Antecedents of Workplace Emotional Labor

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Antecedents of workplace emotional labordimensions and moderators of their eectson physical symptoms

JOHN SCHAUBROECK*1 AND JAMES R. JONES2

1Department of Management, LeBow College of Business, Drexel University, 33rd & Arch Streets,Philadelphia, PA 19104, U.S.A.

2Department of Marketing/Management, College of Business Administration, University of Nebraskaat Omaha, Omaha, NE, U.S.A.

Summary The present study distinguished between two modal emotional display rules, demands toexpress positive eerence and demands to suppress negative eerence, that partiallyconstitute the work roles of many employees. Perceived demands to express positiveemotion were positively related to health symptoms primarily among those reporting: (1)lower identication with the organization; (2) lower job involvement; and (3) loweremotional adaptability. The eects of various personality traits and situational variableson perceived emotional labor diered depending on the nature of the emotional labor.The ndings are discussed in terms of implications of emotional labor for health andpractices through which organizations might intervene to minimize its unhealthfulconsequences among employees. We also attempt to reconcile the ndings with some ofthe related research in psychology suggesting that some forms of required eerence mayhave salutary physiological consequences. Copyright # 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Introduction

Much research investigating the relationship between job demands and health has emphasized

the key psychosocial nature of the demands. Pressures are placed on individuals in a social

context and their behavioral responses to these pressures have socially derived implications for

them. Being required to modulate the expression of one's own emotions in particular ways is a

signicant component of the work role for many persons. This type of role requirement has been

called `emotional labor' (cf. Wharton and Erickson, 1993, p. 458). The concept of emotionaldisplay rules was introduced by Paul Ekman (e.g., Ekman, 1972). Emotional display rules refer to

norms about appropriate emotional expression for specic situations. Persons who have much

customer or client contact (e.g., salespersons, nurses) are seen to be subject to stronger emotional

display rules (Sutton, 1991; Sutton and Rafaeli, 1988). Several authors have observed that such

display rules may be expected to compromise the psychological and/or physical health of workers

CCC 08869383/2000/02016321$17.50Copyright # 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Journal of Organizational Behavior

J. Organiz. Behav. 21, 163183 (2000)

* Correspondence to: John Schaubroeck, Department of Management, LeBow College of Business, Drexel University,33rd & Arch Streets, Philadelphia, PA 19104, U.S.A. E-mail: [email protected]


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because they often lead to a disturbing disequilibrium (or `dissonance') between felt emotions

and the emotions one must exhibit (Ashforth and Humphrey, 1993; Morris and Feldman, 1996;

Rafaeli and Sutton, 1987; Wharton and Erickson, 1993). Indeed there is considerable evidencefrom outside the work sphere that chronically experiencing conict among one's emotions has

negative health consequences (see reviews by Friedman, 1989; King and Emmons, 1990).

Emotional labor is a construct of increasing interest among theorists in the management

literature (cf. Ashforth and Humphrey, 1993; Morris and Feldman, 1996; Rafaeli and Sutton,

1987; Wharton and Erickson, 1993).

From an empirical point of view, however, `the expression of socially appropriate emotion

constitutes a neglected form of role demand' (Ashforth and Humphrey, 1993, p. 110). As noted

by Wharton and Erickson (1993), `virtually all previous studies [of emotional labor] have been

case studies' ( p. 462). To our knowledge, only two quantitative studies of emotional labor in the

workplace have been published in the literature. After sampling workers in two companies,

Wharton (1993) constructed a dummy variable of emotional labor by using a scheme developed

by Hochschild (1983) to classify some of the jobs as high in emotional labor. Wharton (1993)

observed no signicant correlation between this variable and emotional exhaustion, and a

signicant negative correlation with job satisfaction. Morris and Feldman (1997) developed a

scale measure of emotional labor dierentiated along three dimensions: duration of contact with

others, frequency of contact with others, and emotional dissonance inspired by such contact.

Their study supported hypotheses linking emotional labor to characteristics of the job as well as

emotional exhaustion.

Despite the claims of Hochschild (1983) and others that emotional labor is related to physical

symptoms, there is no research relating emotional labor to physical symptoms. As we review

below, laboratory studies from psychology are suggestive of the possibility that certain types of

emotional labor may in fact have salutary inuences on individual's physiological well-being

whereas other forms may be toxic to health. We distinguish in this study between demands to

suppress negative emotion, which may generally be expected to be unhealthful, and demands to

express positive emotion. Second, we identify key individual and situational moderators of thisemotional laborsymptoms relationship. Third, it is not clear whether or to what extent

emotional labor reects dispositional tendencies and/or objective situational exposures. Accord-

ingly, we examine how individual dierences and situational variables determined two dimen-

sions of emotional labor and also how these variables moderated relationships between

emotional labor and health symptoms.

Figure 1 depicts the framework for this study. Objective characteristics of the role

(i.e., requirements for interpersonal interaction) and personal traits (i.e., personality traits and

gender) are posited to determine perceptions of emotional labor. Perceptions of emotional labor

inuence physical health. The relationship between perceived emotional labor and health is

moderated by emotional adaptability and work perceptions (i.e., job involvement and organiz-

ational identication).

