseminarsIhaveattended,be

waryofthescholarwhoselectsasmallsampleofobservationsanddemonstratesthatawidely

corroboratedempiricalregularity,suchastheincumbencyadvantage,thedemocraticpeace,

Gamson’sLaw,Duverger’sLaw,ortheresourcecurse,“doesn’thold”inthatsub-sample.Why?

Becausesocialbehaviorisprobabilistic,soevenhighlypredictiveempiricalmodelsyield

predictionswithnon-zeroerrors.Asaresult,onecanalwaysfindasubsampleofdatawhere

thebroaderpatterndoesnothold.Takeany“footballshaped”scatterplot,suchasthefamous

scatterplotshowinFigure1.1.6Onecanselectoutasub-sampleofcases,suchasthoseinthe

ellipse,tosuggestthattheregressionlineisflatorevennegativeeventhoughthereisclearlya

positiverelationshipinthesampleonthewhole.

6ThescatterplotisbasedondatafromanexamplefromPearsonandLee’s(1903)examinationofthecorrelationbetweentheadultheightsoffathersandsons.

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Figure1.1RelationshipBetweentheHeightofFathersandSons(DataSource:Freedman,Pisani,andPurves(2007)addedrandomnoisetodatafromPearsonandLee(1903)whoonlyhaddatatonearestinch,)http://myweb.uiowa.edu/pbreheny/data/pearson.html

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RecallthatIsaid,“bewary”ofascholarwhomotivatestheirstudywithasub-sampleof

casesthatappeartoruncontrarytoawell-corroboratedsetofexpectations.ButIwouldnot

encourageyoutodismisssuchascholar.Itis,forexample,entirelyappropriatetoshowthat

thereareboundaryconditionsoneventhemostwell-corroboratedempiricalregularities.But

themereexistenceofsuchasub-sampledoesnotconstituteapuzzleuntilonecanconvince

thereaderthatthesub-sampleconstitutesacomprehensiblecategoryandisnotjusttheresult

offelicitous(fromthestandpointoftheauthorseekingsomethingtowriteabout)case

selection.Further,ifonedoestakeastheirprojectthetaskofexplainingwhyawell-

corroboratedregularitydoesnotapplytoaparticularsub-sample,itisincumbentuponthemto

developanexplanationforwhythesub-sampleisdifferentthatyieldspredictionsotherthan

thefactthatthesub-sampleisdifferent.Otherwise,theyareengagedinbothpost-hocandad-

hocreasoning.

Yetanotherproblemcanarisewhenonegeneratestheirresearchprojectbygazingata

scatterplot.ManywilllookatalikeFigure1.1afterestimatingaregressionlineandbe

disturbedthatsomanyobservationsfallfarfromtheregressionline.Itisokaytowantthe

modeltofitthedatawell,butgiventheprobabilistic,multi-causalnatureofourhypotheses,it

isnotpuzzlingthatsomeobservationsfallfarfromtheregressionline.Myfatherwassixfeet

tall,whileI,ahem,amnot.Thatisnotsurprisingbecauseotherfactorsenterintoheightat

adulthoodotherthanmygeneticinheritancefrommyfather–dietandcontributionsfrommy

mother’sgeneticmake-upcometomind.Beingpuzzledinthiswayisaslightlymore

sophisticatedversionofthe“ifXishighincountryiattimet,whydowenotobserveY”

problem.Bothmethodsarefrequentlyusedtojustifytheclaimthat“existingexplanationsare

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incomplete.”Theproblemisthatanyexplanationtheauthorcomesupwithislikelytobe

susceptibletothesamecriticism.

Iwanttobeclear,thereisnothingwrongwithbeingunsatisfiedwithexplanationsthat

donotfitthedatawell.However,iftheonlyresultofpointingoutobservationsthatfalloffthe

regressionlineisanewmodelthatmarginallyincreasesmeasuresofgoodnessoffit,donotbe

surprisedifreadersfailtoseethisas“consequential.”Ceterisparibus,papersthatare

motivatedbytheidentificationofunclear,misleading,orincorrectunderstandingsinthe

existingliteraturearemoreconsequentialthanthosethatpointtomerely“incomplete”

understandingsbecausetheformercausesustorevise(thatisto“lookatagain”)ratherthan

merelysupplementourcurrentunderstanding.

Sofar,wehavebeenseekingtoidentifyviolationsofexpectationsthatare

consequentialforourunderstandingoftheworld,butonemightalsoplaceapriorityon

consequencesthataremorepractical.Onewayofaskingthe“sowhat”questionistoask,“if

youweresuccessfulinexplainingyouranomalousobservation,howwouldtheworldbe

different?”Unlessoneisentirelynaïve,thisisaverytoughquestiontoanswer.Butsincemost

ofusbecamepoliticalscientistsandinternationalrelationsscholarsbecausewewantedto

maketheworldabetterplace,itisstillworthwhile.Onereasontothinkaboutthe“normative”

implicationsofthequestionsweaskisthatanevenpassingfamiliaritywiththeliteraturein

politicalscienceandinternationalrelationsisenoughtounearthaseeminglyendlesssupplyof

unclear,misleading,orincorrectunderstandings.Inlightofthis,itisnotunreasonabletotryto

tacklefirstthosethataretiedtoissueswecaredeeplyabout.

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NobellaureateRobertLucassaid“onceyoustartthinkingabouteconomicgrowth,itis

hardtothinkaboutanythingelse.”Isuspectthatisbecauseitisnothardtoseetherealworld,

sticktoyourribs,consequencesofeconomicgrowth.Likewise,immigration,politicalviolence,

economicinequality,governmentcorruption,racialandethnicdiscrimination,financial

instability,authoritarianism,genderbias,illiteracy,failingschools,orahostofotherpolicy

issuesareofinterestbecauseoftheirimpactonmattersofjusticeandhumanwell-being.

Explainingobservationsthatviolateourexpectationscanbequiteconsequentialwhendoingso

shedslightontheseandothersocialproblems.

