An Initial Appreciation of the Dialect Situation in Saluan ... · Saluan. Dari kecamatan Nuhon hingga kecamatan Boalemo di pantai utara dan dari Kecamatan Luwuk Timur hingga Kecamatan

DigitalResources Electronic Survey Report 2015-013

An Initial Appreciation of theDialect Situation in Saluan andBatui (Eastern Sulawesi, Indonesia)

David Mead and Edy Pasanda

An Initial Appreciation of the Dialect Situation in Saluan and Batui

(Eastern Sulawesi, Indonesia) David Mead and Edy Pasanda

Maps prepared by Matt Connor and John Noya

SIL International® 2015

SIL Electronic Survey Report 2015-013, November 2015 © 2015 SIL International® All rights reserved

Abstract

In the eastern peninsula of the island of Sulawesi, Indonesia, the fifteenth edition of the Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) lists two Saluan languages: Coastal Saluan and Kahumamahon Saluan. Based on a survey of the Saluan area conducted in July, 2006, we conclude that this division is unjustified—only one Saluan language need be recognized, though with various dialects as we explore in this paper. Our conclusions are based on a consideration of lexical similarity (lexicostatistics), historical sound change, and informal sociolinguistic interviews.

During the course of this survey, we also collected information on the small Batui lect, also known in the literature as Baha, and previously classified as a dialect of Pamona. In actuality Batui is a language closely related to Saluan.

With the merger of Coastal and Kahumamahon Saluan as a single language and the recognition of Batui as a separate language, the total number of recognized languages in the Saluan-Banggai microgroup remains at six languages. An appendix presents eleven wordlists from Saluan and one from Batui.

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Contents

Abstract Ringkasan 1 Introduction

1.1 Current administrative boundaries 1.2 Research sites 1.3 Saluan and Batui in the literature

1.3.1 Mondono (also Mandona, Mandano, Mandana, Mandono, Mondonu, Mondone, Modone, Mendono)

1.3.2 Loinang (also La-Inang, Loindang, Lojnang, Loinan, Luinan, Loenan, Toloina) 1.3.3 Saluan 1.3.4 Madi 1.3.5 Baha and Batui

2 The evidence from lexicostatistics 3 The evidence from sound changes

3.1 Final long vowels in Saluan and Batui 3.2 Merger of final *l and *n

4 The evidence from sociolinguistic interviews 4.1 Village-by-village responses 4.2 Summary

5 Conclusions Appendix A: Lexical similarity matrices (Swadesh 100) Appendix B: Wordlists References

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Ringkasan

Tulisan ini merupakan laporan atas survei kami pada daerah bahasa Saluan dan Batui. Saluan merupakan salah satu bahasa daerah induk di semenanjung timur Propinsi Sulawesi Tengah. Menurut sebagian dari atlas-atlas bahasa (Sneddon 1983, Wurm 1994), hanya ada satu bahasa Saluan. Referensi bahasa lain, bagaimanapun juga, seperti edisi ke-15 Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) membedakan ada dua bahasa: bahasa Saluan Pesisir dan bahasa lainnya yang disebut Saluan Kahumamahon. Tentu saja memungkinkan untuk mengidentifikasi suku yang disebut dengan suku Kahumamahon, yang telah diperhitungkan sebagai suku terasing yang berada di pedalaman kecamatan Nuhon, namun diragukan apakah bahasa kelompok ini dapat dianggap sebagai bahasa yang terpisah.

Untuk tujuan penyelidikan yang lebih mendetil, pada bulan Juli 2006, dengan dukungan kantor Badan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Daerah di Palu dan Luwuk, kami mengadakan penjajakan di daerah Saluan. Dari kecamatan Nuhon hingga kecamatan Boalemo di pantai utara dan dari Kecamatan Luwuk Timur hingga Kecamatan Batui di pantai selatan, kami mengunjungi dua belas lokasi, dengan tujuan untuk mengumpulkan informasi mengenai perbendaharaan kata dan menyebarkan angket kuisioner sosiolingustik.

Kami menyimpulkan bahwa tidak perlu membedakan diantara kedua bahasa Saluan. Hanya ada satu bahasa Saluan, yang kami bagi dalam tiga dialek, yaitu: dialek Loinang, dialek Luwuk dan dialek Kintom-Pangimana-Boalemo (Kipabo). Dialek Loinang ternyata mengandung tiga subdialek yaitu Lingketeng, Baloa’ dan Kahumama'on. Dialek Loinang dipakai pada bagian pedalaman dulu, khususnya sepanjang sungai Sensean dan Lobu, namun sepanjang abad yang lalu, orang-orang ini telah meninggalkan desa-desa asal mereka dan telah berdikari di berbagai lokasi sepanjang pantai. Dialek Luwuk dipakai umumnya di kecamatan Luwuk dan Luwuk Timur. Dialek Kimtom-Pagimana-Boalemo (Kipabo) tentu dipakai di kecamatan Kintom, Pagimana dan Boalemo dan juga di bagian-bagian tertentu di kecamatan Bunta dan Nuhon.

Hubungan diantara ketiga dialek ini adalah sebagai berikut. Luwuk dapat dianggap sebagai dialek inti. Dialek Luwuk sangat mirip dengan dialek Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo dalam hal perbendaharaan kata, sebab banyak kata yang sama diantara kedua dialek ini. Bagaimanapun, dialek Luwuk juga mirip dialek Loinang dalam hal konsonan l pada akhir kata menjadi n. Coba perhatikan kata-kata berikut ini.

Loinang Luwuk Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo

tuli mabongon mabongon mabongol tumpul mokujun mokujun mokujul sukar mahan mahan mahal celana saluan saluan salual

Meskipun perbedaan ini dan perbedaan dalam perbendaharaan kata, dilaporkan kepada kami bahwa orang yang berbicara dalam tiga dialek tersebut dapat saling mengerti satu dengan yang lain.

Namun, tidak demikian dengan jenis bahasa yang bernama Batui, yang dipakai di kelurahan Balantang, Tolando, Sisipan dan Batui di Kecamatan Batui. Ketika membandingkan dua ratus kata dalam perbendaharaan kata yang mendasar, Batui berbeda dengan dialek-dialek Saluan lainnya rata-rata seperempat kali. Cobalah perhatikan kata-kata berikut ini:

Batui Loinang Luwuk Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo

telur ontolu nggalau' nggalau' nggalau' kelapa potil niuː niuː niuː dinding hinding pimpi' pimpi' pimpi' baik kopian ma'ima' ma'ima' ma'ima' jahat mahamu' ma'idek ma'idek ma'idek

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Disebabkan oleh perbedaan yang mencolok ini, dan juga karena pendapat yang kuat dari orang-orang Batui sendiri, kami menganggap Batui adalah bahasa yang terpisah, meskipun sangat berhubungan dekat dengan bahasa Saluan.1

Di sini diberikan penjelasan singkat, bagian per bagian sinopsis dari karya ilmiah ini.

Bagian 1 adalah gambaran umum pengetahuan terkini mengenai situasi bahasa di Kabupaten Banggai dan alasan mengapa kami meneliti di daerah bahasa Saluan.

Bagian 1.1 merupakan gambaran umum mengenai kondisi pembagian geografis dan politik di Kabupaten Banggai.

Bagian 1.2 merupakan penjelasan mengenai dua belas tempat dimana kami mengumpulkan data selama penelitian kami.

Bagian 1.3 merupakan kilasan nama-nama lain dimana bahasa Saluan pernah disebut selama masa penjajahan Belanda, yaitu bahasa Mendono, bahasa Loinang, bahasa Saluan dan bahasa Madi. Kami juga menjelaskan mengapa seorang ahli bahasa Belanda Adriani salah mengklasifikasi Batui (yang mana dia sebut dengan bahasa Baha) sebagai suatu dialek bahasa Pamona.

Bagian 2 menyajikan hasil-hasil dari perbandingan leksikal. Sepasang demi sepasang, setiap pasangan daftar kata dibandingkan dengan tujuan untuk menghitung persentasi tertentu dari kesamaan leksikal (jumlah kata-kata yang dianggap sama, dibagi dengan jumlah jawaban-jawaban dikalikan dengan angka 100). Kami menghitung dengan membandingkan dua ratus kata (kata seperti ‘kepala,’ ‘rambut,’ ‘mata,’ ‘hidung,’ ‘mulut,’ dsb., sampai dengan dua ratus kata) berdasarkan daftar standar yang disebut dengan daftar Swadesh 200. Secara umum, bila dua daftar kata bernilai diatas 80% sama secara leksikal, mereka dapat dianggap termasuk dalam bahasa yang sama. Hasil-hasil ini disajikan dalam bentuk bagan dan grafik.

Bagian 3 merupakan diskusi mengenai perubahan bunyi historis, yang menunjukkan bahasa Batui, Babongko, Andio dan Saluan sangat erat hubungan diantaranya dari perspektif hubungan kekerabatan.

Bagian 3.1 merupakan diskusi mengenai bunyi vokal panjang akhir dalam bahasa Saluan dan Batui. Contohnya, ketika kami mengukur cara orang Saluan mengucapkan kata siku ‘siku’ dan iku ‘ekor,’ kami dapat melihat bahwa bunyi vokal akhir u dari iku diartikulasikan hampir dua kali lebih panjang (sepanjang ~ 0.30 detik) dibandingkan dengan bunyi vokal akhir u dari siku (~ 0.15 detik).2 Simbol yang digunakan para ahli bahasa untuk vokal yang panjang adalah tanda titik dua yang menggunakan persegi tiga ( ː ), sehingga untuk Saluan ditulis ikuː ‘ekor.’ Secara umum, semua daerah Saluan konsisten dalam hal bunyi vokal akhir mana yang diartikulasikan lebih panjang, namun beberapa kata Saluan dengan bunyi vokal panjang akhir diartikulasikan dengan bunyi vokal pendek di daerah Batui, contohnya Saluan pusoː ‘pusat’ (diartikulasi dengan bunyi vokal panjang pada akhir kata) dibandingkan Batui puso (diartikulasikan dengan bunyi vokal yang biasa).

Bagian 3.2 mendiskusikan perubahan bunyi historis dalam hal mana bunyi l akhir menjadi bunyi n akhir dalam dialek Luwuk dan Loinang di bahasa Saluan. Migrasi orang Loinang dari daerah pedalaman ke daerah pesisir pada abad ke-20 juga didiskusikan.

1Sebagaimana dijelaskan dalam risalah oleh Charles dan Barbara Dix Grimes (1987:viii), “Orang awam seringkali berpendapat bahwa bila hanya menjumlah kecil orang memakai suatu bahasa, maka bahasa tersebut tak dapat disebutkan ‘bahasa,’ tetapi ‘dialek’ saja. Namun demikian, para ahli bahasa tidak membedakan antara bahasa dan dialek berdasarkan jumlah pemakai bahasa, tetapi berdasarkan faktor-faktor lain, misalnya, persentasi kesamaan kosa kata, kesamaan sistem bunyi, kesamaan struktur, faktor pengertian, faktor-faktor sosial, dsb.” Dari enam bahasa yang merupakan rumpun bahasa Saluan-Banggai, ada tiga bahasa dengan ribuan penutur—Saluan, Banggai and Balantak—namun ada juga tiga bahasa yang penuturnya hanya dua ribu atau kurang, yaitu Bobongko (di kepulauan Togian), Andio (di Kecamtan Masama) dan Batui. 2Bunyi vokal panjang adalah akibat monoftongisasi diftong di akhir kata, misalnya kata dalam bahasa Austronesia Purba *ikuR menjadi *ikuy, lalu menjadi ikuː di Saluan dan Batui.

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Bagian 4 memuat informasi mengenai wawancara sosiolinguistik, khusunya pendapat dari orang Saluan sendiri bagaimana mereka melihat hubungan diantara dialek-dialek yang ada.

Bagian 5 menjelaskan mengenai kesimpulan kami, yaitu bahwa hanya ada satu bahasa Saluan dengan tiga dialek. Lagi pula, Batui bukanlah dialek dari Pamona namun merupakan bahasa daerah tersendiri, meskipun sangat dekat hubungannya dengan bahasa Saluan.

Appendix A memberikan angka persentasi kemiripan leksikal berdasarkan perbandingan hanya seratus kata.

Appendix B menyajikan dua belas daftar kata Saluan dan Batui yang kami kumpulkan selama penelitian kami. Tanggapan-tanggapan diwakili oleh penggunaan Abjad Fonetik Internasional (IPA), suatu sistim penulisan yang digunakan oleh para ahli bahasa.

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1 Introduction

As recently as the fifteenth edition of the Ethnologue (Gordon 2005), two Saluan languages have been located on the eastern arm of Sulawesi, Indonesia: Coastal Saluan and Kahumamahon Saluan. We know of two potential justifications for this division, neither one of which, however, is necessarily linguistic in nature. First, the Kahumamahon Saluan people have been singled out by the Indonesian government as a suku terasing (suku ‘tribe, division,’ terasing ‘separated, isolated, secluded’), that is to say, they live in remote areas, follow traditional customs, and lack integration into the national culture (Team Survey 1974; Sukiyah, Silvana, and Hitipeuw 1995). Second, two separate efforts have been undertaken to translate the Bible into Saluan: one by New Tribes Missions personnel working in the interior village of Simpang (representing the ‘Kahumamahon’ variety), and the other by the Indonesian Bible Society, working in locations on the coast (thus representing the ‘Coastal’ variety).

Given that other linguistic atlases such as Salzner (1960), Sneddon (1983), and Wurm (1994) recognize only one Saluan language, and that furthermore even in the Ethnologue, a geographical boundary between the two putative languages had never been drawn, we set out to do what no linguist had done before: canvass the entire Saluan area in order to determine language and dialect boundaries.

Building in part on the survey work of Busenitz (1991), which covered a portion of the Saluan area, in July of 2006 we undertook a survey of the entire Saluan area. Our goals were to clarify the dialect situation in the Saluan area and to determine if there was indeed a linguistic basis for recognizing two distinct Saluan languages. To this end, we gathered wordlists and sociolinguistic information from twelve primary research sites covering the breadth of the Saluan language area,3 including the supposed Kahumamahon (emended, and hereafter in this paper: Kahumama'on) language area.

In this paper, we look at three factors to determine language relatedness: lexical similarity (lexicostatistics), historical sound change, and the results of sociolinguistic interviews. Whilst in terms of word stock Kahumama'on is somewhat lexically divergent, the consensus is that it should be considered a dialect of Saluan.

During the course of our survey of the Saluan language area, we also gathered information on the Batui speech variety, sometimes also known under the name of Baha. Based on extremely thin evidence, the pioneering Dutch linguist Nicolaus Adriani classified Batui as a dialect of Pamona (Adriani and Kruyt 1914:14). Having at last collected solid information on Batui, we demonstrate that it is not a Pamona dialect, but instead is closely related to Saluan. Nonetheless, we consider it distinct enough to be considered a separate language.

The basis for drawing language and dialect boundaries is presented in the following sections. In §2 we present the results of a lexicostatistical comparison. In §3 we begin with an overview of sound change in the Saluan-Banggai languages. This provides background to a discussion of two further sound changes which crosscut the Saluan and Batui language area: the development and loss of contrastive vowel length (§3.1), and the merger of *l and *n as /n/ in word final position (§3.2). In §4 we briefly discuss the results of sociolinguistic interviews. Our conclusions, including a new map of the Saluan-Banggai group of languages, are given in §5. An appendix presents eleven Saluan wordlists and one Batui wordlist.

Before proceeding to the heart of this paper, we give additional background information. In §1.1 we give current political boundaries in the surveyed area; in §1.2 we briefly discuss the locations where we collected data; and in §1.3 we discuss references to Saluan in the extant literature and the various names by which this language had previously been identified.

3We gratefully acknowledge the Badan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Daerah offices in Palu and in Luwuk, and their officers and staff, particularly Drs. Nurhan Maadji, for their sponsorship and assistance in this survey.

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1.1 Current administrative boundaries

The Saluan homeland lies within the boundaries of the current regency (Indonesian: kabupaten) of Banggai.4 This regency, with its capital of Luwuk, comprises thirteen districts (Indonesian: kecamatan), shown in map 1. The three southeastern districts of Balantak, Lamala, and Masama are the traditional homeland of the Balantak language area (the small Andio enclave is also located in Masama). The two most southwestern districts, Toili and Toili Barat, were traditionally a kind of no man’s land or disputed area between the Saluan peoples and their Bungku neighbors, who claimed control of the coastline further to the west (Goedhart 1908:489–490). The area was rich in dammar pines, and trade in dammar resin was likely a factor which spurred settlement of this area beginning more than a century ago. Today Toili and Toili Barat are largely populated by transmigrants from places such as Java and Bali, as well as by Bugis, Pamona, and other peoples who have migrated locally from other parts of Sulawesi.

Map 1. The Banggai Regency

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission.

The remaining eight districts are the traditional homeland of the Saluan people. Below we discuss certain Saluan peoples who formerly lived in the interior. At present, however, the vast majority of Saluan people live on or within only a few kilometers of the coast. In fact today the entire regency is circumscribed by an all-weather coastal road, which is also linked across the ‘neck’ through the village of Salodik. Beyond Nuhon district in the northwest, this road links the Banggai Regency with Poso, and from there to Palu, the capital of Central Sulawesi. Only in the extreme southwest (Toili and Toili Barat districts) does the road turn rutted and a bit tortuous. In this direction one can travel by car only as far as Kolo Atas (in the Morowali Regency); points further west are normally reached by boat.

4This regency is so named because it used to also include the Banggai archipelago. In 1999 the Banggai islands became their own regency, named the Banggai Archipelago Regency (Kabupaten Banggai Kepulauan).

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1.2 Research sites

In preparing for this survey, we already had in hand four wordlists collected in 1988 by the SIL linguist Robert Busenitz in Kintom, Lumpoknyo, Sampaka, and Bahingin villages, and a fifth wordlist kindly provided to us by Robert Brown, representing the interior village of Simpang. Whilst we chose to revisit these five locations to collect sociolinguistic information and sometimes to also record a small amount of additional Saluan data, the wordlists were of sufficient quality that we were free to concentrate our efforts on ‘rounding out’ a picture of the Saluan dialect area. In total, we collected six other wordlists, while a companion team, sent to the Banggai archipelago, managed to also collect a short wordlist representing a Saluan community located in Leme-leme Bungin village. In all, we can count twelve (5 + 6 + 1) primary research sites, for which we have wordlist and sociolinguistic data. These twelve sites are shown in map 2.

Map 2. Saluan and Batui survey primary research sites


A few notes about these sites are in order. First, the ‘Kondongan’ wordlist was collected outside of the area. Our respondents for this wordlist were two men from Kondongan village who had come to shop in the town of Pagimana, and who were returning by boat to Kondongan the next morning. Because we worked late at night with tired respondents, some items were not filled in, while other responses on this list are representative of the local variety of trade Malay rather than bona fide Saluan.

Second, for ‘Simpang’ we collected information only on the coast. We did not visit the asli (‘true, original’) village of Simpang, which lay another eight hours by foot toward the interior. Our respondents, however, were people who had grown up in Simpang Asli.

Third, we were not entirely successful in collecting wordlist data which truly represents the extreme northwest and southwest extent of the Saluan dialect area. The residents of Pakowa Bunta acknowledge that they represent a fairly recent migration from Pakowa village in the Pagimana subdistrict (and even carried the name of ‘Pakowa’ to their new home). Of our two wordlists taken in the extreme southwest, the Tolando wordlist represents the Batui lect (which we do not consider to be Saluan), while the

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Honbola wordlist represents the Saluan language of people who only recently migrated here from the interior village (now uninhabited) of Tambunan. The responsibility for this lack is entirely ours.

1.3 Saluan and Batui in the literature

Up until the twentieth century, the Saluan people remained barely a footnote to the more important Banggai kingdom located on the archipelago to the southeast of the eastern peninsula of Sulawesi. In writings of the Dutch colonial period, the Saluan people were known by four names: Mondono, Loinang, Saluan and Madi. We discuss each of these terms in turn, and conclude with a discussion of the so-called Baha language, but more properly known as Batui, which is closely related to Saluan.

1.3.1 Mondono (also Mandona, Mandano, Mandana, Mandono, Mondonu, Mondone, Modone, Mendono)

One of the oldest names by which the Saluan language is known in Dutch writings is that of Mondono. This name derives from the Mendono River, which also lent its name to the village located where this river empties into the Gulf of Tolo. Valentijn, writing in 1724, mentioned two regions on the coast opposite Banggai: Balante or Balantak, which produced a lot of rice, and Modone, Mondone or Mandano, which he said was fairly fertile (Valentijn 1724:80, 1856:221). Bosscher and Matthijssen (1853:90–94) described Mondono as a prosperous, second capital of the Banggai kingdom, with a population of 575 people. De Clercq noted that only in Mandono was there an utusan (representative) of the Sultan of Ternate on the mainland, but considered the town to be run-down (1890:133). J. G. F. Riedel, who published much about the Sulawesi region but unfortunately was not known for his linguistic acumen, distinguished Loinan spoken on the north coast of the eastern peninsula from Mondonu and Balanta spoken on the south of the peninsula opposite Banggai (Riedel 1868:44, footnote 8; 1889:13). He was thus the first to use Mondonu—later revised to Mondono—as a language name. Brandes, following “better data,” concluded that the Mondono and Balantak languages “can very well nevertheless be considered merely dialects of Loinan” (1894:xix–xx) (our translation).5

To anyone passing through the village of Mendono today, there is little to distinguish it from any other coastal hamlet, and only a keramat (holy place) on top of a hill suggests its former importance.6 Certain families who trace their origin to this village, however, remain important in regional politics.

1.3.2 Loinang (also La-Inang, Loindang, Lojnang, Loinan, Luinan, Loenan, Toloina)

The term ‘Loinang’ has both narrow and broad uses. As far as we have been able to trace things, the term Loinang first appeared in the literature in Bosscher and Matthijssen’s list of negorijen (native villages) of the Mondono district (1853:94), where a side note indicated that “east and west La-Inang” were mountain villages. Riedel used the spelling Loinan on his 1868 map and in the accompanying prose description.

In its traditional and narrow use, Loinang referred to certain peoples (and their language) who formerly inhabited interior portions on the northern divide of the peninsula, in particular areas drained by the Lobu, Toimaa, Bunta, Bohotokong and Kalumbanga rivers (all of these rivers empty into the Tomini Bay to the west of Pagimana). Kruyt (1930) divided the Loinang into two groups, the Lingketeng clan and the Baloa clan. In the conclusions to this paper, we also use Loinang in this narrow sense, that is, as a cover term for the (formerly) ‘interior’ dialects of Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on (this last

5 It is unclear where Brandes’s ‘better data’ came from. Whilst combining Loinang and Mondono was justified, Balantak is rightfully a separate language. This error was corrected on the language map in Adriani and Kruyt (1914), with correctly-placed language locations finally appearing in Esser (1938). 6 Kruyt reports that upon his visit in 1928, the district head of Mendono was in fact living in Lambangan, on the north coast a few kilometers east of Pagimana (Kruyt 1930:331).

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was subsumed by Kruyt under his ‘Baloa’). According to Kruyt’s respondents, in origin the name ‘Loinang’ was an exonym.7

Riedel used this term in a broader way, noting that “following information of the natives, Loinan is also used in the regions of Hata, Saluan, Pati-pati and Boalemo or Aaulimo” (Riedel 1868:44, footnote 8) (our translation). Whilst Riedel himself did not specify where these regions were located, the last three are all found on Van Musschenbroek’s contemporaneous map (Van Musschenbroek 1878, 1879).8 A relevant portion of this map is reproduced in map 3. From this, it is clear that Riedel intended his term ‘Loinan’ to include all of the language area on the northern coast (up to the Balantak language area), and opposed this to his ‘Mondono’ language spoken on the southern coast.