Psychological research on emotional expression

Dierent aspects of emotional labor have been explicated and many propositions about their

eects on well-being and other outcomes have been proposed. However, the prevailing concept of

emotional display rules remains unidimensional in character despite the range of plausible types

of display rules. For the present study we instead chose to focus on the character of the emotions

being managed, such as whether a particular type of eerence (i.e., positive or negative) is

Copyright # 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Organiz. Behav. 21, 163183 (2000)

164 J. SCHAUBROECK AND J. R. JONES


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required to be expressed or suppressed. Perhaps because the concept emerged from a dierent

eld (sociology), research and theory about emotional labor has generally overlooked relevant

research from the eld of psychology. However, the psychological literature may usefully

broaden perspectives about emotional labor. In addition to the emotional conict research

conducted in eld settings (as reviewed by King and Emmons, 1990), a good deal of laboratory

research has investigated the relationship between emotional eerence and physiological

outcomes. The psychological studies of emotion have tended to distinguish between two types

of emotion manipulation: the suppression of felt negative emotion and the required display of

positive emotion. While there are many possible types of display rules, we believe these twogeneral categories, the display of positive emotional eerence and the suppression of negative

emotional eerence, capture many of the rules operating in organizational contexts. When one is

explicitly or implicitly required to display emotional eerence in the organization, typically one is

required to display cheerfulness, earnestness, and other emotions that are culturally dened as

`positive'. Exceptions to this may include psychological therapists, morticians, and other job-

holders that are often required to `deep act' (Rafaeli and Sutton, 1987) sadness, concern, and

other less `positive' emotions (cf. the bill collectors studied by Sutton, 1991). In addition,

interpersonal role relationships such as one has with coworkers and customers often require one

to suppress negative emotions such as irritation and anger. Whereas these two types of role

requirements may not capture all forms of emotional labor, we believe they represent emotional

labor demands that are relevant to a wide range of occupations.

Occupational categorization of

emotional labor

The present study takes a psychological, rather than sociological, approach to emotional labor.

Thus in contrast to previous studies we do not equate emotional labor with the characteristics of

an occupational setting (cf. Hochschild, 1983) or the frequency and duration of interaction with

other persons (Morris and Feldman, 1997). Rather we operationalize requirements to express or

suppress emotion in terms of the experience of workers in having to suppress negative emotions

Figure 1. Overview of research model


WORKPLACE EMOTIONAL LABOR DIMENSIONS 165


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and express positive emotions in order to meet the demands of their jobs. The èmotional

dissonance' measure used by Morris and Feldman (1997) comes closest to our approach in

measuring emotional labor (e.g., `Most of the time, the way I act and speak with patients matcheshow I feel anyway' (reverse-scored; p. 263)). This type of measure appears on its face to be more

consistent with existing denitions of emotional labor than is mere interpersonal interaction.

Whether being required to interact frequently with others creates emotional labor may be

expected to depend on some interaction between the context of the interactions and the charac-

teristics of the individual. Indeed, Morris and Feldman (1997) observed very little correlation

between the frequency and duration of interactions with others and their index of emotional

dissonance. As a sociologist, however, Hochschild (1983) was more interested in measuring the

distribution of objective occupational dierences and exploring how incumbents of these

occupations had to manage their emotions. It should also be noted that Hochschild's scheme for

identifying occupations that require much emotional labor did take the expected modal content

of interactions into account, not just the frequency and duration of these. However, her coding

scheme did not distinguish this content in any way, and like all broad occupation variables hers

provides a crude estimate of the psychological exposures experienced by dierent individuals in

the same occupation. As we examine further on in this paper, it may well be that individual

dierences inuence the perception and experience of emotional labor. Thus one goal of this

study was to ascertain the extent to which emotional labor, as measured directly at the individual

level, corresponds with the occupational scheme developed by Hochschild that is based primarily

upon the volume and intensity of interpersonal interaction on the job.

Hypothesis 1. The extent to which individuals' occupations require interpersonal interaction

will be positively related to their reports of role expectations to suppress negative emotional

eerence and to display positive emotional eerence.

The role of emotion-related traitsin emotional labor

In addition to emotional labor inherent within a particular job or occupation, the present study

also seeks to examine its dispositional sources. In the case of emotional labor, the key resource

domain for coping may be related to self-perceptions of the emotional resources and capabilities

that are specic to emotional experience. Two separate literatures, one in sociology and the

other in psychology, suggest a critical individual dierence variable. A sociological construct of

ìnstitutional' versus ìmpulsive' orientation of emotions refers to the extent to which `people may

nd evidence of their real, deeper selves either in institutional behavior and feelings, or else in

impulsive acts and feelings' (Gordon, 1989, p. 117). Persons whose emotions are institutionally-

oriented `focus [their] eorts on achieving and maintaining institutional standards for feeling and

expression, thereby upholding widely shared values', whereas à perspective centered on impulse

[italics his] emphasizes spontaneous, uninhibited emotion, unregulated by institutions`. Ashforthand Humphrey (1993) suggested that persons having an ìnstitutional' orientation to their

emotions may be expected to experience less emotional dissonance and higher well-being in

conforming to display rules than do persons having an ìmpulsive' orientation ( p. 100).

Within the eld of psychology, Laird and Crosby (1974) examined trait dierences in the extent

to which persons used `self-produced cues' versus `situationally produced cues' in making self-

attributions about their own emotions. Participants were required to either frown or smile while

watching various cartoons. Those who reported that their emotions were typically self-

produced demonstrated a signicantly stronger relationship between the emotional expression




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manipulation and the moods they experienced just after the cartoons. There are evident parallels

between the ìnstitutional orientation' described by Gordon (1989) and this proclivity for one's

emotional expression to follow situation-produced cues, just as there are parallels betweenGordon's ìmpulsive orientation' and the tendency to use `self-produced cues' as stimuli for

emotional expression. People who maintain an other-oriented disposition toward the expression

of emotion (i.e., ìnstitutional' or `situation-produced') are essentially more willing and able to

adapt their emotional expression to the social environment. Hochschild (1983) referred to this as

an ability to develop a `healthy false self' in which ìnauthentic' emotions are readily expressed in

service of the role ( p. 195). Hereafter we refer to this trait as èmotional adaptability'.