Marx’slastandmostfamousthesesonFeuerbachisthat“thephilosophershaveonly

interpretedtheworld,invariousways.Thepoint,howeveristochangeit”anditisinteresting

thatitisetchedonhistombdespitehavingneverbeenpublishedwhilehewasalive.8It

capturesthefrustrationofmanyscholarswhowouldliketo“makeadifference.”Itcertainly

capturedmyromanticheartwhenIfirstreaditasayoungman(notmuchyoungerthanMarx

waswhenhewroteit)atthestartofgraduateschool.ButIwasnotingraduateschoollong

beforeIrealizedthecomplexityof“interpreting”theworldandthedangersthatcouldresultif

onesoughttochangetheworldwithouthavinginterpreteditcorrectly.Understandingthe

worldisaprerequisiteforchangingitinaresponsiblemanner.

Whileitisdesirable,perhapsevennoble,bridgingthegapbetweenstudyingtheworld

thewayitisandusingthisinformationtoimprovesocialconditionsisdifficult-particularly

whenpeople,and,therefore,politicsareinvolved.Oneproblemisthatifsocialillshave

politicalrootsevenaccurateexplanationsoftheircausesarelikelytobeinsufficientfor

8Marx(1888).

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mitigatingthem.Onereasonforthisisthefactthatthehallmarkofpoliticsisconflictingvalues.

Explainingtoprisonersconfrontedwithpleadealsthatrewardthemforincriminatingeach

otherthattheycollectivelybenefitbykeepingmumwillnotsolvetheprisoner’sdilemma

becausetheywillstillhaveindividualincentivestoratontheirco-conspirators.9

So,whileunderstandingtheworldmaybeanecessaryconditionfor(responsibly)

changingit,itisnotlikelytobesufficient.And,conversely,changingtheworldcanmakeitalot

hardertounderstand.Oneofthethingsthatmakessocialsciencedifficultisthattheentities

westudycanreadwhatwewriteandchangetheirbehaviorinwaysthatmakeourmodelsless

predictivelyaccurate.10

SomethinglikethismayhavebeenatworkinthewritingsofMarx.Thephrase

“workersofalllands,unite!”alsoappearsonMarx’stomb.Incontrasttohistheseson

Feuerbach,thisphrasewaspublishedduringhislife-time.Threeyearsafterbemoaningthe

irrelevanceofpriorphilosophersMarxandEnglesclosedoneofthemostinfluentialpolitical

pamphletseverwrittenwithit.11Inan1890appendixtoTheCommunistManifestoEngels

admitsthatfewheededthecallin1848butsuggestsmanyeventuallydidsoovertime,

includingthosewhowereorganizinginsupportoftheeight-hourworkday1890.Itisnot

unreasonabletosuggestthatMarx’sanalysisofaninternallogictocapitalism(thatthe

9Incontrast,iftheonlyproblemisaco-ordinationproblemthenthemeredisseminationofinformationislikelytobesufficient.Butsuchproblemsareaboutaspoliticalasgettingdriverstostayontheirsideoftheroad.10Thoughsometimesthisworksintheoppositiedirection.Forexample,experimentshaveshownthatstudentswhotakeeconomicsclassesbehavemuchlesscooperatively,and,therefore,moreinlinewiththemodelslearnedinthesecourses.11TheCommunistManifesto(MarxandEngels,1996)hadlittleimmediateimpactonembryonicsocialistmovements,butitslongruninfluenceisundeniable.

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inexorableimmiserationoftheproletariatwouldleadtorevolution)helpedfueltheformation

oflaborunionsandthecreationofsocialprogramsthatimprovedthematerialconditionsof

workers.Butindoingso,thismadethemlessrevolutionary–therebyreducingtheprobability

oftherevolutionhepredicted.

Anotherexampleofhowitishardtohavebothinfluenceintherealworldand

predictiveaccuracycomesfromtherecentliteratureon“thehappinesscurve”–therobust

empiricalregularitythatreportedlifesatisfactiontendstodeclinewhenpeopleareintheir

fortiesandriseconsistentlystartingintheirearlyfifties(Rauch2018).Oneexplanationforthis

empiricalregularityisthatbecausehumanpsychologyisbiasedtowardsoverlyoptimistic

forecasts,youngpeopleover-estimatehowmuchtheirliveswillimproveintheirthirtiesand

forties.Thisresultsindisappointmentduringtheirmiddleyearsevenifindividuals’liveshave

improvedconsiderably,butnotasmuchastheyexpected.Thisdisappointmentalsoleads

peopletoupdatetheirexpectationsandmakegrimforecastsforthefuture.Consequently,

whenlifeintheirfifties,sixties,andbeyondturnsouttobenotasbadasexpected,theyreport

highlevelsoflifesatisfaction.Ifthisprocessistrulyatwork,peoplewhoreadthisliterature

mightbeinclinedtomakemorerealisticpredictionsaboutfuturelifesatisfaction.Iftheydidso

inlargenumbers,the“happinesscurve”coulddisappear.

NoticethattotheextentthatMarxchangedhistoryitmayhavebeeninwaysthat

frustratedbothhispredictiveaccuracyandhissocialdesires(forrevolution)butifhappiness

researchersturnouttohavethesamedegreeofimpactonsocietytheymightbeperfectly

willingtotradepredictiveaccuracyfortangibleimprovementsinpeople’slifesatisfaction.

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Insum,wewouldliketoanswerquestionsthat,whenanswered,wouldprove

consequential.Theseconsequencescanbeeitherforthewaywethinkabouttheworld,orthe

waypeoplebehave.While,allelseequal,wewouldlikeourresearchtoleadtoimprovements

inhumanwell-being,thestrategicnatureofpoliticsmeansthatevenwhenweprovidegood

answerstoquestionsthatareimportanttousitmaynotleaddirectlytoimprovementsinsocial

outcomes.Thatisnottosuggestweshouldstoptrying.

Question3:Whatistheexplanation?(Theory)

Agoodexplanationwilltakeanobservationthatissufficientlysurprisingthatitjustifies

yourstudy,andturnitintosomethingthat,inretrospect,shouldhavebeenexpectedallalong.