Map 3. Extract from Van Musschenbroek’s 1878 map

Van Musschenbroek (1878). Public domain.

As noted above, Brandes (1894) further extended the term Loinang (his Loeinansch) to include the language spoken on the southern coast as well, effectively doing away with Riedel’s Mondono language. Whilst we believe this to have been the right move—recognizing the linguistic unity of the northern and southern halves of the peninsula—it is moot whether ‘Loinang’ was the correct cover term to use.

In our own investigations, we encountered people who used the term narrowly and others who used it broadly. On the south coast, for example, one lady was definite that she was not Loinang; Loinang people lived on the north coast, she said, and she singled out the people of Asa'an village as an example (on what basis we do not know, but several times this village in the Lingketeng area was mentioned to us to be relatively free from outside influences). Others, however, when asked about Loinang, told us there are three suku Lo (Lo divisions or ‘tribes’): the Loinang people who speak Saluan, the Lo’on people who speak Balantak, and the Lowo people who speak Banggai.9 For them, Loinang appears to be a term of cultural unity by which they distinguish themselves from other people groups living in the area, including not only the Balantak and the Banggai, but also others such as the Pamona and Gorontalo. At

7Kruyt (1930:328) writes, “Concerning the name Loinang, I have been able to gain no insight. As it often goes with such names, the people do not name themselves so. ‘We know that outsiders call us To Loinang,’ they say, ‘but we do not know the word’ ” (our translation). Barr and Barr (1979:36) suggest that Loinang is a Banggai term (meaning ‘primitive people’), but we were unable to confirm this. 8Hata (correctly: hataː with long vowel) simply means ‘level area, plain’ in the Saluan language, and its precise reference is unclear to us. Perhaps by it Riedel intended the extensive coastal plain around the present-day city of Bunta. 9No meaning is attached to ‘Lo’; it simply happens (by chance, or forgotten historical origin) to be the onset syllable of the names Loinang, Lo’on and Lowo. These are thus the three principal people groups of the Saluan-Banggai group. Sometimes people we talked to also acknowledged the smaller Andio people group as an afterthought, but the Bobongko and Batui people were never brought into this scheme.

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the same time, however, the term ‘Loinang’ often also brought to mind a period when people lived more primitively than today and life was punctuated by intra-ethnic warfare.

Maps 4. Four views of the language situation on Sulawesi’s eastern peninsula

In summary, we can state: (a) ‘Loinang’ originally referred to certain groups living in the interior of the northern half of the peninsula, and by extension to their language; (b) even as an appellation for just these people, it appears that Loinang was originally an exonym; (c) the further extension of the term Loinang to the entire area was a Dutch invention, which has been partly assimilated by the people themselves; (d) even when people refer to themselves as being ethnically ‘Loinang’ (in the broader sense), they refer to their language as Saluan; and (e) the term Loinang, perhaps in keeping with its original reference, sometimes still carries connotations of not being properly civilized.

1.3.3 Saluan

According to Kruyt (1930), the term Saluan originally applied to a settled area on the northern coast of the eastern peninsula of Sulawesi,10 but it came to be adopted as the name for the language spoken there and similar varieties elsewhere on the peninsula.

While Dutch authors of the first half of the twentieth century such as Adriani (Adriani and Kruyt 1914:82–87), Gobée (1929), and Esser (1938) continued to use the term Loinang (or less correctly, Loinan), more recent authors—including among others Barr and Barr (1979), Rozali et al. (1982), Hente et al. (1984), Wumbu et al. (1986), Huong, Pawennari and Rahim (1995), and Hente, Baisu and Ansan (2000)—have all preferred to use Saluan as the name for this language, and we heartily concur. During the course of our investigations, we encountered no objections to people calling their language Saluan, even among so-called ‘Loinang’ peoples. The only exception was among the Batui, who insisted that their language was not Saluan. We return to this last point below.

1.3.4 Madi

The term Madi has also been employed as an alternate name for Saluan (Goedhart 1908:476; Adriani and Kruyt 1914:544–555; Salzner 1960:14). It is derived from the negative term madi' (/madiɁ/) ‘no, not.’ This practice was promulgated by the Dutch, who were perhaps struck by the propensity for each 10While Kruyt (1930:328) claimed that the original Saluan people inhabited an area on the kop ‘head’ of the eastern peninsula, other mapmakers that place Saluan generally locate it near present-day Toimaa and Lontio villages, or roughly twenty-five kilometers west of Pagimana. See for example Topografischen Dienst (1940). Pinpointing the original denotation of ‘Saluan’ requires further investigation.

7

language to employ its own negative term.11 Whilst such language names have been adopted and are still in use in a few places of Sulawesi, the convention of identifying languages after their negative term no longer has currency in the Saluan area.

1.3.5 Baha and Batui

In his 1908 report of a trip through the Bungku, Mori and Banggai areas, the Dutch administrator O. E. Goedhart reported two languages to be spoken in the Batui district: the Ido or Daido language spoken in the village of Sinohowan,12 and the Baha language spoken in the district capital of Batui (Goedhart 1908:477). In both cases he had named these languages after their negative terms. For the former he provided enough information to classify it as a dialect of Pamona, but for the latter he provided no data other than the name, that is the negative term, which in fact he had mistranscribed—in actuality the word for ‘no’ in Batui is mbaha' /mbahaɁ/.

Having only this single datum to go by, when Adriani prepared his language map of the Celebes (Adriani and Kruyt 1914), he decided to list Baha as a dialect of Pamona, perhaps influenced by the apparent similarity with the negative term bare'e in standard Pamona.13 As discussed below, our conclusions concerning the so-called Baha language—better named Batui—are entirely different. This lect is not a Pamona dialect; rather, by all measures it is clearly a sister language to Saluan.

2 The evidence from lexicostatistics

In this section we present the results of a lexicostatistical comparison. By lexicostatistical comparison, we simply mean a procedure whereby two wordlists are compared item by item, and the responses judged as either the ‘same’ or ‘different.’ The number of items which are the same, divided by the total number of items compared, gives a measure (usually expressed as a percentage) of lexical similarity between the varieties represented by the two wordlists. Repeated pairwise for a number of wordlists, this method has proved valuable for giving an initial overview of relationships within a language area.

For lexical comparison, we had available the following Sulawesi Umbrella (488-item) wordlists from across the Saluan-Banggai language area:

Andio one wordlist collected by Robert Busenitz in August 1988 Balantak seven wordlists collected by Robert Busenitz in August 1988 Saluan twelve wordlists, including: - four wordlists collected by Robert Busenitz in August 1988 - one wordlist collected by Robert Brown in October 2001 - five wordlists collected by David Mead and Edy Pasanda in July 2006 - a partially completed wordlist collected by Kristina Tarp in July 2006 Batui one wordlist, collected by David Mead in July 2006 Banggai three wordlists, collected by Kristina Tarp in July 2006

11Likewise, Banggai was once also known as the Aki language, and Balantak as the Kosian language. 12During the course of our survey we attempted to collect information on the Ido (or Da’ido) lect as well. However, upon visiting Sinorang village (Sinoho'an is the Saluan name), we were told that the original Ido community no longer existed, and that the place was now occupied by Taa speakers who had migrated there within the past one hundred years. The Ido or Da’ido dialect of Pamona is thus very probably extinct; at any rate we were unable to uncover any evidence for its existence in the area where it was formerly spoken. 13Adriani writes, “Although we have not been able to get any, more specific information about this language, nonetheless we dare here to put forward the supposition that Baha is no other language than that of the To Wana. We thus include it among the subdialects of Taa and therewith to the Bare’e [=Pamona] language area” (Adriani and Kruyt 1914:14) (our translation). The only formal basis for this decision which Adriani recognized in writing was that “Mr. Goedhart also names the Baha language in the same breath with Taa” (1914:14) (our translation). Although strictly speaking this was true, in fact Goedhart (1908:476–477) mentioned three languages in the same clause, Madi (= Saluan), Baha, and Taa.

8

Since the Balantak and Banggai languages are outside the focus of this study, we included only one Balantak wordlist (from Tokuu village; see Busenitz 1991) and one Banggai wordlist (from Andean village, thus representing the Eastern dialect; see Aprilani, Tarp, and Susilawati 2010). Finally, in order to include data from all Saluan-Banggai languages, a Bobongko wordlist was compiled from the Bobongko lexical material available in Mead (In progress).

A lexical comparison of all 488 items was not undertaken. Rather, lexical similarity scores were calculated twice off of the same database, using items corresponding to the 100- and 200-item Swadesh wordlists, as enumerated in Martens (1989b). Results based on comparing 200 items are presented in this section. Similarity scores derived from comparing only 100 items can be found in appendix A.

Some adjustments, naturally, were necessary as to which items were actually included. The items ‘older brother’, ‘older sister’, and ‘younger brother’, ‘younger sister’ were omitted, since in Saluan-Banggai languages these are invariably compounds (literally ‘sibling old male/female’ and ‘sibling young male/female’). Instead we compared only responses for (generic) ‘sibling’. In addition, the following items were omitted, in order to avoid counting the same lexical items twice:

‘bark’ compounded from ‘skin’ + ‘wood’ ‘river’ overlap with ‘water’ and ‘wood’ ‘dust’ identical to ‘ash’ in Saluan languages ‘here’ overlap with the root in ‘this’ ‘there’ overlap with the root in ‘that’ ‘day’ overlap with ‘sun’

This left us with ninety-nine items to compare for the Swadesh 100 list, and an even two hundred items to compare for the Swadesh 200 list.14 In comparing individual lexical items and judging whether they were the same or different, we followed the criterion suggested by McElhanon (1967:8, cited in Sanders 1977:34) that two stems should be judged the same if fifty percent or more of their phonemes are similar, giving greater weight to consonant agreement than vowel agreement (Z’graggen 1971:6).15 In practice this criterion proved easy to apply.

Table 1 gives the lexical similarity scores for the Saluan-Banggai group of languages as a whole. Because the comparison included several Saluan wordlists, the similarity scores between Saluan and other languages presented in table 1 are averaged values.

14The Balantak and Andio wordlists provided by Robert Busenitz did not include responses for ‘intestines’, ‘smooth’, ‘say, speak’, or ‘fight’, so these items were effectively discounted for these wordlists. Because there are actually several versions of the Swadesh 200 list, we follow the ‘collated’ version, containing 207 items, presented in Martens (1989b). 15In a diachronic lexicostatistical comparison, the criterion is strictly whether two forms are ‘cognate’ (inherited from the same protoform) or not, with borrowings excluded. In our approach, which is a synchronic comparison, even borrowed words can be counted as the ‘same’ provided they meet the stated criteria. For example, responses such as molekeng and morekeng ‘to count’ were judged the ‘same’, even though both are borrowed from Dutch rekenen.

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Table 1. Matrix of Saluan-Banggai lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 200)

Bobongko

54 Batui

54 74 Saluan

48 60 62 Andio

37 46 49 64 Balantak

32 38 35 36 41 Banggai

A number of initial SIL surveys in Sulawesi have followed the general rule that similarity scores below 80% can be taken to indicate separate languages (Grimes and Grimes 1987; Friberg 1987, 1991; inter alia). However, in a study which investigated the correlation between lexical similarity scores and independent measures of intelligibility, Joseph Grimes (1988) concluded that only similarity scores below sixty percent reliably indicate that two speech varieties are indeed separate languages. Bearing this in mind, it is instructive to note that most of the similarity scores in table 1 not only fall below the ‘traditional’ 80% threshhold, but also fall below the more reliable 60% threshhold. Based on this criterion, for example, Bobongko and Banggai may safely be considered separate languages on the basis of lexical similarity alone. Andio scores 60% lexically similar with Batui, 62% lexically similar with Saluan, and 64% lexically similar with Balantak. These scores are at or marginally above the threshold. However, the position of Andio midway between these three other languages in fact makes it difficult to group Andio with one of them, to wit if Andio is not a separate language, then which language should it be considered a dialect of?

The only questionable relationship in table 1 then is whether Batui—on average 74% lexically similar with Saluan—should be considered its own language or a dialect of Saluan.

Table 2 shows the internal relationships between selected Saluan varieties16 (first eight rows of lexical similarity values) and Batui (ninth row).

16The Kondongan and Leme-leme Bungin sites are not included in table 2. The Kondongan wordlist contained a number of Malayisms and consequently scored low, while the Leme-leme Bungin wordlist was incomplete and did not include the full complement of Swadesh 200 items.

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Table 2. Matrix of Saluan and Batui lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 200)

Simpang

85 Honbola

85 87 Bahingin

84 86 87 Pakowa Bunta

84 89 91 91 Sampaka

84 88 90 91 94 Kintom

80 85 89 87 91 91 Huhak

80 86 87 85 92 90 91 Lumpoknyo

79 87 84 85 90 90 93 90 Bantayan

70 72 73 74 75 76 75 77 75 Batui

Of note in table 2 is that, when compared to each other, all Saluan wordlists score above (sometimes well above) 80% lexically similar, the traditional cut-off point between language and dialect. The lone exception is Simpang-Bantayan, which at 79% lexically similar is marginally below this threshold. Batui, on the other hand, scores low versus all Saluan dialects.

Figures 1 and 2 present these same results in a graphical fashion, using the method of clique analysis.17 In clique analysis, every wordlist location within a circle relates to all the other wordlists within that circle at or above the specified value of lexical similarity. We chose 90% and 84% as threshold values, as these percentages seemed particularly revealing of relationships within the Saluan area. At very high threshold values, each wordlist would be isolated within its own clique, while at low levels all wordlists would fall within a single clique. Such patterns, of course, would be unrevealing. In figures 1 and 2, geography is only roughly approximated and—in the placement of Sampaka—in fact distorted.

Figure 1. Clique analysis at threshold value of 90 percent lexical similarity.

17The method of clique analysis was presented to me by Joseph Grimes in a sociolinguistics survey course in 1984. I am not aware of a published resource which presents the methodology for clique analysis.

Batui

Simpang

Honbola Bahingin

Pakowa Bunta

Sampaka

Kintom

Huhak

Lumpoknyo

Bantayan

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There are two things regarding figure 1 to which we would like to draw the reader’s attention. First, generally in the east, there is a large area—represented by Sampaka, Kintom, Huhak, Lumpoknyo and Bantayan—where all the wordlists relate to each other at or above 90 percent lexically similar. In an older scheme, these wordlists could be considered to represent ‘Coastal Saluan’—though given the overall high lexical similarity scores, they give the impression of constituting a dialect rather than a separate language. Furthermore, if we look at the wordlists which fall outside of this area (that is, outside the large circle on the right-hand side in figure 1), these are principally lists which represent the so-called ‘Loinang’ peoples (in the narrow sense as defined §1.3.2), specifically:

Simpang represents the Kahumama'on clan of Loinang Honbola represents the Baloa' clan of Loinang Bahingin represents the Lingketeng clan of Loinang

The only exception is the Pakowa Bunta wordlist, and at present we have no explanation as to why this list scores relatively low in comparison with other ‘Coastal Saluan’ varieties.

The second thing to note in figure 1 is the centrality accorded to Kintom and Sampaka—a result which on the surface seems odd, since these places are not located close to each other (see map 2 above). Looking beyond geography, however, an explanation for their centrality is to be found in certain historical facts. As recounted by Kruyt (1930:341–350):

(a) The Boalemo area (where present-day Sampaka is located) with its principal settlement at Malik formerly served as capital of the entire Saluan area.

(b) Sometime in the second half of the eighteenth century, this capital was sacked by a combined force from Ternate and Gorontalo, after which a portion of the Saluan population of Boalemo was removed to Tilamuta in the Gorontalo area—presumably as prisoners-of-war—where their descendants live to this day (see also Riedel 1885).

(c) Owing to these same circumstances, a portion of the people and their rulers fled to the Kintom area, where they lived closer to, and were afforded protection by, the Banggai rulers, whom they now served as vassals.

It is also to be noted that people of the Lingketeng clan—but not people of the Baloa' or Kahumama'on clans—maintained regular relations with Kintom, whose ruler they regarded as their chief and to whom they paid a yearly tribute (Kruyt 1930:354 ff.). This is perhaps why our wordlist collected at Bahingin (former Lingketeng area) shows a greater affinity with Kintom than does either Honbola (former Baloa' area) or Simpang (Kahumama'on area)—even though at present Honbola is located only a few scant kilometers southwest of Kintom. We elaborate further on the topic of recent migrations in §3.2.

Figure 2. Clique analysis at threshold value of 84 percent lexical similarity.

Batui

Simpang

Honbola

Bahingin

Pakowa Bunta

Sampaka

Kintom

Huhak

Lumpoknyo

Bantayan

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Figure 2 illustrates the essential unity of the Saluan area. Whilst at this threshold value the ‘Kahumama'on’ and ‘Coastal’ varieties can still be marginally distinguished, from the viewpoint of lexical similarity there is a large degree of overlap between these groups. Note also the separate position of Batui. In fact Batui would not group with any Saluan wordlist until the threshold value was dropped to 77% lexically similar (figure not shown). Said another way, whatever dialect chaining exists in the Saluan area, Batui stands apart from it.

In order to investigate the relationship between Saluan and Batui in more depth, we turn to historical sound changes and the results of sociolinguistic questionnaires.

3 The evidence from sound changes

Immediately below we list some of the most distinctive historical sound changes which both link and distinguish Saluan from it from its nearest relatives. We repeat here data which was initially presented in Mead (2003), but now include evidence from Batui to show that—as far as historical sound change is concerned—it largely patterns the same way as Saluan. We must conclude that Saluan and Batui have a considerable period of shared history and thus, from a genetic perspective, must be considered immediate sister languages to each other.

(a) Proto-Malayo-Polynesian18 *R > Ø in initial and medial position in Saluan. This change is also shared by Batui, Bobongko and Andio, though occasionally it has been obscured in Bobongko by later borrowing from Gorontalo-Mongondow (GM) languages (Mead 2003:78). In the following charts, italics indicates a non-cognate (replacement) form; a dash indicates lack of information.

PMP Saluan Batui Bobongko Andio

*Rusuk ‘rib’ usuk usuk usuk usuk *uRat ‘vein, tendon’ uat uat ugat (<GM) uat *beReqat ‘heavy’ maboat maboat maboat maboat *duRi ‘thorn’ hiiʔ hiiʔ dugiʔ (<GM) riiʔ *diRuq ‘bathe’ mindiiʔ mindiiʔ mindiiʔ molobu

(b) In certain lexemes, *u assimilated to *i in a neighboring syllable. Wherever this change is found in Saluan, it is shared by Batui, Bobongko and Andio.


*kulit ‘skin’ kilit kilit kilit kilit *buni ‘hide’ suluk bini bini bini *puki ‘vagina’ piki piki piki piki *duRi ‘thorn’ hiiʔ hiiʔ dugiʔ (<GM) riiʔ *diRuq ‘bathe’ mindiiʔ mindiiʔ mindiiʔ molobu

(c) *b weakened to /w/ and sometimes further to zero, particularly when following another *b in the preceding syllable. This change is shared by Saluan, Batui and Bobongko, but not by Andio.


*bibiR ‘lips’ biwiː biwi bifi bibi *babaw ‘above’ bawo bawo bafo babo *baba ‘bring, carry’ boa boa boa baba *bubu ‘fishtrap’ buuʔ buuʔ buuʔ — *ba-binahi ‘female’ boune boine boune bobine *tubuq ‘live’ tuuʔ tuuʔ tuuʔ tubuʔ

18Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) is a reconstructed language. It is the presumed ancestor of all Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan. In this section, we consider only low level changes, and omit the evidence that would show Batui also shares in all twelve of the changes which distinguish the Saluan-Banggai languages en bloc from PMP (Mead 2003:68–75). Interested readers may demonstrate this for themselves using data from appendix B.

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(d) *r (from earlier *r, *d) became h in initial and medial position, and was lost in final position. This change, which did not occur in Bobongko or Andio, is shared only by Saluan and Batui.


*deŋeR ‘hear’ mohongoː mohongo morongo morongo *dahun ‘leaf’ hoon hoon ron roon *rebuŋ ‘bamboo shoot’ sumpok hobung robung — *budiŋ ‘charcoal’ buhing buhing buring — *bidiŋ ‘side’ > ‘ear’ bihing bihing biring biring *kuden ‘cook pot’ kuhon kuhon — kuron *tiked ‘heel’ > ‘foot’ tengke tengke tengker tengker

In a fifth change, final diphthongs with *y (from earlier *R, *j and *y) were monophthongized. In Saluan the monophthongized vowel retained contrastive length, but in Andio and Bobongko the lengthened quality of the vowel was lost. Batui shows a mixed pattern: some lexemes exhibit length in the final vowel, but in other cases length was lost. We devote a separate section to this change below (§3.1).

Finally, in §3.2 we discuss a sixth change which has heretofore not been considered, namely the merger of final *l and *n as /n/. This change is attested in only a portion of the Saluan language area. This change is important not only for considering where to draw dialect boundaries, but also for understanding migrations of the Saluan peoples.

3.1 Final long vowels in Saluan and Batui

Saluan is one of the few languages of Sulawesi to contrast long and regular vowels in final position. The only other indigenous languages of Sulawesi known to us to exhibit such a contrast—and here again only in word-final position—are the four Seko languages of northern South Sulawesi. In Seko languages long vowels reflect Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) *q. For example (data from Laskowske 2007):

PMP Pre-Proto-Seko Proto-Seko ‘ten’ *puluq > *puloq > *puloː ‘split’ *bikaq > *bikaq > *bikaː ‘feces’ *taqi > *taiq > *taiː ‘descend’ *naquR > *nauq > *nauː

By contrast, long vowels in Saluan did not develop from *q but rather developed from monophthongization of final diphthongs, and reflect PMP *R, *j and *y. To take a simple example of how this contrast developed, compare the reflexes of the PMP words for ‘elbow’ and ‘tail’ in Saluan.

PMP Saluan ‘elbow’ *siku > *siku > siku ‘tail’ *ikuR > *ikuy > ikuː

Whilst the historical origin of long vowels in Saluan was first discussed in Mead (2003), at that time their synchrony was little understood, being known only from written wordlists and information—sometimes contradictory—provided by others. Their phonetic character had yet to be analyzed, and it was unknown whether there was dialectal variation in regard to long vowels in the Saluan area.

To make up for this lack, we paid particular attention to final vowel length during wordlist elicitation sessions, and in fact in seven locations (including Batui) specifically made electronic recordings for preliminary acoustic phonetic analysis. For example, figure 3 shows the waveforms and spectrograms of a person from Huhak village pronouncing the words ‘elbow’ and ‘tail.’ From this it can be seen that the final vowel of /ikuː/ is roughly twice as long (0.3038 seconds) as the final vowel of /siku/ (0.1509 seconds). Figure 4 shows the waveforms and spectrograms of a person from Tolando village (Batui). These figures were prepared using SIL’s Speech Analyzer program version 3.0.1.

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Because of constraints on our time during the course of the survey, we recorded only one speaker in each of the seven locations. We realize therefore that our results lack statistical validity. Nonetheless the vowel length measurements summarized in table 3 provisionally suggest that a contrast between long versus regular vowels is a feature of all Saluan dialects as well as Batui—a result which was further confirmed ‘to our ears’ during the process of eliciting wordlist items in all twelve primary research sites. The two columns under each word indicate that we recorded each respondent saying that word twice (because of a technical glitch, our Simpang respondent was recorded saying each word only once).

Figure 3. Waveforms and spectrograms of /siku/ ‘elbow’ and

/ikuː/ ‘tail’ as recorded in Huhak village.

0.1509 sec

0.3038 sec

15

Figure 4. Waveforms and spectrograms of /siku/ ‘elbow’ and

/ikuː/ ‘tail’ as recorded in Tolando village.