These very similar lines of inquiry suggest that adaptability to emotional demands is an

individual dierence variable. Although emotional adaptability may be construed in numerous

ways, for the present purposes we dene persons who naturally adapt their emotions to the

situational context as being èmotionally adaptable'. Persons who are more emotionally adapt-

able in this respect may tend to report fewer requirements to express or suppress emotion. This is

because one's perception of the normative requirements to express or suppress emotion is at least

partially an attribution that is sensitive to self-perception eects. Specically, when one readily

meets demands for emotional expression, he or she does not require explicit cues from other co-

workers or the supervisor to emote appropriately. Thus expressions of positive emotion are not

easily attributed to role obligations. On the other hand, persons who must put more eort into

appropriate emotional expression or who nd this aspect of their role dicult will be made more

cognizant of social cues about norms for appropriate emotional expression. Moreover, the very

challenge of this aspect of the role will make appropriate emotional expression more easily

recognized as a role requirement for these persons than it is for emotionally adaptable persons.

Thus we predict that whereas more emotionally adaptive persons may or may not emote

dierently compared to less emotionally adaptive persons, the former will not experience role

appropriate emotional expression as emotional labor to the same extent as the latter.

Hypothesis 2. Emotional adaptability will be negatively related to reports of requirements toexpress or suppress emotion.

When researchers speak of a dissonance created by demands to display emotions that one does

not actually feel, then emotional labor must be seen as an interaction between dispositions of the

individual and his or her job context. Persons are more likely to nd their spontaneous emotions

to be at odds with emotional display rules when they have particular aect tendencies. Research

has identied two basic, essentially orthogonal trait continua pertaining to aect. Trait positive

aect (PA) refers to a tendency for one to be frequently energetic, active, alert, and enthusiastic.

Persons scoring high on trait negative aect (NA) tend, even in normal situational contexts, to

more frequently experience negative emotions such as anxiety, disgust, guilt, and fear. Trait PA is

associated with positive evaluations of social environments, whereas trait NA is associated with

correspondingly negative evaluations (Watson and Clark, 1984; Watson et al., 1988). A person'saect tendencies may lead directly to higher perceptions of requirements to express or suppress

emotion because particular aective styles will be more or less congruent with particular

emotional display rules. A person who naturally experiences positive emotions on a regular basis,

for example, may hardly be cognizant of others' expectations to àct cheerful'. Such behavior is

not likely to be perceived as role-oriented for such a person, but rather authentic. Likewise, a high

NA person may have diculty suppressing the expression of negative emotions since these are

felt more frequently and deeply than for a low NA person. Thus any social cues that he or she

receives concerning the unacceptability of negative eerence (cues to which `cheerful' people are




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seldom exposed) may be perceived to dene emotional display rules for such persons. This

suggests the following hypotheses:

Hypothesis 3. Trait positive aect will be negatively associated with perceptions of role

expectations to display positive emotional eerence and negatively associated with role

expectations to suppress negative emotional eerence.

Hypothesis 4. Trait negative aect will be positively associated with perceptions of role

expectations to suppress negative emotional eerence and positively associated with role

expectations to express positive emotional eerence.

Trait aect reects one's modal aective states and thus represents states experienced on the

job as well as o the job. For some persons modal state aect may dier between work and other

domains, and their aect on the job may more strongly inuence perceived emotional labor.

Therefore, in conjunction with examining the eects of trait aect on perceived emotional labor,

we also examined the eects of state aect while the individual is at work.

Gender and emotional labor

Hochschild (1983) described the close relationship between emotional labor and stereotypical

gender roles in American society. `In general, they [women] are thought to manage expression

and feeling not only better but more often than men do . . . the evidence seems clear that women

do more emotion managing than men' (both italics hers; p. 164). Indeed, much of the literature on

emotional labor focuses on women's roles, both at work and at home. Hochschild (1983) did not

distinguish conceptually between the two dimensions of requirements to express or suppress

emotion proered in this study. However, in her studies of female ight attendants, Hochschild

referred to both facets in referencing the higher prevalence of emotional labor among women:`Women . . . do extra emotion workespecially emotion work that arms, enhances, and

celebrates the well-being and status of others' [italics hers]. She also suggested that `Women are

more likely to be presented with the task of mastering anger and aggression in the service of

``being nice'' ' (1983, p. 163). These suppositions allude to the distinction we have made between

demands to express positive emotion and demands to suppress negative eerence. Whereas

Wharton (1993) found a higher prevalence of women in jobs that tend to require high amounts of

emotional labor (using Hochschild's occupational coding scheme), that relationship was

explained by other demographic variables and income level. But Hochschild's discourse about

women and emotional labor goes beyond the sociological task of describing pre-market factors

which dierentially assign the sexes to occupations. Rather, her discussion of the social

psychology of women in all manner of occupations, including traditionally male roles, suggests

that women will experience more emotional labor even after the sociological status factors aretaken into account. Women were suggested to take more initiative in undertaking emotional

labor at work, and co-workers were suggested to have higher expectations of emotion work from

women: `The world turns to women for mothering, and this fact silently attaches itself to many a

job description' (Hochschild, 1983; p. 170). This suggests the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 5. After controlling for pre-market factors that may dierentiate women and men

generally, women will still be found to report higher levels of requirements to express or

suppress emotion than men.




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Direct and interactive eects on physical symptoms

Laboratory research suggests that requirements to display emotions often lead to physical andemotional reactions that are consistent with the instructions. As stated by Notarious et al. (1982),

`Facial expressions are subject to strong personal monitoring and voluntary control and thus

likely vary as a function of the display rules operating in a given context' ( p. 401). One related line

of laboratory research in psychology concerns the `facial feedback hypothesis' (Izard, 1971). As

reviewed by Adelmann and Zajonc (1989), facial feedback studies typically require participants

to manipulate their facial expressions in ways that contradict the emotional context of their

immediate environment. Negative emotional eerence (e.g., frowning) is found to promote

adverse emotional experience and physiological indicators, just as positive emotional eerence

(e.g., smiling) promotes positive physical and psychological reactions. This research suggests that

positive emotional display rules (e.g., àlways smile when one is on the job') might have salutary

inuences on health.