InwhatremainsoneofthefewbooksIknowofthatattemptstoteachpeoplehowtoexplain

things,theauthorsofAnIntroductiontoModelsintheSocialSciences(LaveandMarch,1975)

describeexplanationasaprocessinwhichoneimaginesapriorworldsuchthat,ifitexisted,

thesurprisingfact(s)wouldhavebeenexpected.Technically,anysetofstatementsthat

logicallyimplytheoccurrenceoftheanomalousobservationconstituteanexplanation.But

goodexplanationshaveadditionalattributes,andwewouldliketoproducethebest

explanation.Asatisfyingexplanationwillgivethereaderanunderstandingoftheprocessor

mechanismthatislikelytoproducethepreviouslyanomalousobservation.Readerswantto

knowhowsurprisingeventscameabout,andexplanationsshouldtellthem.Good

explanationsareefficient–theratioofthingstheyexplain(implications)tothingstheyrequire

youtobelieve(assumptions)ishigh.

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Thereisanoptimaldegreeofnoveltytoanexplanation.Anexplanationshouldbe

interesting,yetsound.By“interesting”Imeanthatanexplanationshouldcauseustoseethe

worldinanewway.By“sound”Imeananexplanationshouldfitinwithotherthingsweknow

abouttheworld.Anexplanationthatcausesustoseeeverythinginanewwayislikelytobe

wrong.Anexplanationthatdoesnotrequireustochangeourmindatallisprobablyjusta

corollaryofthingswealreadyknew(and,byextension,ourmotivatingpuzzlemustnothave

beenmuchofapuzzle).

Finally,explanationsmustbelogicallyconsistent.Ihavehadempiricallyminded

politicalscientistsandinternationalrelationsscholarstellmethatformaltheoryisnot

importantbecausetheyaresophisticatedenoughtolivewiththeoriesthatcontain

contradictions.Thisisnonsense.Itcanbeshownwithelementarylogicthatanythingfollowsa

contradiction.Consequently,ifyourtheorycontainsacontradiction,anythingcanbesaidto

followfromit.Asaresult,acontradictorytheoryrulesnothingoutand,therefore,noamount

ofempiricalinformationwillbesufficienttofalsifyit.Sincepotentialfalsificationisthe

hallmarkofscience,atheorythatcontainsacontradiction,therefore,isnotascientific

theory.12

Onewaytoincreasethelikelihoodthatyourexplanationislogicallyconsistentistotry

tocaptureitwithaformalmodel.Formalmodelsallowustodemonstratethatour

explanation’sconclusionsfollowfromitsassumptions-mostimportantly,thatourpreviously

puzzlingobservationisnotsurprisinginlightoftheworldthatourexplanationposits.Also,by

12InthepossiblyapocryphalwordsoftheoreticalphysicistWolfgangPauli,itis“notevenwrong.”

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makingtheassumptionsofourexplanationexplicitwearemorelikelytonoticeifthey

contradicteachother.

Whilethesebenefitsofformalizationareundeniable,itdoesnotfollowthatevery

explanationshouldbeformalized.Itypicallyencouragemystudentstofirstarticulatetheir

explanationsasastorythatrevealsaprocessthatproducesthepreviouslyunexpected

observation.Formalizationisonlynecessarywhenonehearssuchastoryandasks,“whywould

peopledothat?”or,equivalently,“Thatdoesn’tsoundlikeanequilibrium,”or,“isn’ttherea

tensionbetweenthispartofthestoryandthatpartofthestory?”Whenoneisconfronted

withsuchquestions,agoodformalmodelcanoftenprovideanswers.Thus,Itellmystudentsto

learnhowtowritedownformalmodelsnotbecausetheywillalwaysneedone,butlikefire

insurance,theyarealwaysatriskofneedingone.

Anotherreasontobeginwithaninformalstatementofone’stheoryistoavoidthetrap

ofthinkingthatagametheoreticmodelwillgenerateatheoryforus.Formalmodelshelpus

interrogatecertainaspectsofourtheory,theydonotproducethetheoryforus.Wemust

beginwithsometheoreticalintuitionaboutwhatexplainsthephenomenoninquestionbefore

wecanbegintomodeltheprocess.

Question4:Iftheexplanationistrue,whatelseshouldweobserve?(ResearchDesign)

Ifyouofferaviewofatheoreticalworldthathasthepreviouslypuzzlingobservationas

oneofitsimplications,youhaveofferedanexplanation.Andwhiletherearevariouswaysto

evaluatethatexplanation,tobescientific,youranswertoyouroriginalquestionmustprovide

ananswertothefollowingquestion:“ifyourexplanationiscorrect,whatelseoughttobe

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true?”Goodscientificexplanationsprovidelotsofanswerstothisquestion.Ifyour

explanationonlyimpliesthefactsthatyousetouttoexplain,thenthereisnowayto

empiricallyevaluateyouranswer.Youcannotusethefactthatdemocraciesseldomfighteach

other,orthefactthatthereisalotofcorruptioninpresidentialdemocraciestoevaluateyour

explanationofthesethingsbecauseitwasthosefactsthatledyoutodevelopyourexplanation

inthefirstplace.

Thispartoftheresearchprocessisastumblingblockformanyresearcherswhenthey

areattractedtoasubject,ratherthanaquestion.IoncehadastudentwhovisitedBraziland

wasshockedbythelevelofcorruptioninthegovernmentthereanddevelopedanexplanation

thatpointedtoaspectsofthelargedistrictmagnitudeproportionalrepresentationelectoral

systemasacause.ThestudentwassurprisedwhenIsaidIthoughttheargumenthadmerits,

butthatreturningtoBraziltocollectdatawasnotapromisingavenueforevaluatingthe

argument:wealreadynewthatBrazilfittheargument!Perhapsdataoncorruptionlevelsin

countrieswithdifferentelectorallaws(suchastheUnitedStates)wouldbemoreuseful.The

student,however,respondedthathedidnotwanttostudycorruptioninothercountries,after

allhewasinterestedinBrazil!

AsimilarproblemisfoundinaveryfamousbookbyThedaSkocpol,StatesandSocial

Revolutions(1978).Init,theauthorwishestoexplaintheoccurrenceofsocialrevolutionsand

shearguedthathersubjectdictatedherempiricalstrategy.Givenherdefinition,thereareonly

fivehistoricalcasesofsocialrevolution.Shearguedthatasaconsequenceofthisfact,

structuredfocusedcomparison(specifically,Mill’sMethodofAgreement)wastheonlypossible

methodforevaluatingherexplanation.Thatisnottrue.