0.1835 sec

0.3033 sec

16

Table 3. Length (in seconds) of final vowels of /siku/ ‘elbow’ and /ikuː/ ‘tail’ (each word recorded twice)

/siku/ ‘elbow’ /ikuː/ ‘tail’ Simpang — 0.2359 — 0.3452 Honbola 0.1509 0.1267 0.3506 0.2989 Bahingin 0.1551 0.1771 0.2502 0.2470 Sampaka 0.1386 0.2469 0.3630 0.3419 Kintom 0.1754 0.1771 0.3781 0.2827 Huhak 0.1509 0.1763 0.3038 0.3305 Batui 0.1390 0.1700 0.3102 0.3033

Table 3 indicates that the final vowel of one lexical item, /ikuː/ ‘tail,’ is articulated long in both Saluan and Batui. When we consider other lexical items with final long vowels, however, we find that the Saluan and Batui data do not always agree. That is to say, in some items (such as the response for ‘tail’), a final long vowel in Saluan corresponds to a long vowel in Batui. In other items, however, a long vowel in Saluan corresponds to a regular (unlengthened) vowel in Batui. Items which fall into these two patterns are summarized in tables 4 and 5, respectively. Table 4 presents those items for which we transcribed a final long vowel in at least one Saluan wordlist, and where the Batui response also had a long vowel. Table 5 presents those items for which we transcribed a final long vowel in at least one Saluan wordlist, but where the Batui response had a regular (unlengthened) vowel.19 The ‘item number’ given in the first column corresponds to the wordlist numbering scheme used in appendix B.

19PMP and PWMP (Proto–Western Malayo-Polynesian) reconstructions given in the last column of the tables and in this footnote have been drawn from various sources, including especially Blust and Trussel (2010) and Wurm and Wilson (1975). Proto-Celebic reconstructions are our own and have not yet been published with their supporting evidence. Because they are not germane to our discussion, we have left out a number of words which have a long vowel in one or more Saluan wordlists, but for which a cognate form is unknown in Batui. These include:

096 ‘friend’ saŋaluː (Batui beːle); 125 ‘luminous millipede’ antataː (Batui ondat), cf. PWMP *(h)antatadu; 131 ‘snake’ uloː (Batui bintanaʔ ), PMP *ulej ‘worm, maggot’; 154 ‘coconut’ niuː (Batui potil), PMP *ñiuR ‘coconut’; 156 ‘coconut shell’ baŋaː (Batui tobong), cf. Proto-Kaili-Pamona *baŋa' (Michael Martens p.c.) and Proto-Seko

*baŋaː ‘coconut shell’ (Laskowske 2007:150) which together suggest *baŋaq; 172 ‘pandanus’ tondaː (Batui bahoi); 182 ‘moon’ koloaː (three wordlists; others, including Batui bituʔon); 184 ‘sky’ laŋaː (two wordlists, others including Batui laŋit); 224 ‘space underneath house’ patuː (Batui suːkan); 233 ‘bamboo water container’ pongasuː (Batui balo), cf. Proto-Bungku-Tolaki *ahuR ‘bamboo water container’

(Mead 1998:425); 256 ‘big’ bosaː (one wordlist, others including Batui dakaʔ ), PMP *besaR (Dempwolff 1925), but Dempwolff

(1938) gives *besar; 260 ‘wet’ mohomeː (Batui memes); 341 ‘left’ kowiː (Batui boboʔ ), PMP *ka-wiRi; 381 ‘laugh’ kumojoː (Batui molomi); 405 ‘burn (field)’ mompapuː, PMP *pa + hapuy; 458 ‘flow’ moʔiliː (Batui moʔihis), PWMP *qiliR ‘flow downstream.’

17

On the whole, there are two possible explanations for the pattern observed in tables 4 and 5.

(a) Just as in Bobongko and Andio, Batui lost all final long vowels via merger with regular vowels. However, in Batui a contrast was reintroduced through influence from Saluan. This explanation assumes a certain degree of contact with and bilingualism in Saluan.

Table 4. Wordlist items ending in long vowel in both Saluan and Batui Item no. Meaning Saluan Batui Historical source 025 ‘shoulder’ oaː oaː PMP *qabaRa 028 ‘palm, sole’ palaː palaː PMP *palaj107 ‘tail’ ikuː ikuː PMP *ikuR122 ‘fly’ (n.) laloː laloː PMP *lalej201 ‘water’ ueː ueː PMP *waiR217 ‘floor’ saloː saloː PMP *saleR262 ‘wide’ bolaː bolaː PMP *belaj ‘spread out’ 352 ‘inside’ i unoː i unoː PMP *qunej469 ‘awaken

someone’ molikoː molikoː Proto-Celebic *likoy ‘awake,

alert’532 ‘embers’ obaː obaː PMP *baRah 534 ‘ripe’ mahaː mahaː source unknowna 534 ‘level’ hataː hataː PMP *dataRaCf. PMP *ma-iRaq ‘red,’ but this is an unlikely source since *R > h in Saluan and Batui would be irregular. Bobongko has mara ‘ripe.’

Table 5. Words ending in long vowel in Saluan but in a regular vowel in Batui Item no. Meaning Saluan Batui Historical source 018 ‘lips’ biwiː biwi PMP *bibiR112 ‘egg’ ontoluː

‘testicle’ontolu PMP *qateluR

137 ‘turtle’ heʔaː heʔa source unknown 142 ‘pig’ bauː bau PMP *babuy 209 ‘fire’ apuː apu PMP *hapuy 260 ‘dry’ montuʔuː motuʔu PMP *tuquR 271 ‘thick’ butoluː butolu source unknown 293 ‘satiated’ mobosuː mobosu PMP *besuR 311 ‘yellow’ mokiniː mokini PMP *kunij354 ‘sun, day’ sinaː sina PMP *sinaR 355 ‘night’ pihiː pihi source unknown 382 ‘hear’ mohoŋoː mohoŋo PMP *deŋeR 426 ‘swim’ molaŋuː lumaŋu PMP *laŋuy 428 ‘climb

(mountain)’ mindakoː mindako cf. Malay mendaki

455 ‘delouse’ mompiaː mompipia source unknown 494 ‘navel’ pusoː puso *pusej551 ‘go’ mambaː mamba source unknown

18

(b) A second possibility is that the merger of final long vowels with their regular counterparts is either still on ongoing process or else was arrested in Batui. The differences in these tables thus reflect lexical diffusion: Table 5 lists lexical items to which this change (merger of final long vowels with their regular vowel counterparts) has diffused, while table 4 lists lexical items—presumably high frequency lexemes—to which this change did not diffuse, or has not yet diffused, in Batui. This explanation need not assume any contact between Batui and Saluan speakers.

Which of these two explanations is to be preferred requires further investigation, but for our purposes the matter need not be settled. The important thing to note is that there are significant differences between Saluan and Batui with respect to which lexemes have final long vowels and which do not.20

A further question may arise: do we find any significant differences in regard to long vowels when comparing between Saluan dialects? We are aware of one case, the word for ‘pig,’ which we recorded as [bauʔ] in Loinang but as [bauː] elsewhere. Other cases may exist, but the situation is complicated because long vowels were not consistently represented in our outside sources; see the discussion in regard to this point in the introduction to appendix B.

3.2 Merger of final *l and *n

In this section we consider a sound change which has not previously been discussed in regard to Saluan, the merger of final *-l and *-n as -n.21 Let us begin by considering map 5, which presents the responses to five wordlist items, respectively ‘rope’ (item no. 242), ‘to pay’ (445), ‘to plant’ (406), ‘trousers’ (246), and ‘fence’ (225).22

20Curious to us is that even the long vowels which we recorded on the evening of July 26th were for the most part not present in the speech of Nurmin, a female, whom we recorded the following day. Clearly this study is not the final word on long vowels in Batui. 21Kruyt (1930:330, footnote 1) noted that “on the coast one says tonggol [‘head, leader’], conversely in the interior one speaks of tonggon. There are many examples of the same phenomenon” (translation ours), but he did not present any further examples. 22For brevity, we present the responses for only five terms. The same results are obtained even when a fuller amount of data is considered, including the responses for 067 ‘boil’ (on skin) (bisul ~ bisun); 269 ‘old (of objects)’ (piil ~ piin); 278 ‘dull’ (mokujul ~ mokujun); 289 ‘deaf’ (moboŋol ~ moboŋon); 301 ‘round’ (timpodol ~ timpodon) and 303 ‘difficult’ (mahal ~ mahan) among others. See appendix B.

19

Map 5. Responses for ‘rope’, ‘to pay’, ‘to plant’, ‘trousers’, and ‘fence’ as recorded at the twelve primary research sites


Most responses end in -r, -l, or -n, and at first glance there may appear to be little basis for predicting when a form will end in a particular consonant. However, present-day forms can be explained by assuming the following historical processes.

(a) *r became h initially and medially, and was lost in word-final position in Saluan and Batui (§3). That is to say, there are no inherited forms which continue final *-r as -r.

(b) *l was retained as l initially and medially, but became -n in word-final position in a portion of the Saluan area.

(c) Subsequent to (a), and prior and/or subsequent to (b), there was a period in which borrowed words with final r were phonemicized to the local phonology: as l in areas which retained final -l, but as n in areas in which final *-l became -n.

(d) In some areas, this pattern of phonemicization ceased, so that borrowed words with final r retain -r.

Taken together, these changes allow us to explain, for example, why Malay pagar ‘fence’ variously shows up in our Saluan data as pagan, pagal and pagar, and mutatis mutandis for bayar ‘to buy’ and saluar ‘trousers, pants.’ Because in Batui all three words have -r, it is possible that in the Batui area there may never have been a period in which -r in loan words was phonemicized to -l.23

Map 6 presents the same data as in map 5, except that non-cognate forms as well as forms with final -r have been removed from consideration. Huhak and Bantayan exhibit a mixed pattern, but otherwise the pattern is clear: either a community has final -n (indicated by a purple dot) or a community has final -l (indicated by a yellow dot).

23This is also true of Nonong and Lamo, two Saluan-speaking villages in the Batui subdistrict.

20

In addition to the primary research sites shown in maps 5 and 6, during our canvass of the Saluan area we briefly stopped in a number of other villages to elicit the local terms for ‘rope,’ ‘to buy,’ ‘to plant (with dibble),’ ‘trousers’ and ‘fence,’ and as well as to ask about terms used in neighboring villages. Map 7 expands on map 6 by reporting these results for the twenty-nine villages where we collected data ourselves (circle),24 as well as for twenty additional villages for which we obtained information second-hand (square).

Map 6. Selected responses for ‘rope’, ‘to pay’, ‘to plant’, ‘trousers’, and ‘fence’ as recorded at the twelve primary research sites


24That is to say, our twelve primary research sites plus seventeen other villages where we stopped briefly to collect data solely regarding the fate of *l in word-final position.

21

Map 7. Distribution of -n versus -l as reflex of Proto-Saluan *-l


In broad outline, from map 7 we can note that northeast Saluan (Boalemo area and as far west as Taloyon) is solidly an ‘l-dialect’ area, while in the southeast (Luwuk area, from Hunduhon to Bubung) there is likewise a solidly ‘n-dialect’ area, with areas of alternating l- and n-dialect villages found in the northwest and southwest. On closer examination, however, nearly to a one if a village in the northwest or southwest speaks an n-dialect, that village was formerly located in the interior. In particular, we make note of the following migrations as they have been reported to us.

(a) From Lingketeng. Lingketeng was a complex of twenty or so villages formerly located in the interior, in the watershed of the Sensean, a tributary of the Lobu.25 The Lingketeng area was still densely inhabited at the time of Kruyt’s visit in 1928, but nonetheless some people from Lingketeng had by then recently relocated above Pagimana (in present-day Hohudongan?); near the mouth of the Pouhua River immediately to the west of Pagimana; and near the mouth of the Lobu River in the villages of Kadodi, Balean, Bomban, Niubulan, and Lobu (Kruyt 1930:331, 335). Today the former Lingketeng area is uninhabited, its people having relocated to various other coastal communities including—in addition to the ones already mentioned—Toima, Matabas, Bahingin, Nain, Asa'an, and Pinapuan. The last four are names of former interior villages which the settlers brought with them to the coast.

(b) From Baloa'. The traditional Baloa' area was roughly another dozen kilometers southwest of Lingketeng, located on the upper reaches of the Lobu River and under the shadow of Bulutumpu, a principal mountain of the area. Tambunan, Baloa', and Doda were always mentioned to us as the chief villages of this area. This region likewise is presently uninhabited, its former residents having settled in the villages of Gonohop, Doda Bunta, and Nganga-nganga'on, and in the Baompon hamlet of Pongian village. All of these places are located in the broad coastal plain surrounding Bunta. In

25According to Kruyt (1930), villages falling under Lingketeng included Panimbuluan, Salingan, Mongolos, Damak, Pinapuan (= Salean), Bumbuk, Padang, Sopa, Bulakan, Buhangas, Heyuha, Bahingin, Indang, Lingketeng, Kolomboi, and Dodong (see the map included with his article for locations). To these we can add the following village names, supplied by our own respondents: Nain, Asa'an, Pinujat, and Hohudongan.

22

addition, a portion of the people from Tambunan settled Honbola on the southern coast, reportedly in two migrations in 1923 and 1932 (this is also mentioned by Kruyt 1930:350, who places his Hoombola “above Batui”).

(c) From Simpang (Kahumama'on). By all accounts, Simpang in the interior was settled by people who left (or fled from) the villages of Tambunan, Baloa', and Doda and settled a two days’ journey to the west on the other side of Bulutumpu mountain. The name of their principal village is Simpang. They are called the Kahumama'on people after the place where they live (kahumama'on means ‘abundance of kahumama' trees’26 and refers generally to the area between the Tobelombang and Bunta rivers) (Robert Brown 2013:pers.comm.). The original Simpang village is still inhabited. In addition, over the past century Kahumama'on people have been migrating to the coastal plain around Bunta. Today these people can be found in the villages of Simpang I and Simpang II (both of these are on the coastal plain); Dowiwi, Mantan A, and Mantan B. Kahumama'on people also comprise a portion of the populations of Gonohop and Pibombo villages.

(d) From Buyangge. The village of Buyangge was located on the upper reaches of the Mendono River, on the southern side of the watershed divide, on the path connecting Lingketeng with the southern coast. Presumably Buyangge had at some time in the past been settled from Lingketeng.27 Floods and landslides caused this site to finally be abandoned as a village in 1983, although people still maintain gardens there. Inhabitants of former Buyangge have settled in Solan and in present-day Buyangge (bringing the village name with them) on the coast.

From these descriptions, it is apparent that the alternating patterns found in the northwest and the southwest are primarily the result of recent migrations (within the past one hundred years or so) of interior, n-dialect speakers—representing the Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on clans—into coastal areas, perhaps supplemented by migrations of l-dialect speakers westward. See the summary presented in map 8.

26Possibly bur-flower trees such as Neolamarckia cadamba (Roxb.) Bosser and/or Neolamarckia macrophylla (Wall.) Bosser. 27As described by Kruyt, the Lingketeng people paid yearly tribute to their lord, bosanyo, in Kintom, while the Baloa' people owed their allegiance to the bosanyo in Tangkian, also on the southern coast. The resulting intercourse led to “a few villages of Loinang which lie above Kintom, Tangkian and Batui” (Kruyt 1930:354) (translation ours). Presumably the hamlet of Molontobe in the interior, above and administratively part of Batui town—and still inhabited—is another such location. As reported to us, the people of Molontobe still wear loincloths, hunt game, and eat tubers rather than rice.

23

Map 8. Hypothesized prior distribution of -n (purple) and -l (yellow) dialect areas and subsequent migrations


We present map 8 as an initial, rough and even idealized approximation, which doubtless will need to be modified as more becomes known about the Saluan area. We hope that future researchers will be able to provide a more detailed picture, as well as step further back in time. The following are some questions which remain unanswered at the present time.

(a) To what extent was the coastline from Pagimana westward uninhabited, due to headhunting and raiding for slaves, prior to the establishment of Dutch colonial authority in the area? According to Kruyt, Pagimana, the principal commercial center, was “exclusively inhabited by people from outside” (1930:331), while many Gorontalo people—whom the colonial administration brought in to work coconut plantations—ended up settling in Lobu and Bunta (1930:335–336).

(b) For how long have l-dialect speakers been established in the southwest (Kintom area)? Do they represent a fairly recent (within the past 300 years) migration from the Boalemo area, as suggested by Kruyt (1930:341 ff.) (see also the discussion at the end of §2), or does their presence in this location trace back further than this?

(c) Assuming that the merger of *-n and *-l > n signifies a period of shared history, then the people of southeastern, coastal Luwuk must be related at a deeper level to the Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on people of the interior west. When did this split occur, and was it a migration of interior peoples to the coast, or of coastal peoples to the interior? Is any connection acknowledged in present-day legends or traditions?

4 The evidence from sociolinguistic interviews In this section we provide a summary of information gleaned from informal sociolinguistic interviews. These interviews were conducted at each of the primary research sites listed in §1.2. We present these results geographically in roughly clockwise fashion, beginning in the Bunta area (northwest) and ending in Batui (southwest).

Boalemo

Pagimana

Lingketeng Baloa' Kahumama'on

Luwuk

Kintom

Batui

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4.1 Village-by-village responses

(a) Simpang I (Nuhon District). According to respondents in the village of Simpang I, there are two dialects in Saluan: that which is used in Simpang, and that which is used in Batui. Besides this, they also acknowledge that there are also differences between various Saluan communities, but such differences do not impede mutual understanding.

According to them, the purest and best Saluan is that which is spoken in Simpang. They believe that the Saluan which they use is pure, and has not been tainted by outside influences, whereas the Saluan spoken in coastal villages has been influenced by outsiders.

(b) Pakowa Bunta (Nuhon District). According to respondents in Pakowa Bunta village (Nuhon District), Saluan has four dialects, namely Boalemo, Pagimana, Batui and Simpang. They say that their speech is exactly the same as that spoken in Pagimana and Boalemo. The Saluan which is spoken in Simpang and Asa'an has a slightly different ring or accent, while the Saluan spoken in Batui is very different from their speech and difficult to understand.

According to them, the best Saluan is that which is spoken in Lokait (a hamlet of Simpang I village) and in Asa'an. The people in Pakowa Bunta originally came from Pakowa (a village in Pagimana Subdistrict) some scores of years ago.

(c) Bahingin (Pagimana District). According to respondents in Bahingin village, Gonohop, Matabas and Huhak (Bunta Subdistrict) are villages whose speech is exactly the same as that of Bahingin, while Pakowa (Pagimana Subdistrict) and Kintom were acknowledged to have a somewhat different accent. Those with very different speech were the people of Balantak and Batui. According to them, the best and truest Saluan is that which is used in Bahingin.

(d) Kondongan (Walea Kepulauan District, Tojo-Unauna Regency). According to our two respondents from Kondongan village, whom we encountered in the town of Pagimana on the mainland, there are no dialects in Saluan, although there are differences in accent between Saluan as spoken in the islands and that of the mainland. In Walea Kepulauan District, the Saluan speech in Kondongan, Katogop, Tingki, Pongidan, Pasokan, Salinggoha', and Tumpang is slightly different from that spoken in Dolong, Malapo, Biga, Tomudon, Loe, and Kalia'.

(e) Huhak (Pagimana District). According to respondents in Huhak village, there are principally two dialects of Saluan, namely Batui and Pagimana. Apart from the major difference with Batui, they acknowledge that there are other, minor differences within Saluan, but people can still understand each other because they amount only to differences in accent. The Saluan spoken in Huhak is exactly the same as that spoken in Pagimana.

According to them, the most original and best Saluan is that which is spoken in Baloa', a village towards the interior of Pagimana Subdistrict.

(f) Sampaka (Boalemo District). According to respondents in Sampaka village, there are no dialects within the Saluan language, only differences in accent such as between Pagimana, Bunta and Batui. According to them, the speech of Sampaka is exactly the same as that which is used in Tikupon, Siuna, Mayayap, Toiba, Longkoga, and Binsil (all neighboring villages in Boalemo Subdistrict).

According to them, the best and purest Saluan is that which is used in Kintom, as well as that which is used in Boalemo. Their ancestors originated from Tompotika Mountain, from whence also originated all the Saluan, Balantak, and Banggai peoples.

(g) Bantayan (Luwuk Timur District). According to respondents in Bantayan village, there are no dialectal differences in Saluan, although there are differences in accent such as between Bunta, Pagimana, and Lumpoknyo. According to them, their speech is exactly the same as that spoken in Biak and Kilongan, two villages slightly further to the west.

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According to them, the best Saluan is that which is used in Sampaka, and also in Pakowa in the Pagimana District. People in Bantayan village likewise trace their origin back to Tompotika Mountain.

(h) Lumpoknyo (Luwuk District). According to respondents in Lumpoknyo, Saluan has three dialects: that of Asa'an village (in the Pagimana District), Kintom, and Batui, but acknowledge people in Lumpoknyo can understand the Saluan speech of anywhere else.

According to them, the best Saluan is spoken in Asa'an, whereas they admit that their own speech has been greatly influenced by outsiders. Formerly the village of Lumpoknyo was located on Keles Mountain (behind the city of Luwuk), before they moved and established a new village on the outskirts of Luwuk.

(i) Kintom (Kintom District). In the opinion of our respondents in Kintom, there are no major dialects in Saluan, only differences in accent (articulation), for example the accent of Saluan people in Bunta is different from that of Kintom and Pagimana. However, they acknowledge that the speech in Batui (which they call the Batui language) is difficult to understand owing to divergences in word meanings and other differences, which can result in misunderstandings.

According to them, the best Saluan is spoken in Kintom, Pagimana and also Boalemo. The Saluan people, including those of Kintom, originate from the area of Tompotika Mountain in the Boalemo area, from where they spread out to different areas over the course of hundreds of years.

(j) Honbola (Batui District). Honbola is a Saluan-speaking village located within the political district of Batui. They recognized the speech varieties of Batui to their west and Kintom to their east as being different to the point where they are difficult to undesrstand. They also acknowledged certain unique features of their own variety (for example, in Honbola they say matta for ‘eye’, in other places they say mata).

According to them, the best and most pure Saluan is that which is used in Simpang village.

(k) Tolando (Batui District). According to our respondents in Tolando village, the language spoken in Batui and Tolando is not Saluan, rather it is its own language, which they called the Batui language. There are no dialects within Batui. In addition to Tolando and Batui, this language is also spoken in the villages of Sisipan and Balantang.

4.2 Summary

Despite the sometimes free-ranging responses, and different folk conceptions concerning what constitutes an ‘accent’ (Indonesian: klentong, logat) versus what constitutes a ‘dialect’ (Indonesian dialek), nonetheless the following patterns emerge from the responses.

(a) The essential unity of the Saluan area, apart from Batui. We found no basis in sociolinguistic interviews for maintaining a distinction between coastal and Kahumama’on varieties of Saluan. People acknowledged that, despite some differences in ‘accent,’ the Saluan dialects were all mutually intelligible. The only exception was Batui, which, with a fair degree of consistency, was singled out as being different. Despite this, most Saluan speakers were willing to accord Batui a place within Saluan. However, our respondents in the Batui area itself felt strongly that their language was not Saluan.

(b) Differences in what constitutes the ‘best’ Saluan. We had hoped to get at people’s notions of a central dialect by asking one or both of the questions: If officials had to choose the speech of one community for radio broadcasts for the entire Saluan area, which village would be the best choice? / If someone wanted to learn the best Saluan, so that he or she didn’t speak with an accent, where should they live? Nonetheless, these questioned elicited two different kinds of responses. On the one hand, people thought of areas where the language had the least amount of outside

26

influences. In this case, the villages of Simpang and Asa'an were most frequently singled out. In their thinking, ‘best’ was equated with ‘most pure.’ Apart from this, people generally felt that their own variety of Saluan would suffice, though there was a slight tendency to single out the speech of Kintom, Pakowa (in Pagimana District) and the Boalemo area.