Hypothesis 6. Requirements to express positive emotional eerence on the job will benegatively associated with physical symptoms.

Laboratory ndings indicate that eorts to suppress `negative' emotions (i.e., anger,

irritability, grief, sadness) often lead to patterns of physiological response that presage somatic

illness. When one is prevented from expressing emotions in a psychologically stimulating context,

generally a `discharge model' of emotion is supported, wherein high levels of physiological

reactivity and negative moods are experienced (e.g., Notarious and Levenson, 1979; Notarious

et al., 1982). Likewise, the psychological characteristics of denial and suppression are consistently

linked to lower immune levels and susceptibility to viral infection (see the review by S. Cohen and

T. B. Herbert, 1996) as well as cardiovascular illness (see the review by Friedman, 1989). Thus

this type of emotional labor is expected to be positively associated with physical symptoms.

Hypothesis 7. Requirements to suppress negative emotional eerence on the job will bepositively associated with physical symptoms.

Role identication moderators

Rationalization processes may buer individuals from the health eects of requirements to

express or suppress emotion. Specically, individuals who identify strongly with their organiza-

tions and/or their jobs may more fully subscribe to the belief that they must often behave in an

emotionally ìnauthentic' fashion to serve the purposes of their roles. Thus they will experience

little cognitive dissonance following such ìnauthentic' acts. Varied research indicates that,

provided that they are fully identied with a higher organizational purpose, people have little

trouble behaving in ways they would normally nd unnatural or even abhorrent. When anindividual lacks that sense of purpose, however, considerable emotional dissonance may be

created by his or her inauthentic emotional behavior.

Hypothesis 8. Perceived requirements to express or suppress emotion will interact with

organizational identication and job involvement to predict physical symptoms. As

organizational identication or job involvement increase, there will be signicantly weaker

relationships between requirements to express or suppress emotion dimensions and physical

symptoms.




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Individual dierence moderators

Individual dierences in personality may not only inuence the extent to which people perceive

role requirements for emotional expression as noted above, they may also inuence the strengthof the relationship between these perceptions and physical symptoms. As noted above, the less

emotionally adaptable the individual is, the more he nds it dicult and/or onerous to modulate

his emotions in ways that are socially appropriate. Thus the emotionally adaptive individual may

be better able to cope with perceived requirements for emotional expression than is the less

emotionally adaptive person.

Hypothesis 9. As emotional adaptability increases, requirements to express or suppress

emotion will be less strongly related to physical symptoms.

Methods

Sample and procedure

Questionnaires were collected from the full-time headquarters employees of a major survey

research organization in the mid-west United States. Because the nature of much of the work in

this organization is rather complex and requires internal and external interactions with people,

the site provided a fairly high incidence of emotional labor. A total of 227 persons returned a

questionnaire, of which 217 included complete data for the analyses.

Nearly all occupations within the organization were represented in the sample. The average

respondent's age was 36.84 years, and 62 per cent of participants were women. Respondents

averaged 7.31 years in the organization and 4.29 years in their current position. The mean level of

educational attainment was quite high, averaging 0.58 years of postgraduate college education.

Respondents did not dier signicantly from the overall organization on any of these

demographic data.

Measures

Emotional labor

Our approach to measuring emotional labor was to index the character of the emotions that are

perceived to be encouraged on the job. The items were scaled using a ve-point Likert format.

They focused on norms that must be complied with for: (1) eective job performance; or (2) `To

make a good impression on others (e.g., bosses, co-workers, customers, etc.) in my job'.

We formed a composite of demands for positive eerence (a 0.87) and suppression of

negative eerence (a

0.96) using the products of duration and frequency items. This type ofcomposite measure therefore reects the degree of emotional labor by combining the frequency

and the overall amount of attention devoted to these demands. This was done because it is

unlikely, for example, that someone who believes it is a norm to smile at passers-by when walking

across an oce space experiences this as demanding. Likewise, a worker who has only one or two

emotional display rule-laden interactions per day may nd this demanding if these encounters are

lengthy.

All items were subjected to a principal factor analysis with oblique rotation. All item-products

loaded distinctly with coecients exceeding 0.40 on one of two factors, both with eigenvalues




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exceeding 1.0 (6.87 and 3.35, respectively). The rst factor comprised the positive eerence items

(e.g. `To be eective in my job, I must try to share in the enthusiasm or liveliness of another

person.') and explained 42.9 per cent of the overall item variance. The item-products loading onthe second factor measured suppression of negative eerence (e.g., `To be eective in my job, I

must try to suppress how upset or distressed I may feel.'). These item-products explained the next

21.0 per cent of the variance. (The complete list of emotional labor items is available from the

rst author upon request.)

Interpersonal interactionoccupation

In order to further guarantee condentiality, rather than asking for the respondent's specic job

title the questionnaire inquired about his or her job category from a list of 35 occupational units

present in the organization. Most all of these categories were readily related to the broad

occupational dimensions which Hochschild (1983) identied as having high levels of emotional

labor. We also asked two managers to identify which categories on the list contained high needs

for intensive interaction with others. A few job categories were not in Hochschild's list ofoccupations but clearly required high levels of intensely personal interaction with other persons

(i.e., Executive Interviewer, Research Consultant, Interviewer, Computing Services operational

support). Given the service nature of the organization, it is not surprising that a signicant

portion of the respondents who identied their occupational category (n 195) were included in

the `high emotional labor' group (72.3 per cent). The remaining occupational categories were not

on Hochschild's list. The managers indicated that these latter occupations required little inter-

personal interaction or those interactions that were required were not qualitatively demanding in

interpersonal interaction. Examples of jobs that were not coded as being high in emotional labor

were building services, research analyst, data coding/entry, mailing/scanning/proong, and

accountant. High emotional labor job categories were coded `2' and the other categories were

coded `1' to form an interpersonal interaction variable.