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Thechiefproblemhereisthatifanexplanationforasetofrareeventsonlyhas

implicationsaboutthoserareevents,theauthordoesnothaveadataproblem,theyhavea

theoryproblem.Ifanexplanationforglobalwarmingonlypredictsthegeneralriseinthe

temperaturethatmotivatedtheexplanation,thenitisnotaveryusefulexplanation.

Cosmologistshaveofferedexplanationsforthecreationoftheuniverse,buttheydonotchoose

theirmethodologyforevaluatingtheirexplanationsbasedonthefactthattheobjectoftheir

studyonlyhappedonce.Instead,theyask,“ifmyexplanationforthisuniqueeventiscorrect,

whatelseoughttobetrue?”Theythenthinkabouthowbesttocarefullyobservethe

implicationsoftheirargument.

Thegoalofempiricalresearch,therefore,shouldbetoexamineasmanyimplicationsof

one’sexplanationaspossible.Becausemany,manyscholarsrestricttheirattentiontothe

empiricalpuzzlethatmotivatedtheirstudytobeginwith,manyimportantpaperscanbe

writtenbysimplyaskingofexistingexplanations,“ifthisargumentistrue,whatelseoughtwe

observe?”

Onereasonwhyscholarsoftenrestricttheirattentiontothedatathatgeneratedthe

questionisthatitcanoftentakeconsiderablecreativitytothinkabouttheimplicationsofan

explanation.Thereisnocookbook-likeapproachthatcanbeappliedthatwillautomatically

revealtothescholarthatseeminglyunrelatedeventsmightbeinstantiationsofasinglesocial

process.ButonepracticeLaveandMarchrecommendistotrytoseeyouranswertoa

particularquestionasrelatedtoamoregeneralprocess.

Forexample,inhercriticalreviewofSkocpol’sbook,BarbaraGeddes(2003)suggests

thatoneelementofSkocopol’sexplanationofraresocialrevolutionshadimplicationsforthe

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occurrenceofpeasantrevolts.Geddessuggestthatastatisticalmodelexaminingtheconditions

underwhichpeasantrevoltsdoanddonotoccurwould,therefore,beusefulinevaluatingthe

empiricalrelevanceofSkocpol’sexplanationofsocialrevolutions.

Notice,thatwhenweask“whatelseoughttobetrue”weseparatethequestionof

“whatistheauthorsexplanandum?”from“whatistheauthor’s“dependentvariable?”The

explanandumisastatementofwhattheauthordevelopsatheorytoexplain.The“dependent

variable”istheendogenousvariableinamodeltestingoneormoreoftheimplicationsofthe

author’stheory.Therearetimeswhenthesemightbethesame,butthereisnoreasonto

assumetheywillbe.Infact,whentheyare,weshouldwonderiftheauthorisengagedinpost-

hocreasoning–“havetheyobservedthedependentvariableanditscovariatesandconstructed

acausalstoryafterthefact?”Doingsowouldconstitutea“test”ofthetheoryonlytothe

extentthatthelion’sshareoftheobservationscouldbethoughttohavebeenappreciably

differentfromthosethatwereobservedbeforethetheory’sformulation.Conversely,atheory

thatproducesalotofnovelimplicationshelpsassuagethereader’ssuspicionthattheauthoris

merelyengagedinacurve-fittingexercise.

Insum,itistypicallymorehelpfultothinkofempiricalworkastestingtheimplications

ofatheory,ratherthantestingthetheorydirectly.Onereasonthisistrueisthattestingthe

theorydirectlycaneasilydescendintomoreorlesscomplicatedversionofcurve-fittingand

post-hocreasoning.Instead,spendtimethinkingabouttheimplicationsofyourexplanationfor

observationsotherthanthosethatmotivatedyourquestioninthefirstplace.Themorevaried

thoseimplicationsthebetter,becauseitisonlythoseobservationsthataremadeafterthe

constructionofyourtheorythatruntheriskofbeingfalseandthereforeactuallyconstitutean

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empiricalcheckonyourexplanation.Andremember:ifyourtheoryonlyhasimplicationsfora

setofeventstoosmalltousestandardinferentialtoolstoevaluate,youdonothaveadata

problem-youhaveatheoryproblem.

Question5:Doweobservetheimplicationsofourexplanation?(Findings)

Determiningifevidenceisconsistentwithone’stheoreticalexpectationsistheprimary

focusofresearchmethodologyand,so,isthecentralfocusoftheremainderofthisvolume.

HereIwillmerelystressthefollowing:many,manystudiespresent,oftenindizzyingdetail,

reamsofinformationthatiseitherirrelevanttoorinconsistentwiththeoreticalexpectations.

Typically,however,itispresentedinamannerthatsuggeststhatthisinformationconfirmsthe

author’sexpectations.Distinguishingwhenthisisthecaseisalargepartofwhatismeantby

learningtoreadcritically.

AsIsaid,allofthecollectivewisdomofresearchmethodologistsisrelevantfor

becomingacriticalreaderandproducerofknowledgebutIwillfocusononeadmonition:

presentclearestimatesofthequantitiesofinterestaswellasastatementaboutthedegreeof

confidenceonehasinthoseestimates.13Thereareafewwaysinwhichthisadmonitionis

frequentlyviolated,andIwouldliketobrieflydrawyourattentiontothem.

AtleastinthesocialscientificpapersIread,explanationstypicallyproduceclaimsabout

theassociationbetweenvariables.Evenwhenoneisengagedinwhatlookslikeadescriptive

exercise,likeHuntingon’sattempttodemonstraterisingpoliticalinstability,oneisengagedin

demonstratingthatvaraiblesarerelatedtoeachotherinaparticularway.Ifonewantsto

13King,Keohane,andVerba(1994).