5 Conclusions

Based on a consideration of all the factors discussed above, we find no basis for distinguishing a Coastal Saluan language from a Kahumama'on Saluan language. Rather, we consider these to compose a single language, with three principal dialect areas: Loinang, Luwuk, and Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo (here we use Loinang in a narrow sense as discussed in §1.3.2). As illustrated in figure 5, Luwuk groups closely with Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo in terms of word stock (lexicostatistics) (§2), but groups with Loinang in terms of the merger of final *-l and *-n as n (§3.2). word stock Loinang Luwuk Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo *-l, *-n > n

Figure 5. Relationship between the three principal Saluan dialects.

In these terms, Luwuk can be regarded as the ‘central’ dialect. However, owing to its status as the dialect of the former ruling class, Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo can be regarded as the ‘prestige’ dialect, while Loinang, particularly as expressed in Simpang and Asa'an villages, can be regarded as the most ‘pure’ dialect (least mixed with outside influences).

Loinang itself encompasses some amount of dialectal diversity, and can further be divided into the Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on subdialects. These groupings also correspond to ethnographic divisions.

Despite being geographically discontinuous, the Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo dialect is fairly homogeneous. Apart from the pair Pakowa Bunta-Huhak, which scored 87 percent lexically similar, all four wordlists representing this group relate to each other at or above 90 percent lexically similar (see table 2). As the reader may have guessed reading between the lines, we hesitate to elevate any of the terms ‘Kintom’, ‘Pagimana’, or ‘Boalemo’ as a (single) name for this dialect, since we could find no basis for treating one area as more prominent than the others. Perhaps in the future, and in good Indonesian fashion, a blend based on first syllables such as ‘Kipabo’ will come to be used as an appropriate cover term.

Finally, Batui cannot be considered a dialect of Pamona (as it was previously classified), but clearly shares a close genetic affiliation with Saluan. This is demonstrated not only by the relatively high degree of lexical similarity between Batui and Saluan (§2), but also by shared historical sound changes (§3). The only question is whether—at 74 percent (on average) lexically similar—Batui should be considered a dialect of Saluan, or a sister language to it. In this study, we conclude that Batui should be considered a distinct language, for the following reasons:

(a) Lexicostatistically, Batui scores uniformly low against all Saluan wordlists. It thus stands apart from the dialect chaining which characterizes other Saluan lects (§2).

(b) From the perspective of historical sound change, Batui does not participate in the merger of final *l and *n, which might have suggested inclusion within Saluan (§3.2). Rather, in Batui final long vowels have undergone unique developments (partially merging with regular vowels), which are not mirrored in any Saluan dialect (§3.1).

27

(c) In Batui, people reacted strongly when we asked if their speech variety should be considered a dialect of Saluan. “Batui adalah bahasa daerah tersendiri!”—Batui is a local language in and of itself! We never encountered a reaction like this anywhere else in the Saluan area. On the other side, Saluan respondents in places such as Honbola, Kintom, Bahingin, and Pakowa acknowledged that Batui was difficult to understand (§4.1).

Nonetheless during the course of this survey we did not conduct any tests to measure degree of inherent intelligibility between Batui and Saluan. Therefore our classification of Batui as a separate language—although made on the best available evidence—must be considered provisional.

With the collapse of Coastal Saluan and Kahumamahon Saluan as a single language, and the recognition of Batui as a separate language, the number of recognized Saluan-Banggai languages remains at six. Map 9 presents the locations of these six languages.

Map 9. The Saluan-Banggai languages of eastern Sulawesi, Indonesia


The snapshot in map 9 is admittedly coarse grained, and does not reflect the significant number of outsiders who have settled in the Saluan-Banggai area. These people include not only Gorontalo, Bugis, Pamona, and other people from elsewhere on the island of Sulawesi, but also transmigrants from Java and Bali who have arrived more recently on the shores of eastern Sulawesi. Doubtless these admixtures, as well as the recent intermingling of formerly interior and coastal Saluan dialects, will have a lasting impact on the continuing development and even vitality of the Saluan language. Although these are significant matters, because of the short time we spent in the field, these concerns unfortunately lie beyond the scope of the present survey.

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Appendix A: Lexical similarity matrices (Swadesh 100)

The following tables correspond to tables 1 and 2 in the main text. The only difference is that the lexical similarity scores presented in tables 1 and 2 were calculated by comparing two hundred items (items corresponding to the Swadesh 200 list), while the scores presented here were calculated by comparing only a subset of those items, namely the items corresponding to the Swadesh 100 list. As is consistent with other studies (see for example Martens 1989a:25), lexical similarity scores based on comparing one hundred items generally range higher than when two hundred items are compared.

Table A1. Matrix of Saluan-Banggai lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 100)

Table A2. Matrix of Saluan and Batui lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 100)

Simpang

93 Honbola

94 96 Bahingin

94 94 98 Pakowa Bunta

94 95 97 98 Sampaka

93 92 97 97 98 Kintom

89 91 93 94 96 95 Huhak

85 89 88 88 93 90 91 Lumpoknyo

86 89 88 89 92 91 98 88 Bantayan

75 81 78 81 80 80 80 81 82 Batui

Bobongko

60 Batui

60 80 Saluan

55 58 60 Andio

47 46 50 66 Balantak

38 35 37 33 40 Banggai

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Appendix B: Wordlists

B.1 Transcription and presentation of wordlist responses

Of the twelve wordlists which are presented below, six we collected ourselves, and six we obtained from others: four from the hand of Robert Busenitz, a fifth from Robert Brown, and a sixth from Kristina Tarp. In addition we have sometimes supplemented their lists, either by eliciting additional items (which appear below, items 489 to the end), or by reeliciting selected words in order to verify or amend their transcriptions.

Because of our different sources, presenting the results ‘as received’ would have forced the reader into the awkward position of having to determine whether a particular response had been transcribed orthographically, phonetically, or somewhere in between—and potentially drawing incorrect conclusions. In order to avoid confusion, we have made certain changes from the originals in order to present the data in a consistent fashion.

The voiced velar nasal is represented consistently as ŋ and not as ng. The voiced palatal nasal is represented consistently as ɲ and not as ny. The voiced palatal fricative is represented consistently as ʤ and not as j. The voiceless palatal fricative (in recent loanwords only) is consistently represented as ʧ and

not as c. Glottal stop is represented consistently as ʔ and not as apostrophe. Superscripted u, superscripted w and non-superscripted w in the originals have all been consistently

represented as non-superscripted w. In some cases the w may be phonemic, but in other cases it may represent a non-phonemic transition glide only.

Likewise, superscripted j, superscripted y, superscripted i and non-superscripted j and y have all been consistently represented as non-superscripted y. In this regard, we have departed from standard IPA usage (which would require j), in order to avoid potential confusion with Indonesian j (which is orthographic for a voiced palatal fricative). As with w, in some cases the y may be phonemic, but in other cases it may represent a non-phonemic transition glide only.

Because of our diverse sources, the following must necessarily remain areas of (minor) inconsistency. Most of these inconsistencies result from our hesitation to supply information which was not included in the original—that is, we have endeavored to report others’ transcriptions as nearly as they were reported to us.

(a) Stress. Stress (sometimes including secondary stress) is indicated in all cases where we have elicited a response, including cases where we reelicited words which originally appeared on someone else’s wordlist. (Tarp’s wordlist we checked ourselves by listening to her recorded data.) In general, stress is non-phonemic, occurring on the penultimate syllable (but see the discussion below concerning long vowels, where indication of stress is significant).

(b) Initial glottal stop. In words which we recorded, we have indicated the phonetic, non-contrastive glottal stop which appears at the beginnings of words. However, it is not indicated in the wordlists which we obtained from others, and we have not made an attempt to supply a glottal stop to the transcription. Responses such as the following for 084 ‘sibling’ should be regarded as equivalent:

Kintom utus Huhak ˈʔutus Lumpoknyo utus Bantayan ˈʔutus

(c) Nasalization. Nasalized vowels are marked in the wordlist responses which we recorded, even though all indications are that vowel nasalization is non-phonemic. Vowel nasalization was not indicated in the wordlists provided to us by others, and we have not attempted to add any indication of it.

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(d) Long vowels and double vowels. According to our analysis, Saluan contrasts the following in word final position: regular vowels, long vowels, and geminate vowels (two vowels of the same quality, without any intervening consonant). Long vowels are distinctive in that they do not attract stress, which falls on the preceding (viz. penultimate) syllable; and they cannot be followed by a consonant. In our transcriptions, these are distinguished through the use of the IPA length symbol and stress placement. Compare:

regular vowel: ˈsiku ‘elbow’ long vowel: ˈʔikuː ‘tail’ geminate vowels: tuˈmuːʔ ‘live, grow’

In wordlists obtained from others, geminate vowels are consistently represented as ii, ee, aa, oo, and uu, which we have maintained, thus our tuˈmuːʔ and others’ tumuuʔ should be regarded as equivalent. Long vowels in our outside sources are represented inconsistently, and in fact often there is no indication that the vowel is long, and the reader should keep this point in mind when interpreting wordlist responses. For example, the following responses for item 304 ‘smooth’ may in fact involve only an apparent duplicity.

location transcription actual form? Simpang malondo Bahingin malondoo [ maˈlondoː ] Huhak maˈlondoː

In a number of cases (but as with the response for ‘smooth,’ not quite all cases), we reelicited items with (potentially) long vowels in order to confirm length to our own ears. In this case we present the items in our own transcription.

In some cases Robert Busenitz used a notation such as iku(u) ‘tail.’ Since this always corresponded to a long vowel in our transcriptions, we have not hesitated to convert such instances to our notation.

In a narrow phonetic transcription, one could probably even further distinguish half long vowels from long vowels, but we have not taken that approach. Length is represented everywhere by triangular colon ( ː ), while the triangular half colon ( ˑ ) is not used.

(e) Lengthened consonants. Lengthening of root-medial consonants was peculiar to the wordlist which we collected in Honbola (representing the Baloa' subdialect), and appears to be non-phonemic. Lengthened root-medial consonants are represented consistently, at least insofar as we heard them, e.g. ˈmatːa ‘eye.’ If they occur in other dialect areas, we have no knowledge of it.

In addition, the genitive linker nu can result in a preceding stop becoming lengthened, compare Bantayan ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ ‘tree bark’ (from kilit ‘skin’ + nu + kauʔ ‘tree’). A transcription such as kilittu kauʔ should be regarded as equivalent. Some people maintain the n of nu in careful speech, which by the way is also the preference in writing: kilit nu kau.

(f) Unreleased consonants. While not marked in our notation, final /p/, /t/ and /k/ in Saluan are invariably unreleased.

(g) Hyphen. In some cases, Robert Busenitz employed a hyphen in his transcriptions to indicate a morpheme boundary (including following two-syllable reduplication). Hyphen is also used in the Simpang wordlist when two syllables have been reduplicated. We have carried over hyphens in places where they were used in our sources, but we have not introduced the use of hyphen into other wordlists.

(h) Comparing entries. In some cases, but hardly in a consistent manner, we have used ‘(cf. …)’ following a wordlist response in order to direct the reader to another item of potential interest—usually because the two responses share a common root. For example, under item 356 ‘morning,’ the Tolando response reads:

daŋaˈdodop (cf. 361)

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If you turn to entry 361, you will discover there that ˈdodop is the Tolando word for ‘tomorrow.’

(i) Unresolved inconsistencies. Because of the preliminary nature of the data, they should be used with caution. In some cases differences between responses are to be noted, but it is unknown whether these represent true differences between speech communities, or simply mistranscriptions owing to our (or others’) unfamiliarity with hearing Saluan sound patterns, particularly in word-final position. Inconsistencies which should be regarded as suspect (one or the other was possibly mistranscribed) include cases where: one response was transcribed with final glottal stop, another with -k (or rarely -t); one response transcribed with final -n, another with final -ŋ; one response transcribed with final glottal stop, another as vowel final; one response transcribed with long vowel or double vowel, another with regular vowel; and, finally, differences in stress placement.

B.2 Multiple responses

As often happens, sometimes a single wordlist item elicited multiple responses. Where multiple responses were recorded, this is indicated by separating the responses using a vertical line ( | ). In some cases, a succinct indication of how the terms differ is included parenthetically following one or more of the responses, but we have not been able to provide disambiguation of close synonyms in all cases. We have never deleted any response, even when it is known that a word was an inappropriate response for that wordlist item. For example, for item 430 ‘to hunt,’ the Simpang responses are given as:

mombebas | mogala (set traps)

even though it is clear that only the former, not the latter, matches the meaning ‘to hunt.’ We have retained all responses because we recognize that solid data on the Saluan and Batui languages is still relatively hard to come by. Consequently, we have desired to supply as full a record of these languages as possible.

In the case of multiple responses, and we have not been able to disambiguate them, there is no significance regarding which term is listed first and which terms are listed second or later.

When two responses were given which involve the same root, but differed in regard to affixation, then this is indicated by tilde ( ~ ) or occasionally by including the optional portion of the word in parentheses. For example:

moˈdieʔ ~ ˈdieʔ s(um)uhaŋ (equivalent to: suhaŋ ~ sumuhaŋ)

When the completive marker -mo (allomorph -o) or the third person singular possessive pronoun -ɲo was included as part of a response, we have retained these morphemes in our transcriptions.

B.3 Wordlist metadata

We have assigned a three-letter code for each of the twelve wordlists. See map 2 in the main text for geographic locations. Here follows other particulars about each list. The column I/O indicates whether data were collected inside or outside of the village which it purports to represent.

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Code Village District28 Language Dialect (Subdialect)

SIM Simpang I Bunta Saluan Loinang (Kahumama'on) HON Honbola Batui Saluan Loinang (Baloa') BAH Bahingin Pagimana Saluan Loinang (Lingketeng) PKB Pakowa Bunta Nuhon Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo KND Kondongan Walea Kepulauan Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo SAM Sampaka' Boalemo Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo KIN Kintom Kintom Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo HHK Huhak Pagimana Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo LMP Lumpoknyo Luwuk Saluan Luwuk BTY Bantayan Luwuk Timur Saluan Luwuk LLB Leme-leme Bungin Buko Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo TLD Tolando Batui Batui

Code Date I/O Linguist Respondent(s) (male/female, age)

SIM 10-10-2001 In R. Brown L. (m ~30–35) HON 26-07-2008 In D. Mead D.D. (m 60), B.L. (m 47),

M.K. (m 50) BAH 27-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — PKB 23-07-2008 In D. Mead B.P. (m 83), A. (m 50) KND 23-07-2008 Out D. Mead Y. (m 35), N. (m 50) SAM 29-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — KIN 26-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — HHK 21-07-2008 In D. Mead I. (m 30), R. (m 31),

K. (m 75), A. (m 40) LMP 25-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — BTY 25-07-2008 In D. Mead D. (m 42), T.M. (m 35),

H.K. (m 37) LLB 26-07-2008 In K. Tarp — TLD 26-07-2006 In D. Mead D. (m 76), R.H. (m 57)

H.H. (m 58), N. (f 35)

Wordlist responses

Through item 488, responses follow the numbering scheme for the Sulawesi Umbrella Wordlist. Items 489 through the end are additional items, not all of which were elicited in every location.

28All districts are located in the Banggai Regency, except for the districts of Walea Kepulauan (located in the Tojo-Unauna Regency) and Buko (located in the Banggai Kepulauan Regency).

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body 001 badan, tubuh

SIM ˈbutoŋ HON ˈbutoŋ BAH ˈbutoŋ PKB ˈbutoŋ KND ˈbutoŋ SAM ˈbutoŋ KIN ˈbutoŋ HHK ˈbutoŋ LMP butoŋ BTY ˈbutoŋ LLB — TLD ˈbutoŋ

head 002 kepala

SIM ˈʔubak HON ˈʔubak BAH ˈʔubak PKB ˈʔubak KND ˈʔubak SAM ˈʔubak KIN ˈʔubak HHK ˈʔubak LMP ˈʔubak BTY ˈʔubak LLB ˈʔubak TLD ˈʔubak

skull 003 tengkorak (cf. 051, 156)

SIM poˈpokeʔ HON poˈpokeʔ BAH popolokeʔ PKB poˈpokeʔ KND — SAM buku nu ubak KIN baŋaa nu ubak HHK ˈbaŋaː nu ˈʔubak LMP buku nu ubak BTY ˈbaŋaː nu ˈʔubak LLB — TLD ˈtoboŋ nu ˈʔubak

brain 004 otak

SIM ˈʔutok HON ˈʔutːok BAH ˈʔutok PKB ˈʔutok KND ˈʔotak (<Malay) SAM ˈʔutok KIN ˈʔutok HHK ˈʔutok LMP ˈʔutok BTY ˈʔutok LLB — TLD ˈʔutok

hair (head, not body) 005 rambut (cf. 002)

SIM ˈʔubak HON ˈʔubak LMP ˈʔubak PKB ˈʔubak KND ˈbulunu ˈʔubak SAM ˈʔubak KIN ˈʔubak HHK ˈʔubak BAH ˈʔubak BTY ˈʔubak LLB ˈʔubak TLD ˈhuduʔ nu ˈʔubak

face 006 muka, wajah

SIM ˈʔohup HON ˈʔohup BAH ˈʔohup PKB ˈʔoʔup KND ˈʔohup SAM ˈʔohup KIN ˈʔohup HHK ˈʔohup LMP ˈʔohup BTY ˈʔohup LLB — TLD ˈʔohup

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forehead 007 dahi

SIM siˈakan HON siˈakan BAH siˈakan PKB siˈakan KND siˈakan SAM siˈakan KIN siˈakan HHK siˈakan LMP siˈakan BTY siˈakan LLB — TLD ˈsundaʔ

eye 008 mata

SIM ˈmata HON ˈmatːa BAH ˈmata PKB ˈmata KND ˈmata SAM ˈmata KIN ˈmata HHK ˈmata LMP ˈmata BTY ˈmata LLB ˈmata TLD ˈmata

pupil of the eye 009 biji mata, manik mata

SIM santuuʔ u mata HON maˈʔimaʔ ˈmatːa BAH santuuʔ PKB mianˈmiannu ˈmata (cf. 069) KND — SAM anak nu mata KIN loluŋ nu mata (cf. 215) HHK ˈbatu nu ˈmata (= eyeball?) LMP anak nu mata BTY ˈanakːu ˈmata LLB — TLD —

eyebrow 010 kening, alis mata

SIM baŋˈkulaŋ HON baŋˈkulaŋ BAH baŋˈkulaŋ PKB baŋˈkulaŋ KND baŋˈkulaŋ SAM baŋˈkulaŋ KIN baŋˈkulaŋ HHK beŋˈkulaŋ LMP beŋˈkulaŋ BTY biŋˈkulaŋ LLB — TLD banˈkulaŋ

eyelashes 011 bulu mata

SIM kuˈkulap HON ˌbulunuˈmatːa BAH bulu nu mata PKB kiˈkilap KND kiˈkilap SAM bulu nu mata KIN bulu nu mata HHK kiˈkilap LMP bulu nu mata BTY kiˈkilap LLB — TLD ˌbulunuˈmata

tear (from crying) 012 air mata

SIM ˈloluʔ HON ˈloluʔ BAH ˈloluʔ PKB ˈloːluʔ KND ˈloluʔ SAM ˈloluʔ KIN ˈloluʔ HHK ˈloluʔ LMP ˈloluʔ BTY ˈloːluʔ LLB — TLD ˈloluʔ

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temple 013 pelipis

SIM — HON siˈakan BAH kahaˈbisan PKB koˌŋiaˈŋiaʔ KND — SAM koŋiaŋiaʔ KIN — HHK gaˈgisiŋ | ˈhabis (sideburns) LMP kaniˈpisan BTY ˈhabis LLB — TLD kamˈpisiŋ (cf. 015)

nose 014 hidung

SIM ˈsuːŋ HON ˈsuːŋ BAH ˈsuːŋ PKB ˈsuːŋ KND ˈsuːŋ SAM ˈsuːŋ KIN ˈsuːŋ HHK ˈsuːŋ LMP ˈsuːŋ BTY ˈsuːŋ LLB ˈsuːŋ TLD ˈsuːŋ

cheek 015 pipi

SIM gaˈgisiŋ HON gaˈgisiŋ BAH gaˈgisiŋ PKB gaˈgisiŋ KND gaˈgisiŋ SAM gaˈgisiŋ KIN gaˈgisiŋ HHK gaˈgisiŋ LMP gaˈgisiŋ BTY gaˈgisiŋ LLB — TLD kamˈpisiŋ (temple + cheek area)

cheekbone 016 tulang pipi, pasu-pasu (cf. 013, 051)

SIM gagisiŋ HON gaˈgisiŋ BAH paŋihiŋ PKB ˌbukunu gaˈgisiŋ KND — SAM buku nu gagisiŋ KIN — HHK ˌbukunu gaˈgisiŋ LMP buku nu kanipisan BTY gamˈpisiŋ LLB — TLD buˈkuɲo kamˈpisiŋ

mouth 017 mulut

SIM ŋaŋaʔ HON ˈŋaŋaʔ BAH ŋaŋaʔ PKB ˈŋaŋaʔ KND ˈŋaŋaʔ SAM ŋaŋaʔ KIN ŋaŋaʔ HHK ˈŋaŋaʔ | ˈguʔos (gums) LMP ŋaŋaʔ BTY ˈŋaŋaʔ LLB ˈŋaŋaʔ TLD ˈŋaŋaʔ

lip 018 bibir

SIM ˈbiwiː HON ˈbiwiː BAH ˈbiwiː PKB ˈbiwiː KND ˈbiwiː SAM ˈbiwiː KIN ˈbiβiː HHK ˈbiβiː LMP ˈbiwiː BTY ˈbiwiː LLB ˈbiwiː TLD ˈbiwi

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tongue 019 lidah

SIM ˈʤilaʔ HON ˈʤilaʔ BAH ˈʤilaʔ PKB ˈgilaʔ KND ˈʤilaʔ SAM ˈʤilaʔ KIN ˈʤilaʔ HHK ˈʤilaʔ LMP ʤilaʔ BTY ˈʤilaʔ LLB ˈʤilaʔ TLD ˈʤilaʔ

tooth 020 gigi

SIM beseʔ HON ˈbɛseʔ BAH beseʔ PKB ˈbeseʔ KND ˈbeseʔ SAM beseʔ KIN beseʔ HHK ˈbeseʔ LMP beseʔ BTY ˈbeseʔ LLB ˈbeseʔ TLD ˈbeseʔ

chin 021 dagu

SIM aʤe HON ˈʔaʤe BAH aʤe PKB ˈʔaʤe KND ˈʔaʤe SAM aʤe KIN aʤe HHK ˈʔaʤe LMP aʤe BTY ˈʔaʤe LLB — TLD ˈʔaʤe

ear 022 telinga

SIM bihiŋ HON ˈbihiŋ BAH bihiŋ PKB ˈbihiŋ KND ˈbihiŋ SAM bihiŋ KIN bihiŋ HHK ˈbihiŋ LMP bihiŋ BTY ˈbihiŋ LLB ˈbihiŋ TLD ˈbihiŋ

neck 023 leher

SIM bokokoʔ | gogohoŋ (for animal) HON goˈgohoŋ BAH gogohoŋ PKB goˈgohoŋ KND goˈgohoŋ SAM gogohoŋ KIN gogohoŋ HHK goˈgohoŋ LMP gogohoŋ BTY goˈgohoŋ LLB — TLD goˈgohoŋ

throat (esophagus) 024 kerongkongan

SIM oɲopan HON boˈkokoʔ | ʔoˈɲopan (equivalent) BAH oɲopan PKB boˈkokoʔ KND goˈgohoŋ SAM bokokoʔ | bokokoek KIN bokokowek HHK kokoˈɲoek LMP kokoɲoet BTY koˈkoek LLB goˈgohoŋ TLD gaˈleleŋ