Physical symptoms

Physical symptoms were measured using Caplan et al.'s (1975) 20-item somatic complaints index

(a 0.86). Respondents are asked `How often have you experienced any of the following events

during the past month? Rarely (1) to Very often (5)', (e.g., `You were in ill health that aected

your work'; `You had trouble sleeping at night.`).

Individual dierence variables

Age, gender, trait negative aect, and education were measured on the questionnaire. These were

included as control variables in tests of models that examined physical symptoms as a dependent

variable. We also included quantitative measures of smoking and physical exercise, but these

variables did not correlate signicantly with physical symptoms. State negative and positive aectwere controlled in analyses examining trait aect and its correlations with requirements to express

or suppress emotion. Trait negative aect has been found to be a confound variable in examining

relationships between stressors and health outcomes when these are both measured by self-

reports (Brief et al., 1988).

For the analyses examining the relationship between gender and perceived requirements to

express or suppress emotion, we also controlled for self-reported salary and job complexity. Job

complexity was measured using a shortened six-item version of the instrument used by Caplan

et al. (1975) and House (1980). These items (e.g., `How often does your job require that you think




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through complex problems or situations?') provided an index of the extent to which the job was a

traditionally `male-gendered' role carrying higher social status, and thus together with the other

controls (e.g., education) it assisted in controlling for social status. Salary data were obtained by aseparate survey designed by the organization and conducted one month earlier. Data on salary

and the other variables combined were thus available for just over one-half (n 123) of the

respondents. The respondent was asked to indicate which of six salary range categories included

his or her own salary.

We used the Positive and Negative Aect Scale (PANAS; Watson et al., 1988) to measure both

forms of aect. There are 20 adjectives, 10 reecting negative emotional states (e.g., ìrritable`)

and 10 reecting positive emotional states (e.g., èxcited'). The PANAS respondent is asked to

record the extent (from `very slightly or not at all' [1] to èxtremely' [5]) to which he or she has

experienced the emotion during a specied interval. Watson et al. (1988) note that this interval

can be dened to represent state aect ranging from momentary states, single days, weeks, to

years, with `generally feel that way' representing trait aect. Both the positive state aect (PA)

and negative state aect (NA) scales evidenced sound internal consistency reliability (a 0.91

and 0.83, respectively). Watson et al. (1988) observed similarly strong internal consistencies for

`momentary' PANAS scales as well as reasonably high testretest reliabilities over an eight week

period (r 0.54 (PA) and r 0.45 (NA)). For our state aect indexes, `during the past hour' was

the reference period.

The same PANAS questionnaire modied to measure trait aect (`. . . indicate the extent you

generally feel that way [both at work and away from work], that is, on average.') was included

near the end of the questionnaire. The trait PA and the trait NA items provided coecient alpha

reliabilities of 0.89 and 0.87, respectively.

'Emotional adaptability' represents the extent to which one's expressed emotions are adapted

easily to the institutional context. This instrument was adapted from three items developed by

Laird and Crosby (1974); (a 0.68; e.g., `Frequently one moves from a situation on the job in

which one is feeling one way to a situation in which it is appropriate to feel some other way, as,

for instance, when you have an argument with someone and then immediately must be withsomeone else. How rapidly do you change from the rst kind of feeling to the second? 1 very

slowly to 4 very rapidly').

Other dispositional variables

We adapted the ve items developed by Mael (1988unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wayne

State University, Detroit) to measure organizational identication. The items (a 0.92) were

adapted by making specic reference to the name of the organization (e.g., `When someone

criticizes [name of organization], it feels like a personal insult.').

The three-item job involvement instrument from the Michigan Organizational Assessment

Questionnaire (MOAQ; Camman et al. (1969)) used a 17 `very inaccurate' to `very accurate'

scale (a 0.84; Ì am very much involved personally in my job'; Ì live, eat, and breathe my job';

`The most important things which happen to me involve my job').

Results

Correlations among all variables are shown in Table 1. Emotional adaptability was positively

associated with state and trait positive aect and negatively correlated with state and trait




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Table 1. Correlations among study variables and descriptive statistics

Variable name Mean S.D. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

1. Age (years) 36.84 12.32. Gender (1 male; 2 female) 1.62 0.49 0.063. Education (years) 16.58 13.1 0.22 0.23 4. Tenure ( job) 4.29 4.91 0.44 0.13 0.19 5. Job complexity 3.80 0.79 0.19 0.03 0.29 0.17 6. Demands to express positive emotions 11.33 5.83 0.0 8 0.2 2 0 .07 0.03 0.10 7. Demands to suppress negative emotions 5.53 4.39 0.1 2 0.1 1 0 .03 0.11 0.04 0.35 8. Physical symptoms 1.85 0.53 0.27 0.30 0.08 0.21 0.07 0.28 0.43