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demonstratethataphenomenonischangingovertime,onemustlookattherelationship

betweenthatvariableandtime.Ifonewantstodemonstratethataparticularbehavioror

attitudeismoreprevalentinsomeplacesoramongsomegroups,onemustlookatthe

relationshipbetweenthatvariableandgroupmembershiporspatiallocation.Consequently,

mostofourempiricalclaimsareabouttherelationshipbetweenvariables.Inalinearmodel

wethinkofthisquantityofinterestasaslopecoefficient,soIwillusethatterminologyhere,

thoughtheterm“derivative”mightbeevenmoreappropriate.

Acommonwayinwhichscholarsbecomedistractedfrompresentingthequantityof

interestisbypresentingsomethingotherthananestimateofaslope,whenthatisthequantity

theyareconcernedwith.Forexample,ithasbecomecommonforscholarstoplotthe

predictedprobabilitiesfromalogitmodelonthey-axiswithsomevariableofinterestonthex-

axiswhenthequantitiyofinterestistheassociationbetweenachangeinthatpredicted

probabilityandameaningfulchangeinsomevariableofinterest.Theproblemwithdoingsois

thatitrequiresthereadertoinfertheslopeofthatrelationshipfromthepicture.Whileitis

truethatslopesarenotconstantinnon-linearmodelssuchaslogit,and,thereforethequantity

ofinterestdoesnotreducetoasinglenumber,itwouldbebettertoplotthemarginaleffectof

thevariableofinterestacrossameaningfulsetofvaluesofthatvariableofinterest.14Adding

confidenceintervalsaroundthepredictedprobabilitydoesnothelpbecausethattellsthe

readerifthepredictedprobabilityissignificantlydifferentfromzero,whichistypicallynotthe

hypothesisbeingtested.

14Inthelanguageofcalculus:ifthequantityofinterestisdy/dx,thenplotdy/dxagainstx,notyagainstx.Theformertellsthereaderwhattheyneedtoknow.Thelattermakesthereadertrytoinferwhattheyneedtoknowfromthepicture.

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Forexample,Hellwig,Ringsmuth,andFreeman(2008)presentthegraphsinFigure1.2

asevidenceinthatthepropensityforcitizenstobelievegovernmentshavelittleroomto

maneuverpolicyinaglobalizedeconomy.Eachpanelplotsthepredictedprobability(and90%

confidenceintervals)thatasurveyrespondentsaidtheydidnotbelievetheU.S.government

retainsthe“roomtomaneuver”policyagainsttherespondent’spartisanship.Theauthors

interprettheapparentdifferencebetweentheslopeoftheplotsinthelefthandpanelfromthe

righthandpanelasevidencethatpartisanshiphasaneffectonrespondentbeliefsamong

respondentswithCollegeDegrees(panela)butnotwithHighSchoolDegreesorLess(panelb)

andamongrespondentsabovetheageoffifty-nine(panelc)butnotbelowtheageofforty

(paneld).Butwhatisthebasisofthisconclusion?Theslopesontherightclearlylooktobe

closetozeroand,incomparison,theslopesontheleftappeartobepositive.Butweare

offeredneitheranestimateoftheslopesforanydegreeofpartisanship,noranestimateofour

uncertaintyaboutthatestimate.Wecantrytocalculatetheslopeatdifferentpointsontheline

byestimatingthe“riseoverrun”andwecankindofcomparethatestimatewiththe

uncertaintyimpliedbytheerrorbars,butwhymakethereaderconstructat-testfromthe

pictureratherthanpresentthatinformationforthereaderbyplottingmarginaleffectswith

theirassociatedconfidenceintervals?Neitherdotheauthorsprovideanyevidencewhether

theslopesintheleft-handpanelsaredifferentfromtheslopesintherighthandpanels.Asa

consequence,thesepictures,andoneslikethemthatappearfrequentlyintheliterature,

providealmostnoquantitativeevidenceaboutthequantityofinterest(underwhatconditions,

ifany,achangeinpartisanshipassociatedwithachangeincitizenbeliefsaboutthe

government’s“roomtomaneuver”).

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Figure1.2PartisanshipandBeliefsabout‘RoomtoManeuver:TheConditionaleffects

ofKnowledgeandAge.SourceHellwig,Ringsmuth,andFreeman(2008,Figure2,p.875.)

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Anothercommonwayofobscuringthequantityofinterestisinpresenting“marginal

effects”thatarenotmarginal.Itiscommonplaceforauthorstosaythingslike“togainsome

substantiveunderstandingoftheseresults,InotethataonestandarddeviationchangeinXis

associatedwitha0.056changeinY.”Theproblemwiththisisthatthereisnothingtypicalor

representativeaboutastandarddeviation–indataapproximatinganormaldistributionabout

two-thirdsofallobservationswillbelessthanastandarddeviationawayfromthemean.Asa

consequence,achangeofastandarddeviationinthevariableofinterestisnotaparticularly

meaningfulcounterfactualtoconsider.Thisisparticularlytruewherethispracticeismost

frequentlyfound–wheninterpretingtheresultsofanon-linearmodel.Underthis

circumstance,themarginaleffectofavariableisextremelysensitivetowhereitisbeing

evaluated.Theslopedescribedbya“marginaleffect”thesizeofastandarddeviationislikely

tobeveryfarfromtheslopeofanyestimatedmarginaleffectwithinthisinterval.Another

reasonwhythisisnotaparticularlyusefulcounterfactualcomparisonisthatmarginaleffects

areinterpretedunderaceterisparibusclausewhereotherfactorsareheldconstant–

somethingwhichisnotlikelytobeapproximatedintherealworldwhenthevariableofinterest

experiencesanunusuallylargechangethesizeofastandarddeviation.15

Anothercommonwayscholarspresentinformationthatisnotthequantityofinterestis

whentheyhaveahypothesisthatisconditionalinnatureandeitherpresentresultsfroman

unconditionalmodel,or,equallycommon,estimateaconditionalmodelbutgoontointerpret

someofitsresultsasiftheywereunconditional.16

15SeeKingandZeng(2006)on“TheDangersofExtremeCounterfactuals.”16SeeBrambor,ClarkandGolder(2006)orKamandFranzese(2007)forafullerdiscussion.