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shoulder 025 bahu

SIM oa HON ˈʔoaː BAH bikoaŋ PKB ˈʔoaː KND ˈʔoaː SAM bikoaŋ KIN owaa HHK ʔoˈaː LMP pelua BTY poˈlua LLB ʔoˈaː TLD ˈʔoaː

elbow 026 siku

SIM ˈsiku HON ˈsiku BAH ˈsiku PKB ˈsiku KND ˈsiku SAM ˈsiku KIN ˈsiku HHK ˈsiku LMP siku BTY ˈsiku LLB — TLD ˈsiku

hand, forearm 027 tangan

SIM lima HON ˈlima BAH lima PKB ˈlima KND ˈlima SAM lima KIN lima HHK ˈlima LMP lima BTY ˈlima LLB ˈlima TLD ˈlima

palm of hand 028 tapak tangan

SIM ˈpalaː HON ˈpalaː BAH ˈpalaː PKB ˈpalaː KND ˈpalaːnu ˈlima SAM ˈpalaː KIN ˈpalaː HHK ˈpalaː LMP ˈpalaː BTY ˈpalaː LLB ˈpalaː TLD ˈpalaː

span (eight inches) 029 jengkal

SIM ʤaŋan HON ˈʤaŋan BAH ʤaŋan PKB ˈʤaŋan KND ˈʤaŋan SAM ʤaŋan KIN ʤaŋan HHK ˈʤaŋaŋ LMP ʤaŋan BTY ˈʤaŋan LLB — TLD ˈʤaŋan

finger 030 jari (cf. 027, 150)

SIM buaʔ nu lima HON ˈkaŋkam BAH kaŋkam PKB ˈkaŋkam KND ˌʤariˈʤari nu ˈlima (ʤari < Malay) SAM kaŋkam KIN kaŋkam HHK ˈkaŋkam | ˈbuaʔu ˈlima LMP ˈkaŋkam BTY ˈkaŋkam LLB — TLD ˈbuaʔu ˈlima

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thumb 031 ibu jari

SIM kanumpu HON toˈmundoʔ BAH kanumpu PKB kaˈnumpu KND ibu ʤari (<Malay) SAM kanumpu KIN kanumpu HHK koˈnumpu LMP konumpu BTY kaˈnumpu LLB — TLD ˈtinanu ˈlima

pinky, little finger 032 jari kelingking

SIM kanʤiliŋ HON kanˈʤiliŋ ~ kaˈlinʤiŋ BAH kanʤiiliŋ PKB kanˈʤiliŋ KND kaˈlinʤiŋ | toˈmundoʔ (middle finger) SAM kalinʤiŋ KIN kaliinʤiŋ HHK koˈlinʤiŋ LMP kaliinʤiŋ BTY kaˈlinʤiŋ (kaˈlanʤiŋ for skin infection) LLB — TLD kaˈlinʤiŋ

fingernail 033 kuku jari

SIM konuku HON koˈnuku BAH konuku PKB koˈnuku KND koˈnuku SAM konuku KIN konuku HHK koˈnuku LMP konuku BTY koˈnuku LLB — TLD koˈnuku

back (person) 034 punggung, belakang

SIM toŋaʔ HON ˈtoŋaʔ BAH tundun (probably ‘nape,’ cf. 493) PKB ˈtoŋaʔ KND ˈtoŋaʔ SAM toŋaʔ KIN toŋaʔ HHK ˈtoŋaʔ (entire back) | siˈbataŋ (backbone) LMP toŋaʔ BTY ˈtoŋaʔ LLB ˈtoŋaʔ TLD ˈtoŋaʔ

chest 035 dada

SIM sahaʔan HON saˈhaʔan BAH sahaʔan PKB saˈhaʔan KND saˈhaʔan SAM sahaʔan KIN sahaʔan HHK saˈhaʔan LMP sahaʔan BTY saˈhaʔan LLB — TLD saˈhaʔan

breast 036 susu, buah dada

SIM susu HON ˈsusːu BAH susu PKB ˈsusu KND ˈsusu SAM susu KIN susu HHK ˈsusu LMP susu BTY ˈsusu LLB ˈsusu TLD ˈmeme

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belly 037 perut

SIM kompoŋ HON ˈkompoŋ BAH kompoŋ PKB ˈkompoŋ KND ˈkompoŋ SAM kompoŋ KIN kompoŋ HHK ˈkompoŋ LMP kompoŋ BTY ˈkompoŋ LLB ˈkompoŋ TLD ˈkompoŋ

leg, foot 038 kaki

SIM ˈteŋke HON ˈteŋke BAH ˈteŋke PKB ˈtɛŋke KND ˈteŋke SAM ˈteŋke KIN ˈteŋke HHK ˈteŋke LMP ˈteŋke BTY ˈteŋke LLB ˈteŋke TLD ˈteŋke

thigh 039 paha

SIM paʔa HON ˈpaʔa BAH paʔa PKB ˈpaʔa KND ˈpaʔa SAM paʔa KIN paʔa HHK ˈpaʔa LMP paʔa BTY ˈpaʔa LLB — TLD ˈpaʔa

calf of leg 040 betis

SIM bitis HON ˈbitːis BAH bitis PKB ˈbitis KND ˈbitis SAM bitis KIN bitis HHK ˈbitis LMP ˈbitis BTY ˈbitis LLB — TLD ˈbitis

knee 041 lutut (cf 051)

SIM buku | ike-ikeʔ (kneecap) HON ˈbuku BAH buku PKB ˈbuku KND ˈbuku SAM buku KIN buku | tubaŋon HHK tuˈbaŋon LMP tubaŋon BTY tuˈbaŋon LLB — TLD tuˈbaŋon

popliteal space 042 (pe)lipatan lutut

SIM pekoʔan HON peˈkoʔan BAH pekoʔan PKB peˈkoʔan KND peˈkoʔan SAM pekoʔan KIN pekoʔan HHK peˈkoʔan LMP pekoʔan BTY peˈkoʔan LLB — TLD peˈkoʔan

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ankle 043 pergelangan kaki

SIM bulansiŋ HON loˈsuan BAH ikeʔikeʔ (= knee cap? cf. 041) PKB buˈlansiŋ (ankle bone) KND — SAM bulansiŋ KIN bulansiŋ | bohowoi HHK loˈsikan (ankle) | buˈlansiŋ (ankle bone) LMP bulansiŋ BTY loˈsikan (ankle) | buˈlansiŋ (ankle bone) LLB — TLD loˈsuanːu ˈteŋke

sole of foot 044 tapak kaki

SIM palaː (nu teŋke) HON ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke BAH ˈpalaː PKB ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke KND — SAM ˈpalaː KIN ˈpalaː HHK ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke LMP ˈpalaː BTY ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke LLB — TLD ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke

heel 045 tumit

SIM — HON ˈtunop BAH pantigan PKB panˈtigan KND ˈtunop SAM tunop KIN tunop | pantigan (equivalent) HHK ˈtunop LMP tunop BTY ˈtunop

LLB — TLD panˈtideʔ

toe 046 jari kaki (cf. 030, 038, 150)

SIM buaʔ u teŋke HON ˈkaŋkamnu ˈteŋke BAH kaŋkam PKB ˈkaŋkamːu ˈteŋke KND — SAM kaŋkam KIN buaʔ nu teŋke HHK ˈkaŋkamnu teŋke LMP ˈkaŋkam BTY ˈkaŋkamːu ˈteŋke LLB — TLD ˈbuaʔu ˈteŋke

body hair 047 bulu (badan) (cf. 113)

SIM bulu ue HON ˌbuluˈʔueː BAH bulu PKB ˈbulu KND ˈbulunu ˈbutoŋ (cf. 001) SAM bulu KIN bulu HHK ˈbulu LMP bulu BTY ˈbulu LLB — TLD ˈbulu

skin (person) 048 kulit

SIM ˈkilit HON ˈkilit BAH ˈkilit PKB ˈkilit KND ˈkilit SAM ˈkilit KIN ˈkilit HHK ˈkilit LMP ˈkilit BTY ˈkilit

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LLB ˈkilit TLD ˈkilit

meat, flesh 049 (jaringan) daging

SIM antok HON ˈʔantok BAH antok PKB ˈʔantok KND ˈʔantok SAM antok KIN antok HHK ˈʔantok LMP antok BTY ˈʔantok LLB ˈʔantok TLD ˈʔantok

fat 050 lemak

SIM lompoʔ HON ˈlompoʔ BAH lompok PKB ˈlompoʔ KND — SAM lompoʔ KIN lompoʔ HHK ˈlompoʔ LMP luʔus (= weak?) BTY lompoʔ | kuˈlonduː (between skin and fat) LLB ˈlompoʔ TLD kuˈlamut

bone 051 tulang

SIM buku HON ˈbuku BAH buku PKB ˈbuku KND ˈbuku SAM buku KIN buku HHK ˈbuku LMP buku

BTY ˈbuku LLB ˈbuku TLD ˈbuku

rib 052 tulang rusuk

SIM haas HON ˈhaːs BAH haas PKB ˈhaːs KND ˈbukunu ˈʔusuk SAM buku nu haas KIN haas | usuk HHK ˈhaːs (rib bone) | ˈʔusuk (side, flank) LMP haas BTY ˈhaːs (rib bone) | ˈʔusuk (side, flank) LLB — TLD ˌbukuˈʔusuk

heart 053 jantung

SIM ˈsule HON ˈpusːuʔ BAH ˈsule PKB ˈsule KND ˈʤantuŋ (<Malay) SAM ˈsule KIN ˈsule HHK ˈsule LMP sisilo BTY ˈsule LLB — TLD ˌpusuˈpusuʔ | ˈpusuʔ (banana blossom)

blood 054 darah

SIM ˈbasoʔ | pulut HON ˈbasːoʔ BAH ˈbasoʔ PKB ˈbasoʔ KND ˈbasoʔ SAM ˈbasoʔ KIN ˈbasoʔ HHK ˈbasoʔ LMP basoʔ

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BTY ˈbasoʔ LLB ˈbasoʔ TLD ˈbasoʔ

vein (blood) 055 urat darah

SIM uat HON ˈpoːs BAH uat PKB ˈʔuwatːu ˈbasoʔ KND ˈʔuat SAM uwat KIN uwat HHK ˈʔuat LMP uwat BTY ˈʔuat ~ ˈʔuatːu ˈbasoʔ LLB — TLD ˈʔuwat

liver 056 hati

SIM ate HON ˈʔatːe BAH ate PKB ˈʔate KND ˈhati (<Malay) SAM ate KIN ate HHK ˈʔate LMP ate BTY ˈʔate LLB ˈʔate TLD ˈʔate

gall, bile 057 empedu

SIM pouʔ HON ˈpouʔ BAH pouʔ PKB ˈpouʔ KND ˈpou SAM pouʔ KIN pouʔ HHK ˈpouʔ LMP pouʔ

BTY ˈpouʔ LLB — TLD ˈpouʔ

lungs 058 paru-paru

SIM mahoʔ HON ˈmãhõʔ BAH dampilan PKB ʔambaʔamˈbahaʔ KND ˌparuˈparu (<Malay) SAM atebuhaʔ KIN ambaʔambahaʔ HHK ˌʔambaʔamˈbaha LMP atebuhaʔ BTY ʔamˈbahaʔ LLB — TLD ˈsule (cf. 053)

intestines 059 usus

SIM kompoŋ | bowaʔ HON ˈboːwaʔ (large intestine) BAH kompoŋ ninis PKB ˈuloːnu ˈkompoŋ (cf. 131) KND ˈisinu ˈkompoŋ SAM kompoŋ ninis KIN kompoŋ ninis HHK ˌkompoŋˈninis LMP kompoŋ ninis BTY ˌkompoŋˈninis LLB ˌkompoŋˈninis TLD ˌkompoŋˈninis

buttocks 060 pantat, bokong

SIM lopiʔan HON ˈbolok BAH bolok PKB ˈbolok KND ˈbolok SAM pogiʔ KIN bolok HHK ˈbolok LMP peŋet

43

BTY ˈbolok LLB — TLD ˈbolok

anus 061 dubur, pelepasan

SIM bolok HON ˈtompos BAH boloʔ PKB ˈtompos KND ˈmatanu ˈbolok SAM bolok KIN tompos HHK ˈbolok ˈtedeʔ LMP tompos BTY ˈboloʔu ˈtedeʔ LLB — TLD ˌmataˈbolok

urine 062 air kencing

SIM tatidiʔ HON taˈtːidiʔ BAH taatidiʔ PKB taˈtidiʔ KND ˈʔueːnu taˈtidiʔ SAM tatidiʔ KIN tatidiʔ HHK taˈtidiʔ LMP tatidiʔ BTY taˈtidiʔ LLB — TLD soˈʔue

excrement 063 tahi

SIM tedeʔ HON ˈtedeʔ BAH tedeʔ PKB ˈtedeʔ KND ˈtedeʔ SAM tedeʔ KIN tedeʔ HHK ˈtedeʔ LMP tedeʔ

BTY ˈtedeʔ LLB — TLD ˈtedeʔ

penis 064 kemaluan laki-laki

SIM lasuʔ | ahop (lit. front) | kubaʔ HON ˈlasːuʔ | onˈtoluː (testicles) BAH lasuʔ PKB ˈlasuʔ | buˈlesek | panˈdoliŋ KND ˈlasuʔ SAM — KIN lasuʔ HHK ˈlasuʔ (penis) | onˈtoluː (male genitals) | ˈkubaʔ (pubic region, either sex) LMP — BTY ˈlasuʔ TLD ˈlasuʔ

vagina 065 kemaluan perempuan

SIM — HON ˈpikːi | ˈpahaʔ BAH piki KND ˈpiki SAM — PKB ˈpiki | ˈmeheŋ KIN pikiʔ | pepeʔ HHK ˈpiki (coarse) | ˈkalaʔ (refined) | ˈpeŋet (refined) LMP — BTY ˈpiki TLD ˈpiki

scar 066 bekas luka

SIM pakit HON ˈpakːit BAH pakit PKB ˈpakit KND ˈbakasːu ˈbela (calque from Malay) SAM pakit KIN pakit HHK ˈpakit LMP pakit

44

BTY ˈpakit LLB — TLD ˈpakit

boil 067 bisul

SIM bisun HON ˈbisːun BAH bisun PKB ˈbisul KND ˈbisul SAM bisul KIN bisul HHK ˈbisul LMP bisun BTY ̪ˈbisun LLB — TLD ˈbisul

sweat (n) 068 keringat

SIM lisoŋu HON liˈsoŋu BAH limuyuk PKB liˈasaʔ KND liˈasaʔ SAM liasaʔ KIN liasaʔ | kuyuŋ | limuyuk HHK liˈasaʔ LMP kuyuŋ BTY ˈkuyuŋ LLB — TLD ˈbahaŋ

person 069 orang

SIM mian HON ˈmian BAH mian PKB ˈmian KND ˈmian SAM mian KIN mian HHK ˈmian LMP mian

BTY ˈmian LLB ˈmian TLD ˈmian

man, male 070 laki-laki

SIM moʔane HON moˈʔane BAH moʔane PKB moˈʔane KND moˈʔane SAM moʔane KIN moʔane HHK moˈʔane LMP moʔane BTY moˈʔane LLB moˈʔane TLD moˈʔane

woman, female 071 perempuan

SIM boune HON boˈune BAH boune PKB boˈune KND boˈune SAM boune KIN boune HHK boˈune LMP boune BTY boˈune LLB boˈune TLD boˈine

husband 072 suami

SIM osoaɲo | moʔaneɲo | laŋkaiʔɲo | laŋkadeŋɲo HON laŋˈkaiʔ BAH laŋkaiʔ PKB laŋˈkaiʔ | ʔoˈsoa KND laŋˈkaiʔ SAM laŋkaiʔ KIN osowa HHK laŋˈkaiʔ

45

LMP laŋkaiʔ BTY laŋˈkaiʔ LLB ʔoˈsoa TLD moʔaˈneɲo | ʔoˈsoa (spouse, generic)

wife 073 isteri

SIM osoaɲo | bouneɲo | beŋkeleʔɲo HON beŋˈkeleʔ BAH beŋkeleʔ PKB beŋˈkeleʔ (cannot be called osoa; cf. 072) KND beŋˈkeleʔ SAM beŋkeleʔ KIN biŋkeleʔ HHK biŋˈkeleʔ | beŋˈkeleʔ (old woman) LMP beŋkeleʔ BTY biŋˈkeleʔ ~ beŋˈkeleʔ (equivalent) LLB beŋˈkeleʔ | boˈune TLD biŋkeˈleʔɲo (beŋkeleʔɲo is ‘Saluan’)

father 074 bapak, ayah

SIM tuma (referential) | mamaʔ (vocative) HON ˈtuːma (referential) | ˈmama (vocative) BAH tuuma PKB ˈtuːma KND ˈpapaʔ SAM tuma KIN tuma HHK ˈtuːma LMP tuma BTY ˈtuːma LLB ˈbaːba TLD ˈtuːma

mother 075 ibu

SIM tina (referential) | nene (vocative) HON ˈtina (referential) | ˈneneʰ (vocative) BAH tina PKB ˈtina KND ˈmamaʔ SAM tina KIN tina

HHK ˈtina LMP tina BTY ˈtina LLB ˈtina TLD ˈtina

child 076 anak

SIM anak | hikoʔ HON ˈʔanak BAH anak PKB ˈʔanak | ˈhikoʔ (small child) KND ˈʔanak SAM anak KIN anak HHK ˈʔanak LMP anak BTY ˈʔanak LLB ˈʔanak TLD ˈʔanak

first born child 077 anak sulung

SIM tumpe HON ˈtumpe BAH tumpe PKB ˈtumpe KND ˈʔanak anu ˈdakaʔ SAM anak tumpe KIN anak tumpe HHK ˈanak ˈtumpe LMP anak tumpe BTY ˈanak ˈtumpe LLB — TLD ˈtumpe

last born child 078 anak bungsu

SIM tampaluiʔ HON ˌtampaˈlui BAH tampaluiʔ PKB ˌtampaˈluiʔ KND ˈʔanak anu ˈʔiseʔ SAM tampuluiʔ KIN tampaluiʔ

46

HHK tampaˈluiʔ LMP tampaluiʔ BTY tampaˈluiʔ LLB — TLD tampaˈluiʔ

grandchild 079 cucu

SIM anu moŋkaiʔ, anu mompopuʔ (lit. one who makes someone a grandparent) HON ʔanumoŋˈkaiʔ (♂) | ʔanumoŋˈkeleʔ (♀) BAH makumpu PKB maˈkumpu KND maˈkumpu SAM makumpu KIN tumpu | makumpu HHK maˈkumpu LMP tumpu BTY maˈkumpu TLD tumpu

grandmother 080 nenek perempuan

SIM popuʔ HON ˈkeleʔ BAH keleʔ PKB ˈkeleʔ KND ˈneneʔ boˈune (calque from Malay) SAM keleʔ KIN keleʔ HHK ˈneneʔ (<Malay) LMP keleʔ BTY ˈkeleʔ LLB — TLD ˈkeleʔ

grandfather 081 nenek laki-laki, kakek

SIM kaiʔ HON ˈkaiʔ BAH kaiʔ PKB ˈkaiʔ KND ˈneneʔ moˈʔane (calque from Malay) SAM kaiʔ KIN kaiʔ

HHK ˈkaiʔ LMP kaiʔ BTY ˈkaiʔ LLB — TLD ˈkaiʔ

ancestor 082 nenek moyang

SIM anu mompoleeʔ HON ʔanu nompoˈleːʔ BAH lokon | ampueʔ PKB ˌʔanumpoˈleːʔ (lit. one having descendants) KND — SAM anompoleeʔ KIN anumpoleeʔ HHK ʔanompoˈleːʔ LMP anompoleeʔ BTY ˌʔanumpoˈleːʔ LLB — TLD ˌʔanumpuˈleːʔ

offspring 083 keturunan

SIM leeʔ ~ leeʔɲo HON ˈleːʔ BAH leeʔ PKB ˈleːʔ KND turunan (<Malay) SAM leeʔ KIN leeʔ HHK ˈleːʔ LMP leeʔ BTY tuˈlunan (<Malay) LLB — TLD ˈleːʔ ~ leːʔɲo

sibling 084 saudara

SIM ˈʔutus HON ˈʔutːus BAH ˈʔutus PKB ˈʔutus KND ˈʔutus SAM ˈʔutus

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KIN ˈʔutus HHK ˈʔutus LMP utus BTY ˈʔutus LLB — TLD ˈʔutus

older brother 085 kakak laki-laki (cf. 256, 270)

SIM — HON ˈʔutːus ˈtuʔa (older sibling) BAH utus tuʔa moʔane PKB utus tuʔa moʔane KND — SAM utus tuʔa moʔane KIN utus tuʔaɲo moʔane HHK utus tuʔa moˈʔane LMP ʔutus dakaʔɲo moʔane BTY ʔutusdaˈkaʔɲo (older sibling) LLB — TLD (addressed with kita)

older sister 086 kakak perempuan (cf. 256, 270)

SIM — HON — BAH utus tuʔa boune PKB utus tuʔa boune KND — SAM utus tuʔa boune KIN — HHK utus tuʔa boˈune LMP ʔutus daˈkaʔɲo boune BTY — LLB — TLD —

younger brother 087 adik laki-laki (cf. 257)

SIM — HON ˌʔutːus ˈʔiseʔ (younger sibling) BAH utus iseʔ moʔane PKB ˈutus ˈʔiseʔ moˈʔane KND — SAM utus iseʔ moʔane

KIN — HHK ˈutus ˈdieʔ moˈʔane LMP ʔutus moʔane diedieʔ BTY ̪ˈʔutusdiˈeʔɲo (younger sibling) LLB — TLD (addressed with oko)

younger sister 088 adik perempuan (cf. 257)

SIM — HON — BAH utus iseʔ boune PKB utus ʔiseʔ boune KND — SAM utus iseʔ boune KIN — HHK utus dieʔ boˈune LMP ʔutus boune diedieʔ BTY — LLB — TLD —

mother’s brother 089 saudara laki-laki dari ibu

SIM baboʔ HON baːboʔ BAH baaboʔ PKB ˈbaːboʔ KND ˈbaboʔ SAM baaboʔ KIN baaboʔ HHK baːboʔ LMP baaboʔ BTY ˈbaːboʔ LLB ˈbaːboʔ TLD pontuˈmaʔon

father’s brother 090 saudara laki-laki dari ayah

SIM baboʔ HON — BAH baaboʔ PKB ˈbaːboʔ KND — SAM baaboʔ

48

KIN baaboʔ HHK baːboʔ LMP baaboʔ BTY ˈbaːboʔ LLB ˈbaːboʔ TLD pontuˈmaʔon

mother’s sister 091 saudara perempuan dari ibu

SIM kakaʔ HON ˈkaːkaʔ BAH dadaʔ PKB ˈkaːkaʔ KND ˈkeleʔ (= grandmother? cf. 080) SAM kakaʔ KIN kaakaʔ HHK ˈkaːkaʔ (first vowel must be long, can’t say ˈkakaʔ) LMP taataʔ BTY ˈkaːkaʔ LLB ˈtaːtaʔ TLD pontiˈnaʔon

father’s sister 092 saudara perempuan dari ayah

SIM kakaʔ HON — BAH dadaʔ PKB ˈkaːkaʔ KND — SAM kakaʔ KIN kaakaʔ HHK ˈkaːkaʔ LMP taataʔ BTY ˈkaːkaʔ LLB ˈtaːtaʔ TLD pontiˈnaʔon

slave 093 hamba, budak

SIM mantoloos | anu lewaʔ opoka-pokau (li. the one who is ordered around) HON ˌʔanuʤoˈʤoːŋ (cf. 472) BAH botuan PKB boˈtuan