9. Organization identication 5.89 1.32 0.16 0.16 0.03 0 .00 0.2 3 0.1 4 0.23 0.03 10. Job involvement 4.96 1.45 0.21 0.01 0.21 0.09 0.41 0.13 0.18 0.02 0.67 11. Emotional adaptability 2.74 0.83 0.11 0.12 0.16 0 .01 0.1 5 0.0 7 0.04 0.04 0.25 0.17 12. State positive aect 3.33 0.86 0.18 0.11 0.22 0.05 0.27 0.08 0.21 0.14 0.36 0.44 0.24 13. Trait positive aect 3.93 0.62 0.21 0.09 0.20 0.06 0.36 0.09 0.31 0.20 0.39 0.44 0.23 0.5814. State negative aect 1.55 0.55 0.1 1 0.0 9 0 .09 0.09 0.02 0.13 0.37 0.42 0.17 0.13 0.07 0.1815. Trait negative aect 1.76 0.60 0.90 0.12 0.05 0.09 0.1 6 0.0 5 0. 48 0. 58 0.25 0.17 0.17 0.2116. Emotional labor occupation (Hochschild, 1983) 1.72 0.45 0.12 0.06 0.02 0.12 0.16 0.17 0. 03 0. 04 0 .0 1 0.01 0.03 0.0417. Salary 3.49 1.69 0.27 0.21 0.39 0.30 0.33 0.17 0.07 0.05 0.01 0.24 0.0 2 0. 23

Variables 115: pairwise n's 218222 (critical value of r (p 5 0.05) 0.13; p 5 0.01 0.18; p 5 0.001 0.23).Variable 16: pairwise n's 191195 (critical value of r (p 5 0.05) 0.15; p 5 0.01 0.19).Variable 17: pairwise n's 121123 (critical value of r (p 5 0.05) 0.19; p 5 0.01 0.24; p 5 0.001 0.30).

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2000JohnWiley&Sons,Ltd.

J.Organiz.Behav.21,163183(2000)


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negative aect. The two measures of emotional labor, demands to suppress negative eerence and

demands to express positive eerence, correlated signicantly (r 0.35, p 5 0.0001).

Predictors of emotional demands

Consistent with Hypothesis 1, Hochschild's (1983) coding of the occupational units in this

sample for `objective' expectation of emotional labor (based largely on expected quantity of

interpersonal interaction) was positively correlated with demands to express positive emotion

(r 0.17, p 5 0.01). However, the hypothesis was only partially supported as this variable did

not correlate with demands to suppress negative eerence (r 0.03).

The second hypothesis predicted that emotional adaptability would be negatively associated

with reports of requirements to express or suppress emotion. After controlling for trait negative

aect, age, education, and gender, emotional adaptability was not associated with perceived

demands to suppress negative emotion (DR2 0.00, F(1, 206) 0.72, p 5 0.40), nor was this

trait associated with perceived demands to express positive emotion on the job ( DR2 0.01, F(1,

206) 2.31, p 5 0.13). Thus Hypothesis 2 was not supported.

To examine the incremental contributions of the dispositional aect variables on emotional

labor perceptions, we rst regressed each emotional labor index on the demographic controls

(age, sex, and education) and then we entered both trait aect variables. These variables ( trait

NA and PA) together explained a good deal of the variance in demands for suppression of

negative eerence (DR2 0.25, F(4, 203) 18.09, p 5 0.0001), but very little of the variance in

demands for positive emotional expression (DR2 0.01, F(4, 203) 0.56, p 5 0.67). Thus

Hypothesis 3 (pertaining to trait PA) and Hypothesis 4 (pertaining to trait NA) were supported

for the suppression of the negative eerence variable but not the positive emotional expression

variable. The state aect variables (state PA and NA) next entered the equation. After controlling

for trait aect, the block of state aect variables was marginally related to demands forsuppression of negative eerence ((DR2 0.01, F(2, 203) 2.85, p 5 0.06) but it was unrelated

to demands for positive expression (see Table 2).

Gender ( female 2, male 1) correlated positively with perceived demands to express

positive emotion (r 0.22, p 5 0.001). There was no relationship between gender and

Hochschild's (1983) coding of occupations that are seen as high in emotional labor (`interpersonal

interactionoccupation'; r 0.06, n.s.). To test Hypothesis 5, positive eerence demands was

rst regressed on age, education, job complexity, position tenure, trait negative aect, trait positive

aect, and salary level (all employees were salaried). As noted above, salary data were available for

only half of the respondents. Together, these variables explained 12 per cent of the variance in

positive eerence demands (F(7, 111) 2.13, p 5 0.05). Gender was entered at the next step, and

its strong incremental eect on positive eerence demands (DR2 0.06, F(1, 110) 8.18,

p 5 0.005) supported the hypothesis (see Table 2). Gender was not signicantly related toperceived demands to suppress negative eerence.

Hypothesis 6 predicted a negative relationship between reported demands for positive eerence

and physical symptoms. This hypothesis was not supported as there was a positive eect of these

kinds of demands on symptoms, after controlling for trait negative aect, age, education, and

gender (see Table 3). The eect of demands to suppress negative eerence (Hypothesis 7) was not

statistically signicant (p 5 0.10). Whereas neither hypothesis was supported, together the two

dimensions of emotional labor explained signicant variance in symptoms (DR2 0.04, F(2,

200) 6.91, p 5 0.001).




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Table 2. Dimensions of emotional labor predicted by trait aect variables and gender (regression coecients are standa

Variable name Trait aect hypotheses Variable name G

Demands toexpress positive

eerence

Demands tosuppress negative

eerence

Demanexpress p

eere

Step 1 Step 1Age 0.09 0.14{ Age 0.1Gender 0.25} 0.12* Education 0.1Education 0.16{ 0.09 Trait negative aect 0.1

DR2

0.07; F(3, 207) 5.52} DR2

0.03; Trait positive aect 0.1F(3, 207) 2.11 Tenure ( job) 0.1Step 2 Job complexity 0.0Trait negative aect 0.03 0.40} Salary 0.1Trait positive aect 0.08 0.19{ DR2 0.10; F(7, 111) 1.81*DR2 0.01; F(2, 205) 0.56 DR2 0.24;

F(2, 205) 33.84} Step 2Step 3 Gender (1 male; 2 female) 0.2State negative aect 0.13 0.16{ DR2 0.07; F(1, 110) 9.13{State positive aect 0.08 0.02DR2 0.01; F(2, 203) 1.63 DR2 0.02;