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Summary

Myclaim,uptothispoint,isthatapaper,book,ordissertationthathasgoodanswers

tothefivequestionsabovewillbeausefulpaper,book,ordissertation.Itdoesnotfollowthat

apaper,book,ordissertationmusthaveaninnovativeanswertoallfiveofthosequestions.

Progresscanbemadeaslongasoneoftheanswersisbetterthanexistinganswersandnone

areworse.

Whichquestionsare“mostimportant”and,therefore,whichonesshouldbethefocus

ofyoureffortstoinnovate?Itishardtosay.ThoughIbelievethatitisprobablynotbesttotry

toexplainsomethingthatnoonehasexplainedbefore.Thisisanimportantpoint.Ihavehad

manygraduatestudentsinformmegloomilythatsomeonehasbeatenthemtotheir

“question.”Mystandardreactionistosay,“well,Idoubttheyhavecomeupwiththedefinitive

answer,sowhatareyouworriedabout?”Sinceanyquestionworthaskingislikelytobe

difficulttoanswer,itishighlyunlikelythatanotherscholarislikelyto“beatyoutothepunch”

andstatethe“lastword”onasubject.Indeed,ifyouareaskingaquestionthatnooneelse

hasasked,itshouldgiveyoupause.Maybeitisnotaveryinterestingquestion:ormaybethere

issomethingaboutaskingthequestioninthatwaythatledotherscholarstobelieveproductive

answerswerenotforthcoming.Thatsaid,themerefactthatothersmartpeoplehaveasked

thequestiondoesnotmeanitisagreatideaforyoutotrytoanswerit.

Graduatestudentsaretoldthattheyneedtomakeanoriginalcontributionwhichleads

themtobelievethattheymustaskaquestionthathasneverbeenasked,oratleast,never

beenansweredbefore.Thatisnottrue.Rather,an“originalcontribution”requiresonlythat

thestudentprovideabetteranswertoatleastoneofthequestionsmentionedabove.So,ifa

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studentattheprospectusstageisgoingtoattempttoofferanovelexplanation,thenpartof

theiranswertoquestion2shouldcontainastatementaboutwhattheybringtothetablethat

mightallowthemtomakeprogresswhereothershavefailed.Whattheoreticalinsight,

methodologicaladvantage,orhistoricalknowledgeputstheauthorinapositionto

simultaneouslyrecognizethat“thingshavegonewrong”withexistingexplanationsandoffera

solutionthatpushesthefieldinapromisingdirection?

Since“theoreticalinnovation”isoftenthoughttobethemostprizedcontributiona

politicalscientistcanmake,scholarsoftenbelievethatagoodpapershouldofferanovel

explanation.Ibelievethiscomes,inpart,fromphysicsenvycombinedwiththenotionthat

theoreticalphysicistshaveahigherstatusthanexperimentalists.Ibelievetheideathatevery

importantcontributionmustcontainatheoreticalinnovationhasgreatlyhamperedthe

progressofourdiscipline.Howistheaccumulationofknowledgepossibleifeverytimea

scholarputspentopapertheyhavetoofferanewexplanation?Givenfrequentlyimperfect

researchdesignsandflawedempiricalmethods,Ioftenthinktheoppositeistrue.Wemightbe

temptedtodeclareamoratoriumonthedevelopmentofnewexplanationsuntilthediscipline

hasreachedconsensusaboutempiricaltestsoftheimplicationsofexistingexplanations.Asmy

critiqueofHuntingtonsuggests,ifwedonotgetatleastsomeoftheempiricsright,howdowe

evenknowifourobservationsviolatecurrenttheoreticalexpectationsenoughtowarrantnew

explanations?Onereasontoresistsuchatemptationisthatnewtheoriesdomorethan

explainanomalies.Foroneexample,theyalsoaddressconceptualandlogicalproblemswith

existingexplanations.

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Practicesthatencouragegoodquestionasking

FollowingKuhn’slineofreasoningabove,itisworthaskingwhatislikelytopromote

“theskill,wit,andgenius”capableofrecognizingwhenthingshave“gonewronginwaysthat

mayproveconsequential.”OfKuhn’sthreedesiderata,“skill”seemstheleastconstrainedby

naturalabilityand,therefore,mostresponsivetotheenvironmentswecreate.Whileartistic

creationinvolvesmanyaspects,adegreeofcraftsmanshipistypicallyinvolvedand

craftsmanshipisderivedlargelyfrompractice.Extensivetrainingingametheoryandstatistics

isnowcommonplaceinmostgraduate(andsomeundergraduate)programsinpoliticalscience

andinternationalrelationsandthisiswhatistypicallythoughtofwhenscholarsevaluatethe

“skills”ofjobapplicants.Theseskillsareimportantbecausewithoutthem,scholarsmightask

questionsbasedonfaultyreasoningbasedonformalorinformalfallaciessuchastheecological

fallacy,adhominemattacks,hastygeneralization,confusingcorrelationwithcausation,

ignoringstrategyinducedselectioneffects,andfailingtorecognizethepresenceofconfounds.

Butwhilemethodstrainingisextremelyhelpful,itisnotsufficienttoproducescholars

whoaskandanswerinterestingquestions.Theproblemsetstypicallyassignedinquantitative

methodsandformaltheoryclassesdohelpbuildtheskillsnecessarytoexecutesophisticated

research.Justasplayingscalesandarpeggiosbuildthetechniquesnecessarytoexecute

sophisticatedmusic.Butthereismoretotrainingamusicianthanplayingscalesandarpeggios

becauseasimportantasscalesandarpeggiosare,theyarenotmusic.Ihaveheardmusicians

criticizedforhavingsufficienttechniquethatthey“knowhowtosaythingsontheir

instruments,buttheydonotseemtohaveanythingtosay.”Theanalogouscriticismis

frequentlyleveledatnewlytrainedpoliticalscientistsandinternationalrelationsscholars.