KND — SAM botuwan KIN botuwan HHK boˈtuan LMP botuwan BTY boˈtuan TLD boˈtuwan

widow 094 janda

SIM balu HON ˈbalu BAH balu PKB timˈbalaʔ (male or female) KND — SAM timbalaʔ KIN baluʔ HHK ˈʤanda LMP ʤanda BTY ˈʤanda LLB — TLD ˈʤanda | mamaˈʤanda (vocative)

guest 095 tamu

SIM anu nolibaʔ (lit. the one who has come into the house) (cf. 427) HON mianˈtokːa | baˈhou (interlocutor) BAH toʔutus-utus PKB anu tuˈmoka | mianˈtoka | ˈtamu KND — SAM saweʔ KIN saweʔ HHK ˈtamu LMP dagaŋ BTY ˈtamu LLB — TLD ˈsaweʔ

companion 096 kawan, teman

SIM saˈŋaluː HON saŋˈgaluː BAH saˈŋaluː PKB saˈŋaluː

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KND saˈŋaluː SAM saˈŋaluː KIN saˈŋaluː HHK saˈŋaluː LMP saˈŋaluː BTY saˈŋaluː LLB — TLD ˈbeːle (beːˈleɲo)

I 097 aku, saya

SIM aku HON ˈʔakːu | ˈbutoŋ (cf. 001) BAH aku | butoŋku (cf. 001) PKB ˈʔaku | beˈleːŋku (myself) KND ˈʔaku SAM aku KIN aku HHK ˈʔaku LMP beleŋku BTY ʔaku LLB ˈʔaku TLD ʔiˈauʔ

you (fam.) 098 engkau, kamu

SIM ako | komiu HON ˈʔokːo (coarse) | ˈkitːa (to someone who is older) BAH oko PKB ˈʔoko | beˈleːnto (polite) | beˈleːum KND ˈʔoko SAM oko KIN oko HHK ˈʔoko | beˈleːum LMP beleeyum BTY ʔoko (coarse) | beleːum (polite) LLB ˈʔoko TLD ˈʔoko | kita (polite)

he, she 099 dia, ia

SIM ia HON ˈʔia BAH ia

PKB ˈʔia | beˈleːɲo KND ˈʔia SAM ia KIN ia HHK ˈʔia LMP ia BTY beˈleːɲo LLB ˈʔia TLD ˈʔia

we (excl.) 100 kami

SIM kami HON ˈkami BAH kami PKB ˈkami | ˌbeleːˈmami KND ˈkami SAM kami KIN kami HHK ˈkami LMP kami BTY ˈkami LLB ˈkami TLD ˈkami

we (incl.) 101 kita

SIM kita HON ˈkitːa BAH kita PKB ˈkita KND ˈkita SAM kita KIN kita HHK ˈkita LMP kita BTY ˈkita LLB — TLD ˈkita | ʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot (cf. 295)

you (plural) 102 kalian

SIM komu HON koˈmiu BAH komiu

50

PKB koˈmiu KND koˈmiu SAM komiu KIN komiu HHK koˈmiu | beleˈmiu (two or three) LMP komiyu BTY koˈmiu LLB koˈmiu TLD koˈmiu

they 103 mereka

SIM aha HON ˈʔaha BAH aha PKB ˈʔaha KND ˈʔaha SAM aha KIN aha HHK ˈʔaha LMP aha BTY ˈʔaha LLB ˈʔaha TLD ˈʔaha

water buffalo 104 kerbau

SIM beŋga HON kahamˈbauʔ BAH kahambauʔ PKB kahamˈbauʔ | ˈbeŋga KND ˌkahamˈbau SAM kahambauʔ KIN kahambauʔ HHK kahamˈbauʔ LMP kahambauʔ BTY kahamˈbauʔ LLB — TLD kahamˈbauʔ

anoa depressicornis 105 anoa

SIM onuaŋ HON ʔoˈnuaŋ BAH onuaŋ

PKB ʔoˈnuaŋ KND ʔaˈnuaŋ SAM onuaŋ KIN onuaŋ HHK ʔoˈnuaŋ LMP onuaŋ BTY ʔoˈnuaŋ LLB — TLD ʔoˈnuaŋ

horn 106 tanduk

SIM tanduk HON ˈtanduk BAH tanduk PKB ˈtanduk KND ˈtanduk SAM tanduk KIN tanduk HHK ˈtanduk LMP tanduk BTY ˈtanduk LLB — TLD ˈtanduk

tail 107 ekor

SIM ˈʔikuː HON ˈʔikuː BAH ˈʔikuː PKB ˈʔikuː KND ˈʔikuː SAM ˈʔikuː KIN ˈʔikuː HHK ˈʔikuː LMP ˈʔikuː BTY ˈʔikuː LLB ˈʔikuː TLD ˈʔikuː

bird 108 burung

SIM tomonsiʔ HON toˈmonsiʔ BAH tomonsiʔ

51

PKB toˈmonsiʔ (small) | ˌmanuˈmanuk (large) KND ˈsomaʔ SAM somaʔ KIN tomonsik | manumanuk HHK ˈsomaʔ LMP somaʔ BTY ˈsomaʔ LLB ˌmanuˈmanuk TLD ˌmanuˈmanuk

crow 109 burung gagak

SIM — HON ˌpaːˈpaːʔ ~ paˈpaː BAH kogaak PKB ˌpaːˈpaːʔ KND paˈpaːʔ SAM paapaaʔ KIN paapaaʔ HHK ˌpaːˈpaːʔ LMP paapaaʔ BTY ˌpaːˈpaːʔ | boˈɲiaʔ (large, eats chickens) LLB — TLD ˌpaːˈpaːʔ

chicken 110 ayam

SIM manuk HON ˈmanuk BAH manuk PKB ˈmanuk KND ˈmanuk SAM manuk KIN manuk HHK ˈmanuk LMP manuk BTY ˈmanuk LLB — TLD ˈmanuk

wing 111 sayap

SIM polipik HON poˈlipːik BAH polipik PKB poˈlipik KND poˈlipik SAM polipik KIN polipik HHK poˈlipik LMP polipik BTY poˈlipik LLB poˈlipik TLD poˈlipik

egg (chicken) 112 telur (ayam)

SIM ŋalauʔ HON ŋaˈlauʔ ~ ŋgaˈlauʔ BAH ŋgalauʔ PKB ŋgaˈlauʔ KND ŋgaˈlauʔ SAM ŋgalauʔ KIN ŋgalauʔ HHK ŋgaˈlauʔ LMP ŋgalauʔ BTY ŋgaˈlauʔ LLB ŋgaˈlauʔ TLD onˈtolu

feather 113 bulu (ayam) (cf. 047, 110)

SIM bulu HON ˈbulunu ˈmanuk BAH bulu PKB ˈbulunu ˈmanuk KND ˈbulu SAM bulu KIN bulu HHK ˈbulunu ˈmanuk LMP bulu BTY ˈbulunu ˈmanuk LLB ˈbulunu ˈmanuk TLD ˌbulunu ˈmanuk

52

louse (chicken) 114 kutu ayam

SIM kutu nu manuk HON ʔonˈsisi BAH onsisi PKB ʔonˈsisi KND ˈkutu SAM onsisi KIN onsisi HHK ʔonˈsisi LMP onsisi BTY ʔonˈsisi TLD ˈlios

louse (head) 115 kutu (kepala)

SIM kutu HON ˈkutːu BAH kutu PKB ˈkutu | tuˈbeleŋ (large, mother) | ˈlisaʔ (nit) | ˈluwat (small) KND ˈkutu SAM kutu KIN kutu HHK ˈkutu | tuˈbeleŋ (large) | ˈliːsaʔ (small) LMP kutu BTY tuˈbeleŋ (large, dark) | ˈlisaʔ | ˈluat (small, newly hatched) LLB ˈkutu TLD ˈkutu

louse (clothes) 116 tuma (pakaian)

SIM olibobos (crawl all over) | kolokat (bite) HON ˈtumaʔ BAH tumaʔ PKB ˈtumaʔ ~ ˈtuːmaʔ KND koˈlokat SAM tumaʔ KIN tumaʔ HHK ˈtumaʔ LMP tumaʔ BTY koˈlokat (bedbug)

LLB — TLD ˈtumaʔ | manˈdeːŋ (bedbug)̠

bat 117 kelelawar

SIM ponikiʔ HON ˈmõhĩʔ BAH ponikiʔ PKB ˈmohĩʔ KND poˈnikiʔ SAM mohiʔ KIN mohiʔ | ponikiʔ HHK ˈmõhĩʔ LMP mohiʔ | ponikiʔ BTY ˈmohĩʔ TLD poˈnikiʔ

fruit bat, flying fox 118 keluang, kalong

SIM taʔon HON poˈnikːiʔ | ˈkoŋe BAH taaʔon PKB poˈnikiʔ KND poˈnikiʔ SAM ponikiʔ KIN taʔon | ponikiʔ HHK poˈnikiʔ LMP taʔon BTY poˈnikiʔ LLB — TLD poˈnikiʔ (no difference large or small)

caterpillar 119 ulat

SIM lonsiiʔ HON ˈsonsoŋ BAH tatanduʔ PKB taˈlambiʔ KND ˈʔulat (<Malay) SAM tatanduʔ KIN patatanduʔ HHK ˈʔulat (perhaps no generic; various kinds) LMP koeʔ BTY taˈtanduk

53

LLB — TLD ˈkoeʔ

butterfly 120 kupu-kupu

SIM tenteleŋan HON tenteˈleŋan BAH tenteleŋan PKB ˌtenteˈleŋan KND ˌtenteˈleŋan SAM tenteleŋan KIN tenteleŋan HHK tenteˈleŋan LMP tenteleŋan BTY tenteˈleŋan LLB — TLD ˌtoːˈtoːde

mosquito 121 nyamuk

SIM momot HON moˈmot BAH momot PKB ˈmomot KND ˈmomot SAM momot KIN momot HHK ˈmomot LMP momot BTY ˈmomot LLB ˈmomot TLD ˈmomot

fly 122 lalat

SIM ˈlaloː HON ˈlaloː BAH ˈlaloː PKB ˈlaloː KND ˈlaloː SAM ˈlaloː KIN ˈlaloː HHK ˈlaloː LMP ˈlaloː BTY ˈlaloː

LLB ˈlaloː TLD ˈlaloː

termite 123 anai-anai

SIM aneʔ HON ˈʔaneʔ BAH aneʔ PKB ˈʔaneʔ KND ˈʔane SAM aneʔ KIN aneʔ HHK ˈʔaneʔ | piˈsouʔ (termite mound) LMP aneʔ BTY ˈʔaneʔ LLB — TLD ˈʔaneʔ

centipede 124 lipan

SIM olipan HON ʔoˈlipan BAH olipan PKB ʔoˈlipan KND ʔoˈlipan SAM olipan KIN olipan HHK ʔoˈlipan LMP olipan BTY ʔoˈlipan LLB — TLD ʔoˈlipan

luminous millipede 125 kelema(n)yar

SIM intam HON ʔunˈtataː BAH ʔanˈtataː PKB ʔanˈtataː KND — SAM antata KIN antata HHK — LMP andap BTY ʔunˈtataː

54

LLB — TLD ˈʔondat

firefly 126 kunang-kunang

SIM kuhap HON ˈkuhap BAH kuhap PKB ˈkuhap KND ˌʔaliˈpopo SAM kuhap KIN kuhap | boyaiʔ HHK boˈyaiʔ ~ boiˈaiʔ LMP boyaiʔ BTY ˈkuhap LLB — TLD ˌboiˈyai

scorpion 127 kalajengking

SIM sipitodoŋ HON ˌsipːit ˈkodoŋ BAH sipitkodoŋ PKB beˈyuaʔ KND kalaˈʤeŋkiŋ (<Malay) SAM beyuwaʔ KIN beyuwaʔ HHK beˈuaʔ LMP beuaʔ BTY beˈuaʔ LLB — TLD kalaˈʤeŋkiŋ (<Malay)

cicada 128 tonggeret

SIM loa sina | lea-lea | ŋaŋga | leleŋ HON leaˈlea | ˈɲiːt BAH suhiit PKB ˈɲiːt KND ˈɲiːt SAM suhiit KIN ɲiɲiit HHK ˈɲiːt LMP suhiit BTY ˈɲiːt | ˈleleŋ

LLB — TLD ˌɲiːtˈɲiːt

spider 129 labah-labah

SIM loaʔ HON ˈloaʔ | ˈʤolaʔ (cockroach) BAH loaʔ PKB ˈloaʔ KND ˈloaʔ SAM loaʔ KIN loaʔ HHK ˈloaʔ LMP loaʔ BTY ˈloaʔ LLB ˈloaʔ TLD ˌkaluˈaŋkaŋ

earth worm 130 cacing tanah

SIM kutu nu tanoʔ HON ʔonʤoluˈateʔ BAH onʤoluateʔ PKB ˌʔonʤoluˈateʔ KND ˌʔonʤuluˈateʔ SAM onʤoluwateʔ KIN onʤoluwateʔ HHK ʔonʤoluˈateʔ LMP onʤoluwateʔ BTY ʔonʤuluˈateʔ LLB ʔonʤoluˈateʔ TLD ˌtoloŋˈtoloŋ

snake 131 ular

SIM ˈʔuloː HON ˈʔuloː BAH ˈʔuloː PKB ˈʔuloː KND ˈʔuloː SAM ˈʔuloː | binˈtanaʔ KIN ˈʔuloː HHK ˈʔuloː | binˈtanaʔ (python) LMP ulo BTY ˈʔuloː

55

LLB binˈtanaʔ TLD binˈtanaʔ

fish 132 ikan

SIM ikan (marine) | isi nu ue (freshwater) HON ˈʔikan BAH ikan PKB ˈʔikan KND ˈʔikan SAM ikan KIN ikan HHK ˈʔikan LMP ikan BTY ˈʔikan LLB ˈʔikan TLD ˈʔikan

fish scales 133 sisik

SIM sonuku HON soˈnuku BAH sonuku PKB soˈnuku KND soˈnuku SAM sonuku KIN sonuku HHK soˈnuku LMP sonuku BTY soˈnuku LLB — TLD ˈʔunap

fish gills 134 insang

SIM bihiŋ (cf. 022) HON ˈŋahaŋ BAH ansaŋ PKB ˈʔansaŋ KND ˈʔansaŋ SAM ansaŋ KIN ansaŋ HHK ˈʔansaŋ LMP ansaŋ BTY ˈʔansaŋ

LLB — TLD ˈʔansaŋ

eel (freshwater) 135 ikan belut (di air tawar)

SIM tindoliʔ HON ʤoˈloʤik | tinˈdoliʔ BAH tindoliʔ PKB ʤoˈloʤik KND ʤoˈloʤik SAM ʤolooʤik KIN ʤoloʤik | tindoliʔ (very big) | podeʔ (marine) HHK ʤoˈloʤik LMP ʤolooʤik BTY ʤoˈloʤik TLD ʤoˈloʤik

frog 136 katak

SIM bahanoʔ | ˌbahaŋˈkakak (toad) HON buˈhansuʔ (stays in water) | ˌbahaŋˈkakak (toad) BAH bahaŋkoak (inedible) | keŋkeŋ (small) PKB bahaˈkakak KND ˈtodaʔ SAM bahaŋkakak (generic term) KIN bahakakak | ɲoɲikop (black, inedible) | buˈhansuk (larged, edible) HHK baˈhaːnoʔ LMP bahaŋkakak (generic term) BTY ˌbahaˈkakak (small) | puˈlala (large) TLD bahaˈkakak | ˈtibiŋ (loud call)

turtle (freshwater) 137 kura-kura (di air tawar)

SIM heʔa HON ˈheʔaː BAH heeʔa | bokoʔ (marine) PKB ˈheʔaː KND ˈbokoʔ SAM heeʔa | bokoʔ (marine) KIN heeʔa | bokoʔ HHK ˈheʔa LMP heeʔa | bokobokoʔ (marine)

56

BTY ˈheʔaː LLB — TLD ˈheʔa

crocodile 138 buaya

SIM buaaʔ HON buˈaːʔ BAH buaaʔ PKB buˈaːʔ KND buˈaːʔ SAM buaaʔ KIN buaaʔ HHK buˈaːʔ LMP buaaʔ BTY buˈaːʔ LLB — TLD buˈaː (no final glottal stop confirmed)

deer 139 rusa

SIM ʤoŋa HON ˈʤoŋa BAH ʤoŋa PKB ˈʤoŋa KND ˈʤoŋa SAM ʤoŋa KIN ʤoŋa HHK ˈʤoŋa LMP ʤoŋa BTY ˈʤoŋa LLB — TLD ˈʤoŋaʔ (final glottal stop confirmed)

ape 140 monyet

SIM balan HON ˈbalan | molomˈpuʔun (lone monkey) BAH balan PKB ˈbalan KND ˈbalan SAM balan KIN balan | koŋeap HHK ˈbalan LMP balan | belentediŋ | tehus

BTY ˈbalan LLB — TLD ˈbalan

rat, mouse 141 tikus

SIM bokotiʔ | poŋka | pihiɲo | pintuŋ HON boˈkotiʔ BAH bokotiʔ PKB boˈkotiʔ KND boˈkotiʔ SAM bokotiʔ KIN bokotiʔ | poŋka HHK boˈkotiʔ LMP bokotiʔ | poŋka BTY boˈkotiʔ LLB boˈkotiʔ TLD boˈkotiʔ

pig (wild) 142 babi (yg liar)

SIM bauʔ | bokeʔ (domesticated) HON ˈbauʔ BAH ˈbauʔ PKB ˈbauː KND ˈbauː SAM ˈbauː KIN ˈbauː HHK ˈbauː LMP ˈbauː BTY ˈbauː LLB — TLD ˈbau (no final glottal stop)

dog 143 anjing

SIM dedeŋ HON ˈdɛdeŋ BAH dedeŋ PKB ˈdedeŋ KND ˈdedeŋ SAM dediŋ KIN dediŋ HHK ˈdedeŋ LMP dediŋ

57

BTY ˈdedeŋ LLB ˈdedeŋ TLD ˈdɛdeŋ

tree 144 pohon

SIM kauʔ (cf. 149) HON ˈpuʔun BAH puʔun PKB ˈpuʔun KND ˈpuʔun SAM puʔun KIN puʔun HHK ˈpuʔun LMP puʔuɲo BTY ˈpuʔun LLB — TLD ˈpuʔun

leaf 145 daun

SIM hoon HON ˈhoːn BAH hoon PKB ˈhoːn KND ˈhoːn SAM hoon KIN hoon HHK ˈhoːn LMP hooɲo BTY ˈhoːn LLB ˈhoːn TLD ˈhoːn

branch 146 cabang

SIM paŋaʔ HON ˈpaŋaʔ BAH paŋaʔ PKB ˈpaŋaʔ KND ˈpaŋaʔ SAM paŋaʔ KIN paŋaʔ HHK ˈpaŋaʔ LMP paŋaʔ

BTY ˈpaŋaʔ LLB ˈpaŋaʔ TLD ˈpaŋaʔ

root 147 akar

SIM bakat HON ˈbakat BAH bakat PKB ˈbakat KND ˈbakat SAM bakat KIN bakat HHK ˈbakat LMP bakat BTY ˈbakat LLB ˈbakat TLD ˈbakat

bark (tree) 148 kulit kayu (cf. 048, 149)

SIM kilit HON ˈkilitnu kauʔ BAH kilit PKB ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ KND ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ SAM kilit KIN kilit | kuaŋ HHK ˈkilittu ˈkauʔ LMP kilit BTY ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ LLB — TLD ˈkilitu ˈkauʔ

wood 149 kayu

SIM kauʔ HON ˈkauʔ BAH kauʔ PKB ˈkauʔ KND ˈkauʔ SAM kauʔ KIN kauʔ HHK ˈkauʔ LMP kauʔ

58

BTY ˈkauʔ LLB ˈkauʔ TLD ˈkauʔ

fruit 150 buah

SIM buaʔ u kauʔ HON ˈbuaʔ BAH buaʔ PKB ˈbuaʔ KND ˈbuaʔ SAM buaʔ KIN buaʔ HHK ˈbuaʔ LMP buaʔ BTY ˈbuaʔ LLB ˈbuaʔ TLD ˈbuaʔ

flower 151 bunga (yg di halaman)

SIM buhak HON ˈbuhak BAH buŋa PKB ˈbuŋa KND ˈbuŋa SAM leelaŋ KIN buŋa HHK ˈbuŋa LMP buŋa BTY ˌbuŋaˈbuŋa LLB ˈbuŋa TLD ˈbuːhak

thorn 152 duri

SIM hiiʔ HON ˈhiːʔ BAH hiiʔ PKB ˈhiːʔ KND ˈhiː SAM hiiʔ KIN hiiʔ HHK ˈhiːʔ LMP hiiʔ

BTY ˈhiːʔ LLB — TLD ˈhiːʔ

banana 153 pisang

SIM ˈsagin HON ˈsagin BAH ˈsagin PKB ˈsagin KND ˈsagin SAM ˈsagin KIN ˈsagin HHK ˈsagin LMP ˈsagin BTY ˈsagin LLB — TLD ˈsagin

coconut (ripe) 154 kelapa tua

SIM ˈniuː HON ˈniuː BAH ˈniuː PKB ˈniuː gasaŋ KND ˈniuː SAM ˈniuː KIN ˈniuː HHK ˈniuː LMP ˈniuː BTY ˈniũː LLB ˈniuː TLD ˈpotil

coconut (unripe) 155 kelapa muda

SIM timbuhuŋ HON timˈbuhuŋ BAH timbuhuŋ PKB timˈbuhuŋ KND timˈbuhuŋ SAM timbuhuŋ KIN timbuhuŋ HHK timˈbuhuŋ LMP timbuhuŋ

59

BTY timˈbuhuŋ LLB — TLD timˈbuhuŋ

coconut shell 156 tempurung

SIM ˈbaŋaː | bunut HON ˈbaŋaː BAH ˈbaŋaː PKB ˈbaŋaː KND ˈbaŋaː SAM ˈbaŋaː KIN ˈbaŋaː HHK ˈbaŋaː LMP ˈbaŋaː BTY ˈbaŋaː LLB — TLD ˈtoboŋ

bamboo 157 bambu

SIM balo | peliŋ | awok | buluʔ | topikan HON ˈbalo | ˈpehiŋ | ˈʔawok BAH balo PKB ˈbalo KND ˈbalo SAM balo KIN balo HHK ˈbalo LMP balo BTY ˈbalo LLB — TLD ˈpehiŋ | ˈʔawok | tamˈbalaŋ | boˈloiʔ

sago palm 158 rumbia

SIM ladaŋ HON ˈladaŋ BAH ladaŋ PKB ˈladaŋ KND ˈladaŋ SAM ladaŋ KIN ladaŋ HHK ˈladaŋ