F(2, 203) 2.85

*p 5 0.10; {p 5 0.05; {p 5 0.01; }p 5 0.001

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Table 3. Eects of emotional labor on physical symptoms (regression coecients are standardized)

Physical symptoms Physical symptoms Phy

Step 1Age 0.20}Gender 0.23}Education 0.03Trait negative aect 0.53}DR2 0.43; F(4, 202) 37.27}

Step 2Demands to express positiveeerence (EPE)

0.13{

Demands to suppress negativeeerence (SNE)

0.12

DR2 0.04; F(2, 200) 6.91}

Step 3 Step 3Emotional adaptability (EA) 0.09* Organizational identication (OI) 0.12{DR2 0.01; F(1, 199) 3.10* DR2 0.01; F(1, 198) 4.39{

Step 4 Step 4 Step 4EPE EA 0.45{ EPE OI 0.15{ SNE OISNE EA 0.17 DR2 0.02; F(1, 197) 6.89{ DR2 0.01; F(1, 197DR2 0.02; F(2, 197) 2.68{

Note: Where Step 1, 2, or 3 is omitted, the statistics are identical to corresponding steps in previous statement.*p 5 0.10, {p 5 0.05, {p 5 0.01, }p 5 0.001.

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Job involvement and organizational identication were substantially correlated (r 0.67) and

thus it is not surprising that their respective patterns of relationships with emotional labor were

essentially isomorphic. Hypothesis 8 predicted that the relationship between emotional labor andphysical health would be stronger among persons reporting little identication with the

organization or lower job involvement. In omnibus regressions that included all main eects (age,

gender, education, trait NA, both emotional labor factors, and then either organization

identication or job involvement), followed by the two product terms, the overall interaction

block was signicant when organizational identication was the dispositional variable

(DR2 0.02, F(2, 196) 2.94, p 5 0.05) but not when job involvement was the dispositional

variable (DR2 0.01, F(2, 196) 1.65, p 5 0.20). Because these variables were signicantly

correlated, they were examined in separate regression equations. Examined individually, the

interaction between organizational identication and demands for positive eerence predicting

physical symptoms was signicant (DR2 0.02, F(1, 199) 6.14, p 5 0.01), as was the case for

job involvement (DR2 0.01, F(1, 198) 3.98, p 5 0.05). We plotted this interaction by

inserting cut-point values of / one standard deviation from the mean of each variable into

the regression equation (Cohen and Cohen, 1983). The plot reveals that whereas positive

eerence demands were positively related to physical symptoms among persons with low

organizational identication, there was no relationship between these variables among persons

reporting high organizational identication (see Figure 2). A largely isomorphic pattern was

Figure 2. Interaction between perceived demands for positive emotional eerence and organizationalidentication predicting physical symptoms




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observed for job involvement, with only the less job-involved persons appearing to suer

symptoms from perceived demands to express positive eerence. Demands to suppress negative

emotion did not interact with organizational identication or job involvement in predictinghealth.

Hypothesis 9 predicted that emotional adaptability would moderate the relationship between

requirements to express or suppress emotion and physical symptoms. To test this hypothesis we

rst entered the control variables (trait negative aect, age, gender, and education) and then the

main eects of the emotional labor indexes. Emotional adaptability was entered at the next step.

Its incremental main eect on physical symptoms approached statistical signicance, with more

emotionally adaptive persons reporting fewer symptoms (DR2 0.01, F(1, 199) 3.10,

p 5 0.08). The block of two interaction terms (the products of emotional adaptability and

each emotional labor index) was signicant (DR2 0.02, F(2, 197) 2.68, p 5 0.05) and

therefore this hypothesis was supported (see Table 3). Of the two, only the product term

involving emotional adaptability and demands to express positive eerence was signicant. The

plot of this interaction (see Figure 3) indicated that this aspect of emotional labor was strongly

and positively related to physical symptoms among persons with weaker tendencies in managing

their emotions. There was virtually no relationship among persons having greater ability to adapt

their emotions to a given context.

Figure 3. Interaction between perceived demands for positive emotional eerence and emotionaladaptability predicting physical symptoms




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Discussion

There has been very little quantitative empirical research investigating emotional labor in the

workplace. The present study expanded on the conceptual work and laboratory studies in

psychology by distinguishing two separate dimensions of emotional labor (demands to express

positive eerence and requirements to suppress negative eerence) and by testing predictions

about situational and dispositional determinants and moderators.

Dispositional correlates

We observed that perceived demands to express positive eerence were correlated with perceived

demands to suppress negative emotion, as might be expected, but these variables represented

separate factors of emotional labor that exhibited discriminant validity. These two dimensions

were correlated with other variables in dierent ways. Demands for positive eerence was relatedto gender and an occupational èmotional labor' classication (following Hochschild's (1983)

scheme). Demands for suppression of negative eerence was related to trait aect (PA and NA).

Thus both situational and dispositional variables appear to be plausible antecedents of perceived

emotional labor.

A basic pattern observed within this study was that the personality variables trait NA and trait

PA predicted perceived demands to suppress negative emotion, whereas they were largely

uncorrelated with perceived demands to express positive emotion. Conversely, as we summarize

below, the situational variable of occupational status (independently assessed volume and

intensity of interpersonal interaction on the job) was correlated with perceived demands to

express positive emotion but not perceived demands to suppress negative emotion.

Emotional laborhealth linkages

The perception of demands to express positive emotion on the job was positively related to

physical symptoms. The eect of role requirements to express positive emotion on symptoms was

mainly among individuals who reported little identication with the organization or who were

less involved with their jobs. The latter nding is consistent with the perspective that emotional

labor is most unhealthful when one's emotional expressions on the job are not an authentic

representation of one's personal beliefs.