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So,whatistobedone?Toplaygoodmusic,studentshavetolistentogoodmusicand

theyhavetohavealotofexperiencemakinggoodmusic.Mostgraduateprogramsprovide

studentswiththeequivalentoflisteningtomusic.WhenIwasanewlymintedPh.D.Iheard

BruceBuenodeMesquitagivealectureattheHooverSummerPrograminGameTheoryand

InternationalPoliticsatStanfordUniversity.Hebuiltagametheoreticmodelbasedonthe

assumptionsofhegemonicstabilitytheory–seeminglyontheflybasedoncommentsshouted

outbymyclassmates.Ihadanepiphany.Ofcourse,ifdevelopingsocialscientific

explanationsisanart,thenitmustbetaughtastheartsaretaught!Iwaswatchingthemaster

attheeasel–engagedintheverycraftIwastryingtolearn.Itsuddenlyoccurredtomethat

muchofmygraduatetrainingamountedtotheequivalentofsittinginaroomlisteningto

recordingsofmusic,thenwhenitwastimetowritemydissertationitwasasifadoorhadbeen

flungopen,IwashandedaninstrumentIhadneverplayed(Iimaginedacello)andpushedout

ontoastagewhereIwasexpectedtoperform.Mostgraduateprogramsinpoliticalscience

teachpeopletheequivalentofplayingscalesinmethodsclassesandmusichistoryor

appreciationinsubstantiveclassesandarelefttofigureoutontheirownhowtoputthis

togethertomakemusic.

Themissingpieceinmostofourgraduateeducationiswhatmusicianscall“etudes.”

Theseareexercisesdesignedtobemusic-like(sostudentscanbegintothinkabout

interpretationandexpression)butareartificiallydesignedtoallowforadegreeofrepetitionof

particulartechniques(articulation,vibrato,dexterity)thatallowsthoseskillsnecessaryfor

musicalexpressiontoseepintothestudent’smusclememory.Manydoctoralprograms

emphasizethatstudentsshouldwritepublishablepapers,butIbelievethatsuccessisunlikelyif

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thisisattemptedbeforestudentshaveengagedinmanyrepeatedattemptstoexplainthingsor

thinkaboutwhatobservationsareimpliedbytheirexplanations.Studentsneedtopractice

askingandansweringthefivequestionsoutlinedaboveandwritingasinglepaperineach

seminardoesnotgivethemthe“reps”todevelopmusclememory.Virtuallynoskillworthyof

thenamecanbedevelopedafteradozenorsoattempts.

Consequently,Ihavearguedthatproblemsetsin“substantiveclasses”canhelp

studentsbecomeproficientataskingandansweringthequestionsthatwillmakeforinnovative

research.Ananalogytothevisualartsmightbeuseful.Whenstudentsarelearningtodraw,

theyarenothandedablanksheetofpaperandtoldto“thinkofsomethinginterestingtodraw,

thatnooneelsehasdrawn.”Rather,abowloffruit,orperhapsawoodenmodelofahuman

figureisplacedonatable.Then,everyoneintheclassdrawsthesamethingafterreceiving

instructionfromtheinstructorabouthowtodoso.Incontrast,manypoliticalscience

departmentsdotheequivalentofhandingtheirstudentsablanksheetofpaperandaretoldto

“drawsomethinginteresting.”Problemsetsinsubstantiveclassescanbetheequivalentofa

bowloffruit.Theinstructorcanassignstudentstoaquestionrelatedtoaparticularresearch

area.“ExplainwhyXoccursunderZcircumstances.”“IfPexplainsY,whatelseoughtwe

observe?”“WhyisQaninterestingquestion?”“DoesFigure2countasconfirmingor

disconfirmingevidenceforhypothesis2,andwhy?”

Studentsneedalotofexperience“makingmusic”beforethey“havesomethingtosay.”

Iftheanalogytotheartsdoesnotresonatewithyou,considerthefollowing.Politicalscience

andinternationalrelationscantakealessonfromtheso-called“benchsciences”where

studentsworkonmanyprojectsasmembersoflargeteamsbeforetheyaretaskedwiththe

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responsibilityofdecidingonthetopicofthegroup’snextproject.Experienceandrepetition

helpsstudentslearnwhatworksandwhatdoesnot.

Whilegraduatepedagogyisimportantforstimulatingcreativequestionaskingand

answering,thebroaderclimateandculturewecreateinourdepartmentsandresearchcenters

isequallyimportant.Inparticular,itisextremelyimportanttocreateanenvironmentwhereit

issafetoplaywithideasandchallengeorthodoxy.Ioncehadacolleaguewho,whilewalking

downthehallreadapassagefromabookthathethoughtwasincorrectandloudlydeclared

theauthoran“idiot.”Creativityandrisktakingisnotencouragedbyaculturethatsuggests

thatonlystupidpeoplesaystupidthings.Instead,itisimportanttocreatetheideathatthe

smartestamongusarecapableoferrorandthatthereisabigdifferencebetweensaying

somethingthatstupidandbeingstupid.Tothatend,Ithinkitisextremelyimportantforsenior

scholarstobetransparentabouttheerrorstheyhavemade.Youngscholarsneedtolearnthat

ifthey’vemadeamistake,theyareinverygoodcompanyandiftherequirementforadmission

wasnevermakingamistakethebuildingwouldbeempty.

Whileacultureofsupportforindividualrisktakingisvitaltoanyscientificorartistic

community,thereisanoptimaldegreeofindividualismbehindscientificdiscovery.Ifyoudon’t

readwhateverybodyelsereadsandfailtotrainlikeeveryoneelsetrains,youwillasknaïve

questionsthattherestofyourcommunityknowstheanswersto.Butifyouonlyreadwhat

everyreads,andonlytrainlikeeveryoneelsetrains,youareunlikelytoexperiencethat

momentwhenyouseesomethingthathasgonewrongthatnooneelsesees.