LMP ladaŋ BTY ˈladaŋ LLB — TLD ˈladaŋ

nipa palm 159 nipah

SIM nipaʔ HON ˈnipːaʔ BAH nipaʔ PKB ˈnipaʔ KND ˈnipaʔ SAM nipaʔ KIN nipaʔ HHK ˈnipaʔ LMP nipaʔ BTY ˈnipaʔ LLB — TLD ˈndipaʔ

rattan 160 rotan

SIM ueʔ HON ˈʔueʔ BAH ueʔ PKB ˈʔueʔ KND ˈʔueʔ SAM uweʔ KIN ueʔ HHK ˈʔueʔ LMP uweʔ BTY ˈʔueʔ LLB — TLD ˈʔueʔ

sugarcane 161 tebu

SIM tumbaʔ HON ˈtumbaʔ BAH tumbaʔ PKB ˈtumbaʔ KND ˈtumbaʔ SAM tumbaʔ KIN tumbaʔ HHK ˈtumbaʔ

60

LMP tumbaʔ BTY ˈtumbaʔ LLB — TLD ˈtumbaʔ

peanut 162 kacang tanah

SIM saŋgoleŋ HON saŋ̝ˈgoleŋ BAH saŋgoleŋ PKB saŋˈgoleŋ KND ˈkaʧaŋ SAM saŋgoreŋ KIN saŋgoleŋ HHK ˈkaʧaŋ LMP saŋgoleŋ BTY ˈkasaŋ | saŋˈgoreŋ (already fried) LLB — TLD ˈkasaŋ

kapok 163 kapok

SIM kabu-kabuŋ HON ˌkabuˈkabuŋ BAH kabukabuŋ PKB ˌkabuˈkabuŋ KND ˌkabuˈkabuŋ SAM kabukabuŋ KIN kabukabuŋ | kauŋkauŋ HHK ˌkabuŋˈkabuŋ LMP kabukabuŋ BTY ˌkabuˈkabuŋ (still on tree) | ˌkauŋˈkauŋ (used in mattress) LLB — TLD ˌkabuˈkabuŋ

eggplant 164 terung

SIM — HON poˈpokːiʔ BAH popokiʔ PKB poˈpokiʔ KND poˈpokiʔ SAM popokiʔ KIN popokiʔ

HHK poˈpokiʔ LMP popokiʔ BTY poˈpokiʔ LLB — TLD poˈpokiʔ

ginger 165 jahe

SIM loyaʔ HON ˈloyaʔ BAH loiaʔ PKB loˈiyaʔ KND loˈiaʔ SAM loiyaʔ KIN loiyaʔ HHK loˈiyaʔ LMP loiyaʔ BTY loˈiaʔ LLB — TLD ˈloyaʔ

cassava 166 ubi kayu

SIM sakudiiʔ HON kasuˈdiːʔ BAH kasudiiʔ PKB kaˈsubiʔ KND kasuˈbiː SAM kasubiiʔ KIN kasubii HHK kasuˈbiːʔ LMP kasubiiʔ BTY ka suˈbiːʔ LLB — TLD kasuˈbiːʔ

sweet potato 167 ubi jalar

SIM kelaʔ HON ˈkelaʔ BAH kelaʔ PKB ˈkelaʔ KND ˈkelaʔ SAM kelaʔ KIN kelaʔ

61

HHK ˈkelaʔ LMP kelaʔ BTY ˈkelaʔ LLB — TLD ˈkelaʔ

betel 168 sirih

SIM hampaʔ HON ˈhampaʔ BAH hampaʔ PKB ˈhampaʔ KND ˈhampaʔ SAM hampaʔ KIN hampaʔ HHK ˈganʤeŋ LMP hampaʔ BTY ˈganʤeŋ LLB — TLD ˈhoːɲo

areca nut (betelnut) 169 pinang

SIM popos HON ˈpopos BAH popos PKB ˈpopos KND ˈpopos SAM popos KIN popos HHK ˈpopos LMP popos BTY ˈpopos LLB — TLD ˈpopos

short grass 170 rumput

SIM hemput | belebean HON ˈhemput BAH bomboŋ PKB ˈhɛmput KND ˈhɛmput SAM hemput | bomboŋ KIN hemput | bomboŋ

HHK ˈdekut LMP hemput | bomboŋ BTY ˈhɛmput LLB ˈbomboŋ TLD ˈhemput (tall) | ˈbomboŋ (low, spreading)

sword grass 171 alang-alang

SIM padaŋ HON ˈpadaŋ BAH padaŋ PKB ˈpadaŋ KND ˈpadaŋ SAM padaŋ KIN padaŋ HHK ˈpadaŋ LMP padaŋ BTY ˈpadaŋ LLB — TLD ˈpadaŋ

pandanus 172 pandan

SIM tinahas (general) | aɲamon | mempan | bahoi HON tiˈnahas | ˈpondan (fragrant) BAH pondan PKB ˈtondaː (for mat) | ˈpondan (fragrant) KND ˈtondaː | ˈpondan (fragrant) SAM pondan KIN pondan HHK ˈtondaː (for mat) | ˈpondan (fragrant) LMP pondan BTY ʔaˈɲamon (thorned, for mat) (cf. 442) | ˈpondan (fragrant) TLD baˈhoi | ˈpondan (fragrant)

seed 173 biji (cf. 213)

SIM beʔa | opis (of mango) HON baˈtuɲo BAH batu PKB baˈtuɲo KND baˈtuɲo

62

SAM batu KIN batu HHK baˈtuɲo LMP batu BTY baˈtuɲo TLD ˈbatu

(rice) seedling 174 bibit (padi)

SIM bineʔ | palaŋaʔ (coconut, chocolate) | sopaʔ (banana, pineapple, sago) HON ˈbibit | ˈbineʔ (still seed, not yet planted) BAH bineʔ PKB ˈbibit KND ˈbibitːu ˈpae SAM bineʔ KIN bineʔ HHK ˈbineʔ (for dry field) | ˈbibit (for paddy) LMP bineʔ BTY ˈbibit (rice) | ʔumˈbaŋon (eggplant, etc.) LLB — TLD ˈbineʔ

field rice 175 padi

SIM pae HON ˈpae BAH pae PKB ˈpae KND ˈpae SAM paeʔ KIN pae HHK ˈpae LMP pae BTY ˈpae LLB — TLD ˈpae

rice (cut, unhulled) 176 gabah

SIM tibalamba HON ˈpae

BAH timpaaɲo PKB ˈpae KND ˈpae SAM lesol KIN pae HHK ˈbineʔ LMP otaʔ | koŋkom BTY ˈgaba LLB — TLD ˈpae

hull of rice 177 sekam (gabah)

SIM otaʔ HON ˈʔotaʔ BAH otaʔ PKB ˈʔotaʔ KND ˈʔotaʔ SAM otaʔ KIN otaʔ HHK ˈʔotaʔ LMP otak BTY ˈʔotaʔ LLB — TLD ˈʔotaʔ

hulled rice 178 beras

SIM hoas HON ˈhoas BAH hoas PKB ˈhoas KND ˈhoas SAM hoas KIN hoas HHK ˈhoas LMP hoas BTY ˈhoas LLB — TLD ˈhoas

cooked rice 179 nasi

SIM bokuŋ | opae HON ˈsasak

63

BAH inunʤaŋ (cf. 387) | koʤiok PKB ˈnasi KND ˈnasi SAM inunʤaŋ (cf. 387) KIN pae HHK ˈnasi LMP masasak BTY ˈnasi | ˈbokun (cold leftover cooked rice) LLB — TLD ˈpae maˈnanoŋ

corn 180 jagung

SIM binde HON ˈbinde BAH binde PKB ˈbinde KND ˈbinde SAM binde KIN binde HHK ˈbinde LMP binde BTY ˈbinde LLB — TLD ˈbinde

sun 181 matahari (cf. 354)

SIM ˈsinaː | ˈbatu nu ˈsinaː HON ˈsinaː BAH ˈsinaː | ˈbatu nu ˈsinaː PKB ˈsinaː KND ˈsinaː SAM ˈsinaː KIN ˈsinaː HHK ˈbatu nu ˈsinaː LMP ˈsinaː BTY ˈbatu nu ˈsinaː LLB — TLD ˌbatu ˈsina

moon 182 bulan

SIM bituʔon | koloa HON koˈloaː BAH bituʔon | koloa PKB biˈtuʔon KND biˈtuʔon SAM bituʔon KIN bituʔon HHK biˈtuʔon LMP bituʔon BTY biˈtuʔon LLB biˈtuʔon TLD biˈtuʔon

star 183 bintang

SIM mandalaʔ HON manˈdalaʔ BAH mandalaʔ PKB manˈdalaʔ KND ˈbintaŋ (<Malay) SAM mandalaʔ KIN mandalaʔ HHK manˈdalaʔ (large, bright) | beˈketiʔ (small) LMP beketiʔ BTY manˈdalaʔ LLB manˈdalaʔ TLD ˌʔanak biˈtuʔon

sky 184 langit

SIM laŋit (sky) | laŋa (air) HON ˈlaŋit | ˈlaŋaː BAH laŋit PKB ˈlaŋit KND ˈlaŋit SAM laŋit KIN laŋit HHK ˈlaŋit LMP laŋit BTY ˈlaŋit LLB ˈlaŋit TLD ˈlaŋit

64

cloud 185 awan

SIM ehebut HON ˈsehuʔ BAH seehuʔ PKB ˈkundom KND ˈkundom SAM kundom KIN kundom HHK ˈkundom LMP antoŋ BTY ˈkundom LLB ˈkundom TLD ˈʔantoŋ

raincloud 186 awan hitam

SIM ehebut HON ˈsehuʔ moˈʔitom BAH seehuʔ moʔitom | kundom PKB mbahuŋmˈbahuŋ KND duŋˈkoːp SAM kundom moʔitom KIN — HHK punˈdoːk LMP — BTY — LLB — TLD ˈʔantoŋ moˈʔitom

fog 187 kabut

SIM hakut HON ˈsehuʔ BAH pintuŋ PKB ˈʔundop KND ˈseyu SAM duuŋkop KIN seehuʔ HHK ˈsehuʔ LMP tabuhoŋkoʔ BTY ˈsehuʔ LLB ˈsehũʔ | kunˈdou TLD tiŋkoˈumon

thunder 188 guntur

SIM gohuŋ HON ˈgohuŋ BAH ŋguluk PKB ˈgohuŋ KND ˈgohuŋ SAM gohuŋ KIN gohuŋ HHK ˈgohuŋ LMP gohuŋ BTY ˈgohuŋ LLB ˈgohuŋ TLD ˈgohuŋ

lightning 189 kilat

SIM kilat (day, with thunder) | boŋki-boŋkit (night, little or no thunder) HON ˌboŋkiˈboŋkit BAH kilat PKB ˈkilat (loud) | boŋkiˈboŋkit KND ˈkilat SAM kilat KIN kilat HHK ˌboŋkiˈboŋkit LMP kilat BTY bɛˈheseʔ LLB ˈkilat TLD ˈkilat

rain 190 hujan

SIM uʤan | lohidiʔ HON ˈʔuʤan (infrequent) BAH uʤan PKB ˈʔuʤan KND ˈʔuʤan SAM uʤan KIN uʤan HHK ˈʔuʤan LMP uʤan BTY ˈʔuʤan

65

LLB ˈʔuʤan TLD ˈʔuʤan

rainbow 191 pelangi

SIM tandaloʔ | ponihaaʔ (partial rainbow) HON tanˈdaloʔ BAH tandaloʔ PKB tanˈdaloʔ KND tanˈdaloʔ SAM tandaloʔ KIN tandaloʔ HHK tanˈdaloʔ LMP tandaloʔ BTY tanˈdaloʔ LLB — TLD tanˈdahoʔ

wind 192 angin

SIM balebaʔ | pomuhon (gentle breeze) HON momˈbuːn | baˈlebaʔ (strong wind) BAH balebaʔ PKB momˈbuːl KND momˈbuːl SAM mombuul KIN mombuul HHK momˈbuːl LMP mombuul | malebaʔ BTY momˈbuːl | baˈlebaʔ (west wind) LLB momˈbuːl TLD momˈbuːl

sea, ocean 193 laut

SIM ambai HON ʔamˈbai BAH ambai PKB ndaˈlaŋon KND ˈʔambay SAM undalaŋon KIN ambai HHK ˈʔambay LMP ambai BTY ˈʔambay

LLB ʔamˈbai TLD toˈbui

shore 194 pantai

SIM habeʔ u ambai (cf. 199) HON ˈpante (<Malay) BAH posoʔoleon PKB ˌpohamˈpeʔan KND pamˈpeʔan (sand piled by waves) | ˈpante (<Malay) SAM posoʔolean KIN posoʔoleon HHK ˈboneʔ (cf. 195) LMP mosoʔole BTY ˈboneʔ (cf. 195) LLB — TLD (bi)ˈbiwinu ˈboneʔ (cf. 018)

sand 195 pasir

SIM boneʔ u ambai (cf. 199) HON ˈboneʔ BAH boneʔ PKB ˈboneʔ KND ˈboneʔ SAM bone KIN boneʔ HHK ˈboneʔ LMP boneʔ BTY ˈboneʔ LLB ˈboneʔ TLD ˈboneʔ

mud 196 lumpur

SIM hensek | legaʔ HON ˈlegaʔ BAH legaʔ | lintoŋ PKB ˈhɛnsek KND teˈluaʔ SAM lekutak KIN hensek HHK ˈleːgaʔ LMP hensek | leɲoʔ

66

BTY taiˈluaʔ LLB — TLD lamˈpetak

earth, ground 197 tanah

SIM tanoʔ | katanoʔan HON ˈtanoʔ BAH tanoʔ PKB ˈtanoʔ KND ˈtanoʔ SAM tanoʔ KIN tanoʔ HHK ˈtanoʔ LMP tanoʔ BTY ˈtanoʔ LLB ˈtanoʔ TLD ˈtanoʔ

earthquake 198 gempa bumi

SIM luluʔ HON ˈluluʔ BAH luuluʔ PKB ˈluːluʔ KND ˈluluʔ SAM luuluʔ KIN luuluʔ HHK ˈluːluʔ LMP luuluʔ BTY ˈluːluʔ LLB — TLD ˈluluʔ

salt 199 garam (cf. 193)

SIM ambai HON tiˈmuson BAH timuson PKB ˈʔambay KND ˈʔambay SAM timuson | ambai KIN timuson HHK tiˈmuson LMP timuson

BTY tiˈmuson LLB tiˈmuson TLD timˈbuson

sugar 200 gula

SIM gulaʔ puteʔ HON ˈgulaʔ BAH gulaʔ PKB ˈgula KND ˈgulaʔ SAM gulaʔ KIN gulaʔ HHK ˈgulaʔ LMP gulaʔ BTY ˈgula LLB — TLD ˈgulaʔ

water 201 air

SIM ˈʔueː HON ˈʔueː BAH ˈʔueː PKB ˈʔueː KND ˈʔueː SAM ˈʔueː KIN ˈʔueː HHK ˈʔueː LMP ˈʔueː BTY ˈʔueː LLB ˈʔueː TLD ˈʔueː

waterfall 202 air terjun

SIM ombuʔan HON ʔomˈbuʔan BAH ombuʔan PKB ʔomˈbuʔan KND ˌʔuemaˈnabuʔ SAM ombuʔan KIN ombuʔan HHK milaˈloa (to jump down, dive) LMP ombuʔan

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BTY ʔomˈbuʔan LLB — TLD ˌʔueːmaˈnabuʔ

spring 203 mata air

SIM mata nu ʔueː HON maˈtaɲo BAH mata nu ʔueː | supak PKB buˈlakan KND ˈmatanu ˈʔueː SAM mata nu ʔueː KIN mata nu ʔueː HHK ˈmatanu ˈʔueː LMP mata nu ʔueː BTY buˈlakan (native word) | ˌmatanu ˈʔueː LLB — TLD ˌmatanuˈʔueː ~ ˌmataˈʔueː

mountain 204 gunung

SIM buŋkutɲo | panimbuluon HON buŋˈkutɲo BAH buŋkutɲo PKB buŋˈkutɲo KND buŋˈkutɲo SAM buŋkutɲo KIN buŋkut HHK buŋˈkutɲo LMP ampiɲo BTY buŋˈkutɲo LLB — TLD buŋˈkutɲo

summit 205 puncak

SIM puge-pugeʔɲo HON buŋˈkutɲo BAH pasasaweʔan PKB bambaˈwoɲo | buˈaɲo KND ˈbawoɲo SAM puŋgeʔɲo KIN punʧaʔɲo | buaɲo HHK punˈsukɲo LMP buŋkutɲo

BTY biˈtiʔɲo LLB — TLD tutuˈbulɲo | titiŋˈgilɲo (edge of cliff)

woods, forest 206 hutan

SIM alas (virgin) | kuhat (former garden) HON ˈʔalas BAH kuhat PKB ˈʔalas | ˈkuhat (equivalent) KND ˈʔalas SAM kuhat | dekut KIN kuhat HHK hoˈhoː(ɲo) LMP dekut BTY ʔalaˈsonɲo (virgin forest) LLB ˈkuhat TLD ˈʔalas

river 207 sungai

SIM ue | kauɲo (big) | sepeʔ (small) HON kaˈuɲo BAH kauɲo PKB ˈʔueː KND kaˈuɲo SAM kauɲo KIN kauɲo HHK kaˈuɲo | ˈsepɛʔ LMP kauɲo BTY kaˈuɲo LLB — TLD kaˈuɲo ( cf. kaˈuʔɲo ‘his wood’)

lake 208 danau

SIM dowiwi HON doˈwiwi | ˈlimbo (pond, pool) BAH liouʔ PKB doˈwiwi KND ˈdanaw (<Malay) SAM tampalaŋ KIN dowiwi | lelaŋ HHK ˈlikuʔ LMP liouʔ

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BTY tamˈparaŋ LLB ˈlelaŋ TLD ˈbuntoŋ

fire 209 api

SIM ˈʔapuː HON ˈʔapuː BAH ˈʔapuː PKB ˈʔapuː KND ˈʔapuː SAM ˈʔapuː KIN ˈʔapuː | bilat HHK ˈʔapuː LMP ˈʔapuː BTY ˈʔapuː LLB ˈʔapuː TLD ˈʔapu

smoke (from fire) 210 asap

SIM tibuk HON ˈtibuk BAH tibuk PKB ˈtibuk KND ˈtibuk SAM tibuk KIN tibuk HHK ˈtibuk LMP tibuk BTY ˈtibuk LLB ˈtibuk TLD siˈbuna

ashes 211 abu

SIM abuʔ HON ˈʔabuʔ BAH abuʔ PKB ˈʔabuʔ KND ˈʔabuʔ SAM abuʔ KIN abuʔ HHK ˈʔabuʔ LMP abuʔ

BTY ˈʔabuʔ LLB ˈʔabuʔ TLD ˈʔabuʔ

dust 212 debu

SIM abuʔ HON ˈʔabuʔ BAH abuʔ PKB ˈʔabuʔ KND ˈʔabuʔ SAM abuʔ KIN abuʔ HHK ˈʔabuʔ LMP abuʔ BTY ˈʔabuʔ LLB ˈʔabuʔ TLD ˈʔabuʔ

stone 213 batu

SIM batu HON ˈbatu BAH batu PKB ˈbatu KND ˈbatu SAM batu KIN batu HHK ˈbatu LMP batu BTY ˈbatu LLB ˈbatu TLD ʔonˈdoluʔ

lime 214 kapur

SIM tilon HON ˈtiːlon BAH tiilon PKB ˈtiːlon KND ˈtilon SAM tiilon KIN tiilon HHK ˈtiːlon LMP tiilon

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BTY ˈtiːlon LLB — TLD ˈtiːlon

shadow 215 bayang-bayang

SIM loluŋ HON ˈloːluŋ BAH looluŋ PKB ˈloːluŋ KND ˈloluŋ SAM looluŋ KIN looluŋ HHK ˈloːluŋ LMP loolu BTY ˈloːluŋ LLB — TLD ˈloːluŋ

house 216 rumah

SIM laigan | tahop HON boˈnua | laˈigan (native word) BAH bonua PKB boˈnua KND boˈnua SAM bonua KIN bonua HHK boˈnua | laˈigan LMP bonua BTY boˈnua LLB buˈnua TLD boˈnua

floor 217 lantai

SIM ˈsaloː HON ˈsaloː BAH ˈsaloː PKB ˈsaloː KND ˈsaloː SAM ˈsaloː KIN ˈsaloː HHK ˈsaloː

LMP ˈsaloː (wood, bamboo) | lante (cement) BTY ˈsaloː LLB — TLD ˈsaloː

wall (of house) 218 dinding

SIM pimpiʔ HON ˈpɪmpiʔ BAH pimpiʔ PKB ˈpimpiʔ KND ˈpimpi SAM pimpiʔ KIN pimpiʔ HHK ˈpɪmpiʔ LMP pimpiʔ BTY ˈpimpiʔ LLB — TLD ˈhindiŋ

door 219 pintu

SIM pontumban HON ponˈtumban BAH tumban PKB ˈtumban KND ˈtumban SAM tumban KIN tumban HHK ˈtumban LMP tiŋkop BTY ˈtumban LLB — TLD saˈbatan

roof 220 atap

SIM atop HON ˈʔatːop BAH atop PKB ˈʔatop KND ˈʔatop SAM atop KIN atop

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HHK ˈʔatop LMP atop BTY ˈʔatop LLB ˈʔatop TLD ˈʔatop

rafter 221 kasau

SIM kasoʔ lalaki HON ˈkasːoʔ BAH kasoʔ PKB ˈkasoʔ KND ˈkasoʔ SAM kasoʔ KIN kasoʔ HHK ˈkasoʔ LMP kasoʔ BTY ˈkasoʔ LLB — TLD ˈkasoʔ

storage shelf above hearth 222 para

SIM sisigan (smoking rack) | ombaʔ (wall shelf) | maŋkalak (attic) HON siˈsigan BAH sisigan PKB ˈʔombaʔ KND taˈpaʔan SAM tapaʔan KIN tapaʔan HHK ʔomˈbaʔan LMP tapaʔan BTY taˈpaʔan LLB — TLD taˈpaʔan

house post 223 tiang rumah

SIM ohiiʔ HON ʔoˈhiːʔ BAH ohiiʔ PKB ʔoˈhiːʔ KND ʔoˈhiːʔ SAM ohiiʔ

KIN ohiiʔ HHK oˈhiːʔ | toˈtolon LMP totolon BTY toˈtolon LLB — TLD ʔoˈhiːʔ

space under house 224 kolong

SIM ˈpatuː HON ˈpatuː BAH ˈpatuː PKB ˈpatuː KND ˈpatuː SAM ˈpatuː KIN ˈpatuː HHK ˈpatuː LMP ˈpatuː BTY ˈpatuː LLB — TLD ˈsuːkan

fence 225 pagar

SIM bola (by garden) | pagan (by house) HON ˈpagan BAH pagan PKB baˈlabat | ˈpagar KND ˈpagar SAM ˈbala KIN ˈpagal | baˈlabat (keep out livestock) HHK baˈlabat (crisscross) | ˈpagar (upright) LMP ˈtondok | ˈpagar BTY baˈlabat (garden) | ˈpagar (house) LLB ˈpagar TLD ˈpagar

canoe, boat 226 perahu

SIM duaŋan HON duˈaŋan BAH duaŋan PKB duˈaŋan KND duˈaŋan SAM duaŋan

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KIN duaŋan HHK duˈaŋan LMP duaŋan BTY duˈaŋan LLB — TLD duˈaŋan

canoe paddle 227 dayung

SIM pombose HON ˈbosːe BAH bose PKB ˈbose KND ˈbose SAM bose KIN boseʔ HHK ˈbose LMP bose BTY ˈbose LLB — TLD ˈbose

raft 228 rakit

SIM akiʔan HON ˈlantiŋ BAH akiʔan PKB — KND — SAM akiʔan KIN akiʔan HHK ˈrakit LMP rakit BTY ʔaˈkiʔan LLB — TLD ˈlantiŋ

charcoal 229 arang

SIM oba (= embers? cf. 532) HON ˈbuhiŋ BAH buhiŋ PKB ˈbuhiŋ KND ˈbuhiŋ SAM buhiŋ

KIN buhiŋ HHK ˈbuhiŋ LMP buhiŋ BTY ˈbuhiŋ LLB — TLD ˈbuhiŋ

three-stone fireplace 230 tungku

SIM tolukun HON toˈlukun BAH tolukun PKB toˈlukun KND toˈlukun SAM tolukun KIN tolukun HHK toˈlukun LMP tolukun BTY toˈlukun LLB — TLD toˈlukun

cooking pot 231 periuk, belanga

SIM kuhon HON ˈkuhon BAH kuhon PKB ˈkuhon KND ˈkuhon SAM kuhon KIN kuhon HHK ˈkuhon LMP kuhon BTY kuˈlaluk LLB — TLD ˈkuhon

water jar 232 tempayan

SIM — HON ˈgumbaŋ BAH gumbaŋ PKB ˈgumbaŋ KND ˈgumbaŋ SAM gumbaŋ

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KIN gumbaŋ HHK ˈgumbaŋ LMP gumbaŋ BTY ˈgumbaŋ LLB — TLD ˈgumbaŋ

bamboo water container 233 tempat air bambu (cf. 157)