One set of factors that may dierentiate whether conformance to an emotional display rule is

àuthentic' is one's trait aect. Whereas these factors did not moderate the relationship between

perceived emotional labor and physical symptoms, they were related to reports of emotional

labor in the predicted directions. After accounting for trait negative and positive aect, the

corresponding state aect variables had little relationship with perceived emotional labor.However, future research might protably examine modal state aect on the job in addition to

trait aect and aective states around the time the responses are elicited. How one perceives

emotional labor may be even more strongly inuenced by `job aect' than it is by trait aect.

Emotional labor seems to be embedded in social and cultural contexts in complex ways.

Àuthenticity' in how people respond to their own emotion work seems to play an important role

in its eects on health. Hochschild (1983) noted that the psychological eects of emotion work

among the ight attendants she studied may have been linked to such authenticity perceptions.

She suggested that when workers do not òwn' their emotions and behavior, they suer more




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among men. In the present study her occupational coding scheme of emotional labor was

observed to converge only weakly (albeit to a level of statistical signicance) with perceived

emotional labor. In the present study we examined the actual experience of emotional labor asperceived by the job incumbent. A signicant relationship between gender and perceived

demands to express positive emotion persisted even after variables which may account

substantially for dierences in occupational and social status (i.e., salary, education, age, job

complexity) were included in the analysis. This may support Hochschild's (1983) view that the

traditional prevalence of women in jobs that require more emotional labor reects more than just

a `pre-market' bias whereby women self-select into emotionally-intensive occupations. It is also

possible that within the same occupation the expectations of customers and co-workers dier

toward men and women in a way that `genders' the work role in this respect. Finally, women may

engage in more emotional labor on their own initiative. These explanations are not mutually

exclusive. The eect of gender was limited to positive eerence demands, and thus this study

supports Hochschild's (1983) suspicions that women, to a greater extent than men, undertake

`emotion work that arms, enhances, and celebrates the well-being and status of others' [italics hers;

p. 165]. However, Hochschild also suggested that `Women are more likely to be presented with

the task of mastering anger and aggression in the service of ``being nice'' ' (p. 163). In this sample,

however, we observed only a marginal relationship between gender and demands for suppression

of negative eerence.

The role of occupation in

emotional labor

Emotional labor was related to various trait and situational variables in complex ways. The fairly

low magnitude correlations of our indexes with Hochschild's (1983) occupational index is not

particularly surprising given that such occupational dummy variables are known to be rather

decient indices of psychological demands (cf. Ganster and Schaubroeck, 1991). A great deal of

within-occupation variation in emotional labor is to be expected. This study indicates that whatan individual experiences as emotional labor may re ect a complex matrix of determining factors,

both internal and external to the individual. If this is true, then simpler formulations about the

role of emotional labor in health may not be protable.

Study limitations

The usual caveats about making causal inferences based upon cross-sectional, correlational data

apply here. For example, relationships between perceived emotional labor and health complaints

may partially reect a consistency artefact. One might be especially sceptical about correlations

between a putative stressor that has been shown to be related to trait aect, as prior work has

shown that relationships between perceived stressors and self-report symptoms are often

explained by other variables, especially trait negative aect (Brief et al., 1988). However, webelieve the present ndings are quite strongly suggestive of a reliable linkage between emotional

labor dimensions and physical symptoms for two reasons. First, the tests of their eects on

symptoms controlled for trait negative aect and demographic risk variables. Second, some of

our ndings were interaction eects, and these interaction eects followed patterns of theoretical

expectations that were of such a complexity as to be less plausibly explained by response set biases

such as priming or consistency. Nevertheless, several of our hypothesis tests involved simple

linear relationships and therefore common method variance is a possible threat to internal

validity. In addition, we focused on only a single organization and a limited range of occupations.




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We must also caution against generalizing from our study, which predicted somatic symptoms in

an occupationally diverse service organization, to a broader range of health disorders and to

particular occupations.

Conclusions

The results of this study suggest that it may be necessary for researchers investigating emotional

labor to distinguish conceptually and empirically between perceptions of required eerence and

imputed characteristics of the job or occupation. The extent to which individuals perceive that

they are required to express or suppress certain types of emotional expression may depend as

much on their emotional predispositions as it does on the objective characteristics of their

organizational roles. Although the present study did not exhaust the list of all possible individual

dierence antecedents, the relationships we observed between individual dierences and

perceived emotional labor were not so strong as to suggest that emotional labor is some form

of psychological epiphenomenon. It may be that the characteristics of one's role requirements

actually dier substantially among incumbents of the same job title. Future research may

protably investigate the extent to which dierences in the expectations held by others determine

self-perceptions of emotional labor. This would require collecting data from peers, supervisors,

perhaps other co-workers, and even customers or other types of clients.

Our study also observed that the extent to which people perceive that they are required to

express or suppress emotion on the job has some adverse eect on physical health. Moreover, to

the extent that people identify closely with their roles and/or they have diculty in adjusting their

emotional expressions to the social context, the eect of perceiving such requirements is more

unhealthful. Increasingly organizations put pressure on workers to maintain a positive `face' to

the public and others in the workforce. If workers are to thrive in such service-orientedenvironments they would benet from training and/or selection practices that focus on emotion

management. As noted by Ashkanasy (1996), emotional displays have import not just to the

actor himself or herself but also to those individuals who must attempt to gauge and act upon

what they infer from others' emotional displays. Thus if individuals can be supported in their

attempts to manage their emotions in healthy ways, it is likely that their emotional displays will

be more authentic. This may enhance the overall healthfulness of the work environment by

improving the quality of interpersonal relationships. Future research should therefore explore not

only the individual consequences of emotional labor, such as health symptoms and satisfaction,

but how perceived emotional display rules inuence the quality of the interpersonal environment

by inuencing social perception processes.

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Antecedents of Workplace Emotional Labor