JazzbassistScottLaFarostartedplayingthebassin1954whenhewas19yearsoldand

inthefewshortyearsbeforehewaskilledinatragiccaraccidentin1961,hecompletely

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changedtheworld’sconceptionofwhatcouldbeaccomplishedonadoublebassandwhatrole

theinstrumentcouldplayinapianotrio.Priortoplayingthebasshehadplayedtheclarinet

andsaxophoneforyearsandmanyhaveattributedhisphenomenaltechnicalprowesstothe

factthathepracticedthebassbyplayingetudescomposedfortheclarinetbyHyacintheKlosĕ

inthe19thcentury(LaFaro-Fernandez,2009).ThelessonLaFarotaughttheworld,inadditionto

thegeneralbenefitsofinter-disciplinarily,was“ifyouwanttosoundlikeeveryoneelse,

practicelikeeveryoneelse;butifyouwanttosoundlikeno-oneelse,practicelikenoone

else.”17

Justasthereisanoptimaldegreeofindividualitythatislikelytoproducescholarswith

theskill,wit,andgeniustodeterminewhensomethinghasgonewronginwaysthatmayprove

consequential,communitiesthatstriketherightbalancebetweenconformityanddiversityare

likelytoencouragethehabitsthatleadtoscientificbreakthrough.

Ontheonehand,itisimportantforascientificcommunitytoshareacommitmentto

thegrowthanddisseminationofknowledgeandacommonunderstandingofthelogicof

inferenceandthestandardsofevidence.Withoutthissharedunderstanding,criticismislikely

tofallondeafears.Butontheotherhanditisimportantforacommunitytobeasdiverseand

eclecticaspossible.Peoplefromdifferentcultural,class,linguistic,andreligiousbackgrounds

arelikelytoseethesocialworlddifferentlybecausetheyarelikelytohavehaddifferent

experiences.Thesedifferentexperiencesarelikelytoleadtodiversemoral,political,andsocial

intuitionsthatleadthemtoraisequestionsthatamorehomogeneousgroupmightnot(Page,

2007).17Atthesametime,nearlyeveryinnovativejazzmusicianlearnedtheircraftbymemorizingperformancesofmusiciansthatcamebeforethem.

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Inaddition,diversegroupsarelesslikelytofallpreytowhatIcall“strategic

confirmationbias.”Confirmationbiasoccurswhenanindividualembracesanideauncritically

becauseitconformstotheirpriorbeliefs.Whenconfirmationbiasisatwork,peopleareless

likelytoscrutinizetheresearchpracticesthatproducedtheclaiminquestion.Theyareless

likelytolookforconfounds,toaskaboutthedetailsofdatacollection,ortothinkcritically

abouteitherthemicro-foundationsormoralimplicationsofaclaimbecausetheresultsconfirm

whattheyhavelongsuspectedabouttheworld.

Butstrategicconfirmationbiasoccurswhenanindividualisabletoovercomefirst-order

confirmationbiasandthinkcriticallyabouttheclaimbeingmade,butisdeterredfromvoicing

thecriticismbecausetheybelieveothersarerefrainingfromcriticismasaresultof

confirmationbias.Undersuchcircumstances,criticallyengagingtheclaiminpublicmightsignal

toothersthatthecriticdoesnotsharetheirbeliefsonthematter.

Strategicconfirmationbiasismostlikelytobeaproblemincommunitieswhere

“everybody”sharesparticularbeliefs.Insuchanenvironment,thinkingcriticallyaboutaresult

thatconfirmsthecommunity’sbeliefscouldresultinostracism,orattheveryleast,fewer

dinnerinvitations.Acommunitycomprisedofindividualsfromdiverseeducational,class,

religious,andideologicalbackgroundsislesslikelytoproducethekindofmonolithicviewsthat

encouragestrategicconfirmationbias.Individualsaremorelikelytosaysomethingwhenthey

seesomethingwrongthatmayproveconsequentialbecausethesetoftakenforgranted

sharedbeliefsislikelytobesmaller.Diversityismostlikelytobehelpfulinthisregardwhen

themultipledimensionsofidentityarerelativelyuncorrelated.Ifgender,race,orideologyare

heavilycorrelated,thendissentononedimensioncanbeseenasdefectiononanother.Thus,

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inidealcircumstancescommunitieswouldhaveasmuchwithingroupdiversityasbetween

groupdiversity.18Ofcourse,diversityhastobesufficientlydevelopedtogiveindividuals

confidencethatspeakingupundersuchcircumstanceswillnotsimplyconfirmthatoneisan

“outsider.”Ifacommunitypromulgatesthenormthatinamultidimensionalspaceweareall,

ononedimensionoranother,outsiders,thecostofrevealingthatone“thinksdifferently”

aboutsomethingislikelytobelesscostly.Thedauntingthingaboutstrategicconfirmationbias

isthatitismostlylikelytooccuraroundissuesscholarsfeelpassionateabout.Asaresult,

thereisadangerthataresearchcommunitywillbeleastscientificaboutthemattersthatit

caresmostdeeplyaboutandmostscientificaboutmattersitsparticipantsviewaslargely

inconsequential.

CONCLUSION

Goodscientistsaskinterestingquestionsandareunsatisfied,evenimpatient,withbad

answers.Ihavearguedthatmostworkinpoliticalscienceandinternationalrelationscanbe

understoodthroughthelensoffivequestionsandthatcontributionscanbemadetothe

literaturebyimprovingonaresearchcommunity’sanswertoanyofthefivequestions.

Sincecomingupwithbetteranswerstoquestionsisasmuchart,asitisscience,Ihave

arguedthatthebestwaytotraingoodsocialscientistsistolearnfromthewayartistsare

trained.Musicalandvisualartistslearntheircraftsthroughstructuredrepetitivepractice.

Theimplicationofthisinsightforthesocialsciencesisthatscholarsshouldbegivenmaterials

toworkwiththatallowthemtoengageinthedailypracticeofaskingandansweringthefive18Theconnectionbetween“intersectionality”andcross-cuttingcleavagesshouldbeexploredfurther.

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questionsoutlinedinthefirstsectionofthepaper.Ihavesuggestedthatthebestwayto

encouragethisisthroughtheuseofproblemsetsinoursubstantivecourses.Ihavealsohinted

thattherearegreatbenefitstointer-disciplinarity.Bybringhabits,techniques,andinsights

thatarenormalinonedisciplinetoasettingwheretheyarerare,individualsaremorelikelyto

recognizewhensomethinghas“gonewronginwaysthatmayproveconsequential.”Finally,I

havearguedthatdiversecommunitiesaremorelikelytoproducegoodquestionaskers,inpart

becausetheyarelesslikelytofallpreytostrategicconfirmationbias.

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