SIM ˈbalo | poˈŋasuː HON ˈbalo | poˈŋasuː BAH poˈŋasuː PKB poˈŋasuː KND ˈbalo SAM ˈbalo KIN ˈbalo HHK ˈbalo poˈŋasuː LMP ˈbalo BTY ˈbalo LLB — TLD ˈbalo

ladle of coconut shell 234 gayung

SIM saŋkuʔ HON pənˈtauk BAH pontauk PKB taˈtauk KND ponˈtauʔ SAM pontauk KIN pontauk HHK ponˈtauʔ LMP pontauk BTY ˈsaŋkuk LLB — TLD ponˈtambuk

mortar 235 lesung

SIM keleŋkuʔ HON keˈleŋkuʔ BAH keleŋkuʔ PKB keˈlɛŋkuʔ KND keˈlɛŋku SAM keleŋkuk

KIN keleŋkuk HHK keˈleŋkuʔ LMP keleŋkuk BTY keˈleŋkuʔ LLB — TLD keˈleŋkuʔ

pestle (rice) 236 penumbuk, alu

SIM aluʔ HON ˈʔaluʔ BAH aluʔ PKB poˈŋuʤaʔ KND ˈʔalu SAM aluʔ KIN aluʔ HHK ˈʔaluʔ LMP aluʔ BTY ˈʔaluʔ LLB — TLD ˈʔaluʔ

knife 237 pisau

SIM pisoʔ HON ˈpisːoʔ BAH pisoʔ PKB ˈpisoʔ KND ˈpisoʔ SAM pisoʔ KIN pisoʔ HHK ˈpisoʔ LMP pisoʔ BTY ˈpisoʔ LLB — TLD ˈpisoʔ

machete 238 parang

SIM baŋkoʔ HON ˈbaŋkoʔ BAH baŋkoʔ PKB ˈbaŋkoʔ KND ˈbaŋkoʔ SAM baŋkoʔ

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KIN baŋkoʔ HHK ˈbaŋkoʔ LMP baŋkoʔ BTY ˈbaŋkoʔ LLB — TLD ˈbaŋkoʔ

sheath for machete 239 sarung parang

SIM kakat HON ˈsaluŋ BAH saluŋ PKB ˈgumaʔ KND ˈgumaʔ SAM gumaʔ KIN saluŋ HHK ˈgumaʔ LMP gumaʔ BTY ˈgumaʔ LLB — TLD ˈgumaʔ

comb 240 sisir

SIM salak HON ˈsalak (wooden, handmade) | ˈsiuʔ BAH subat PKB ˈsubat | ˈsiuʔ (for lice) KND ˈsubat | ˈsiuʔ SAM subat KIN subat | siuʔ HHK ˈsubat | ˈsiuʔ (for lice) LMP kadak BTY ˈsubat | ˈsiuʔ LLB — TLD ˈsiuʔ | ˈsisi (for lice)

ring (for finger) 241 cincin

SIM siŋsiŋ HON ˈsinsiŋ BAH sinsiŋ PKB ˈsinsiŋ KND ˈsinsiŋ SAM sinsiŋ

KIN sinsiŋ HHK ˈsinsiŋ LMP sinsiŋ BTY ˈsinsiŋ LLB — TLD soˈsolut

rope 242 tali (besar, pintal)

SIM kohohon HON ponˈsegot BAH kaˈhohon PKB ˈputal | ˈtali (<Malay) KND ˈtali (<Malay) SAM putal | kaˈhohon (twined) KIN putal HHK ˈputal LMP ˈputan BTY ˈputal LLB ˈputal | ˈtali (<Malay) TLD ˈputal

string 243 benang, tali (kecil)

SIM banaaŋ HON ˈbanaŋ BAH kapos PKB ˈbanaŋ KND ˈbanaŋ SAM banaŋ KIN banaŋ HHK ˈbanaŋ LMP banaŋ BTY ˈbanaŋ LLB — TLD ˈbanaŋ

needle 244 jarum (cf. 440)

SIM pakaʔut HON paˈkaʔut BAH pakaʔut PKB paˈkaʔut KND paˈkaʔut SAM pakaʔut

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KIN pakaʔut HHK paˈkaʔut LMP pakaʔut BTY paˈkaʔut LLB paˈkaʔut TLD paˈkaʔut

sarong 245 sarung (cf. 248)

SIM sabut | lipaʔ HON lipaʔ (Muslim prayer sarong) | ˈtoik (sleep sarong) | hude (cloth in general) | saˈulu (long) BAH lipaʔ PKB ˈsabut | ˈhudeʔ KND ˈhude SAM lipaʔ | toik KIN toik HHK ˈhudeʔ (sarong, cloth) | ˈlipaʔ (sarong) LMP lipaʔ BTY ˈhude TLD ˈtoik

trousers 246 celana

SIM saluan (shorts) | koʤa (long pants) HON saˈluan BAH saluan PKB saˈlual KND saˈlual SAM salual KIN salual HHK saˈlual LMP saluan BTY saˈluan LLB saˈlual TLD saˈluar

mat 247 tikar

SIM ampas HON ˈʔampas BAH ampas PKB ˈʔampas KND ˈʔampas

SAM ampas KIN ampas HHK ˈʔampas LMP ampas BTY ˈʔampas LLB — TLD ˈʔampas

blanket 248 selimut (cf. 245)

SIM sabut HON ˈtoik | ˈsabut BAH sabut | alumbuʔ PKB ˈsabut KND ʔaˈlumbu SAM sabut KIN sabut HHK ˈsabut LMP sabut BTY ˈsabut | haˈlumbuʔ LLB — TLD ʔaˈlumbu (no final glottal stop confirmed)

pillow 249 bantal

SIM taŋonan HON taˈŋonan BAH taŋonan PKB taˈŋonan KND taˈŋonan SAM taŋonan KIN taŋonan HHK taˈŋonan LMP taŋonan BTY taˈŋonan LLB — TLD taˈŋonan

loincloth 250 cawat, kain pinggang

SIM tuŋkek HON ˈpetak BAH petak PKB ˈpetak

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KND ˈʧawat (<Malay) SAM petak KIN petak HHK ˈbutuʔ LMP petak BTY ˈpetak LLB — TLD seˈreŋet

bark cloth 251 jeluang

SIM baaʔ | kahas HON ˈkilitnu ˈkauʔ ~ ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ BAH baaʔ PKB ˈkahas KND suˈluŋan SAM bakealuʔ KIN bakealuʔ HHK ˈpetak LMP baakan BTY bakeˈaluʔ LLB — TLD ˌtoikˈbagu

wine 252 saguer

SIM duaŋ HON ˈduaŋ BAH duaŋ PKB ˈduaŋ KND ˈduaŋ SAM duaŋ KIN duaŋ HHK ˈduaŋ LMP duaŋ BTY ˈduaŋ LLB — TLD ˈduaŋ

medicine 253 obat

SIM pakuliʔ HON paˈkuliʔ BAH pakuliʔ PKB paˈkuliʔ

KND paˈkuli SAM pakuliʔ KIN pakuliʔ HHK paˈkuliʔ LMP pakuliʔ BTY paˈkuliʔ LLB — TLD paˈkuliʔ

swidden, dry rice/corn field 254 ladang

SIM pinaas HON ˈʔaleʔ BAH aleʔ PKB ˈʔaleʔ KND ˈʔaleʔ SAM aleʔ KIN aleʔ HHK ˈʔaleʔ LMP aleʔ BTY ˈʔaleʔ (ready to be planted) | ˈbondoy (already planted) LLB — TLD ʔiˈnaut

trail, road 255 jalanan

SIM ʤalan (trail) | benda (road) HON ˈʤalan BAH ʤalan PKB ˈʤalan KND ˈʤalan SAM ʤalan KIN ʤalan HHK ˈʤalan LMP ʤalan BTY ˈʤalan | ˈbenda (wide road) LLB ˈʤalan TLD ˈʤalan

big 256 besar

SIM dakaʔ HON ˈdakːaʔ BAH dakaʔ

76

PKB ˈdakaʔ KND ˈdakaʔ SAM dakaʔ KIN dakaʔ HHK ˈdakaʔ | ˈbosaː LMP dakaʔ BTY ˈdakaʔ LLB ˈdakaʔ TLD ˈdakaʔ

small (object) 257 kecil

SIM iteʔ HON ˈʔiteʔ | ˌʔiteˈʔiteʔ (very small) BAH iseʔ PKB ˈʔiseʔ KND ˈʔiseʔ SAM iseʔ KIN iseʔ HHK moˈdieʔ ~ ˈdieʔ LMP iseʔ BTY moˈdieʔ LLB ˌʔiseˈʔiseʔ TLD ˈʔiseʔ

good 258 baik

SIM maimaʔ HON maˈʔimaʔ BAH maʔimaʔ PKB maˈʔimaʔ KND maˈʔimaʔ SAM maʔimaʔ KIN maʔimaʔ HHK maˈʔimaʔ (clothing) | maˈnonoŋ (person) LMP maʔimaʔ BTY maˈnonoŋ LLB maˈʔimaʔ TLD koˈpian

bad, evil 259 jahat

SIM maidek HON maˈʔidek

BAH maʔidek PKB maˈʔidek KND maˈʔidik SAM maʔidek KIN maʔidek HHK maˈʔidek LMP maʔidek BTY maˈidek LLB maˈʔidek TLD maˈhamuʔ

wet 260 basah

SIM humpis | kuus HON moˈhome BAH humpis PKB moˈhome KND moˈhomeː SAM mohome KIN mohome | hunʤaʔ HHK moˈhomeː LMP mohome BTY moˈhomeː LLB moˈhomeː TLD ˈmemes

dry 261 kering

SIM moˈtiːs | moˈtiʔiː (half dry) | moˈʔoti (out of water) HON moˈtiːs BAH moˈtiʔiː | moˈʔoti (said of river) PKB moˈtiːs | moˈtiʔiː | moˈtuʔuː (still damp) KND ˈmaŋgas SAM moˈtiːs | moˈtiʔiː | ˈmaŋgas KIN moˈtiʔiː | ˈmaŋgas HHK ˈmaŋgas LMP moˈtiːs | moˈtuʔuː | ˈmaŋgas BTY ˈmaŋgas | moˈtuʔuː LLB moˈtiːs | moˈtuʔu | ˈmaŋgas TLD moˈtuʔu

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wide 262 lebar

SIM ˈbolaː HON ˈbolaː BAH ˈbolaː PKB ˈbolaː KND ˈbolaː SAM ˈbolaː KIN ˈbolaː HHK ˈbolaː LMP ˈbolaː BTY ˈbolaː LLB ˈbolaː TLD ˈbolaː

narrow 263 sempit

SIM soki HON ˈbonsok BAH bonsok PKB ˈbonsok KND ˈbonsok SAM bonsok KIN bonsok HHK ˈbonsoʔ | ˈsoki LMP bonsok BTY ˈbonsok LLB ˈbonsok TLD ˈbonot

strong 264 kuat

SIM mahoson (person) | madodo (house) | mokuut (wood) | montahan (tool) HON maˈhoson BAH mahoson PKB moˈhoson KND moˈhoson SAM mahoson | madodo KIN mahoson | madodo HHK maˈhoson (person) | maˈdodo (building) LMP mahoson | madodo BTY maˈhoson

LLB — TLD maˈhoson

weak 265 lemah

SIM lupe (person) | moŋuhaʔ (wood) HON ˈlundeŋ BAH lundeŋ PKB ˈlundeŋ KND ˈlundiŋ SAM lundeŋ KIN lundeŋ HHK ˈlundeŋ (person) LMP lundeŋ BTY ˈlundiŋ LLB — TLD ˈlundeŋ

far 266 jauh

SIM maʤoʔon HON maˈʤoʔon BAH maʤoʔon PKB maˈʤoʔon KND maˈʤoʔon SAM maʤoʔon KIN maʤoʔon HHK maˈʤoʔon LMP ʤooʔoom BTY maˈʤoʔon LLB maˈʤoʔon TLD maˈʤoʔon

near 267 dekat

SIM ohani HON ʔoˈhani BAH ohani PKB ʔoˈhani KND ʔoˈhani | ˈhegeʔ SAM ohani KIN ohani HHK ˈhɛge LMP ohani BTY ʔoˈhani

78

LLB ʔoˈhani TLD ˈhani

new (objects) 268 baru

SIM buʔou | salaʔʤe HON buˈʔou | salaʔʤe BAH buʔoi PKB buˈʔoi KND buˈʔoi SAM buʔoi KIN buʔoi HHK buˈʔoi LMP buʔou BTY buˈʔoi LLB buˈʔou TLD buˈʔou

old (objects) 269 lama

SIM piino HON ˈpiːn BAH piin PKB ˈpiːl KND piˈniːlmo | maˈnau SAM piil | manauʔ KIN piil | manauʔ HHK ˈpiːl | maˈnau (thing) LMP binimmo BTY ˈpiːl LLB — TLD ˈpiːl | maˈnauʔ (old, of things)

old (persons) 270 tua

SIM laŋkaiʔo (male) | beŋkeleʔo (female) HON tuˈʔaɲo BAH motuʔa PKB motuˈʔamo KND maˈtuʔa SAM motuʔa KIN motuʔa HHK motuˈʔamo (person) LMP tuaaɲomo BTY laŋˈkaiʔmo

LLB laŋˈkaiʔ | moˈtuʔa TLD laŋˈkaiʔ

thick (object) 271 tebal

SIM butolu HON buˈtoluː BAH butolu PKB buˈtoluː KND buˈtolu SAM butolu KIN butolu HHK biˈtoluː | ˈbalaʔ LMP bitolu BTY buˈtoluː LLB buˈtoluː TLD buˈtolu

thin (object) 272 tipis

SIM monipis HON moˈnipis BAH monipis PKB moˈnipis KND moˈnipis SAM monipis KIN monipis HHK moˈnipis LMP monipis BTY moˈnipis LLB moˈnipis TLD moˈnipis

skinny 273 kurus

SIM magende HON maˈgesːuk BAH magesuk PKB maˈgesuk KND maˈgesuk SAM magesuk KIN magesuk HHK maˈgesuk LMP magesuk BTY maˈgesuk

79

LLB — TLD maˈgesuk | maˈgeŋgeŋ (equivalent)

fat 274 gemuk

SIM molompoʔ HON moˈlompoʔ BAH molompoʔ PKB moˈlompoʔ KND moˈlompoʔ SAM molompoʔ KIN molompoʔ HHK moˈlompoʔ LMP molompoʔ BTY moˈlompoʔ LLB — TLD moˈlompoʔ

hot (water) 275 panas (air)

SIM mapanas HON maˈpanas BAH mapanas PKB maˈpanas KND maˈpanas SAM mapanas KIN mapanas HHK baˈlaʔon LMP mapanas BTY baˈlaʔon LLB maˈpanas TLD ˈpanas

cold (water) 276 dingin (air)

SIM loop HON ˈloːp BAH loop PKB ˈloːp KND ˈloːp SAM loop | mabakil (chill, w/o bathing) KIN loop | mabaki HHK ˈloːp LMP mabakiʔ BTY ˈloːp

LLB ˈhonto TLD ˈloːp

(luke)warm (water) 277 hangat (air)

SIM moŋoŋo ~ maŋoŋo HON maˈbahaŋ BAH mohoonap PKB moˈŋoːŋõ KND ˌlaoˈlao SAM moŋoŋo KIN moŋooŋo HHK moˈŋoːŋo | ˌlaoˈlao LMP lalau BTY moˈŋoŋo LLB — TLD maˈŋalum

dull (knife) 278 tumpul

SIM makuʤun HON moˈkuʤun BAH mokuʤun PKB maˈkuʤul KND moˈkuʤul SAM mokuʤul KIN mokuʤul HHK moˈkuʤul LMP mokuʤun BTY moˈkuʤul LLB moˈkuʤul TLD moˈkuʤul

sharp (knife) 279 tajam

SIM mataʤom HON maˈtaʤom BAH mataʤom PKB maˈtaʤom KND maˈtaʤom SAM mataʤom KIN mataʤom HHK maˈtaʤom LMP mataʤom BTY maˈtaʤom

80

LLB maˈtaʤom TLD maˈtaʤom

short (length) 280 pendek

SIM kodoʔ HON ˈkodoʔ ~ ˈkoʤoʔ BAH kodoʔ PKB ˈkodoʔ KND ˈkodoʔ SAM kodoʔ KIN kodoʔ HHK ˌkodoˈkodoʔ LMP kodoʔ BTY ˌkodoˈkodoʔ LLB ˈkodoʔ TLD ˌkodoˈkodoʔ

short (height) 281 rendah

SIM kodoʔ HON ˈkodoʔ | ˈhobop BAH heedeʔ PKB ˈheːdeʔ | maˈtanoʔ KND ˈhedeʔ SAM heede KIN hedeʔ HHK ˈheːdeʔ LMP kodoʔ BTY ˈhɛdeʔ LLB — TLD ˈhobop

long (object) 282 panjang

SIM mantan (board) | mataŋkas (house) | mandoaŋ (person) HON ˈmantan BAH mantan PKB ˈmantan KND ˈmantan SAM mantan KIN mantan HHK ˈmantan LMP mantan

BTY ˈmantan LLB ˈmantan TLD ˈmantan

rotten (fruit) 283 busuk

SIM mahuʔ HON maˈbusːik | maˈnohõŋ BAH mabusik PKB maˈbusik KND maˈbusik SAM mabusik KIN mabusik HHK maˈbusik LMP mabusik BTY maˈbusik LLB maˈbusik TLD maˈbusik (very rotten) | maˈboŋkok

sour 284 masam, asam

SIM malosiŋ HON maˈlosːiŋ BAH malosiŋ PKB maˈlosiŋ KND maˈlosiŋ SAM malosiŋ KIN malosiŋ HHK maˈlosiŋ LMP malosiŋ BTY maˈlosiŋ LLB — TLD ˈmeːleʔ

bitter 285 pahit

SIM mapakat HON maˈpakat BAH mapakat PKB maˈpakat ~ moˈpakat KND maˈpakat SAM mapakat KIN mapakat HHK maˈpakat LMP mapakat

81

BTY maˈpakat LLB — TLD maˈpakat

sweet 286 manis

SIM matamiʔ HON maˈʔasːiŋ BAH maʔasiŋ PKB maˈtamiʔ KND maˈtamit SAM matamiʔ KIN maŋkalumamiʔ HHK maˈtamiʔ LMP mamiʔ BTY maˈtamiʔ LLB — TLD ˈmamiʔ

fragrant 287 harum, wangi

SIM manohoŋ ahiʔ maimaʔ HON maˈnohõŋ BAH manohoŋ PKB maˈnohoŋ KND maˈnohoŋ SAM manohoŋ KIN manohoŋ HHK maˈnohoŋ LMP manohoŋ BTY maˈnohoŋ LLB — TLD maˈhoŋaŋ

blind 288 buta

SIM paha HON maˈpisːok BAH mapisok PKB maˈpisok KND ˈbutaʔ (<Malay) SAM mapisok KIN mapisok HHK maˈpisok LMP mapisok

BTY maˈpisok LLB — TLD maˈpisok

deaf 289 tuli

SIM maboŋon HON maˈboŋon BAH maboŋon PKB maˈboŋol KND maˈboŋol SAM maboŋol KIN maboŋol | lompiŋ HHK maˈboŋol LMP maboŋon BTY maˈboŋol LLB — TLD maboŋol

pain, to be sick 290 sakit

SIM mapalak (sick) | malanit (in pain) HON maˈpalak BAH masakit (sick) | mapoos (painful) | malanit (very small pain) PKB maˈbahaŋ KND maˈsakit SAM masit (sick) | mapalak (pain) KIN mabahaŋ (sick) | masakit (pain) HHK maˈsakit (general) | maˈpalak (hit, injured) LMP motoŋo (sick) | mapalak (pain) BTY maˈbahaŋ LLB maˈsakit TLD maˈnembel

thirsty 291 haus

SIM megot | paka HON ˈmegot BAH megot PKB ˈmegot KND ˈmegot SAM megot KIN megot

82

HHK ˈmegot LMP megot BTY ˈmegot LLB — TLD ˈmegot

hungry 292 lapar

SIM moʔohop HON moˈʔõhõp BAH moʔohop PKB moˈʔohop KND moˈʔõhop SAM moʔohop KIN moʔohop HHK moˈʔõhõp LMP moʔohop BTY moˈʔõhõp LLB — TLD mõˈʔõhõp

full (satiated) 293 kenyang

SIM moˈbosuː HON moˈbosuː BAH moˈbosuː PKB moˈbosuː KND moˈbosuː SAM moˈbosuː KIN moˈbosuː HHK moˈbosuː LMP moˈbosuː BTY moˈbosuː LLB — TLD moˈbosu

other, different 294 lain (orang lain)

SIM mian sagaʔat (person) | sansaʔaŋuʔan (thing) HON saŋˈgaʔat BAH saŋgaʔat PKB ˈmian niˈʔolot (a different person) KND saŋˈgaʔat SAM saŋgaʔat

KIN saŋgaʔat HHK saŋˈgaʔat LMP saŋgaʔat BTY saŋgaˈʔatan (the other one) LLB saŋgaˈlaːsan TLD saŋgaˈlasan

all 295 semua

SIM iwi-iwiʔ HON ˌʔiŋkotˈʔiŋkot BAH iwiʔiwiʔ PKB ˌʔiβiˈʔiβiʔ KND ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot SAM iŋkoʔiŋkot | iwiʔiwiʔ (equivalent) KIN iwiʔiwiʔ HHK ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot | ˌʔiwiˈʔiwiʔ LMP iŋkoʔiŋkot BTY ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot LLB ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot TLD ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot

many 296 banyak

SIM manʤooʔ (things) | daʔisan (people) HON manˈʤoːʔ BAH manʤooʔ PKB manˈʤoːʔ KND manˈʤoːʔ SAM manʤooʔ KIN manʤooʔ HHK manˈʤoːʔ LMP manʤooʔ BTY manˈʤoːʔ LLB — TLD biˈaiʔ

heavy 297 berat

SIM maboat HON maˈboat BAH maboat PKB maˈboat KND maˈboat SAM maboat

83

KIN maboat HHK maˈboat LMP maboat BTY maˈboat LLB maˈboat TLD maˈboat

hard (substance) 298 keras

SIM mokuut HON moˈkuːt BAH beleŋ PKB moˈkuːt KND moˈkuːt SAM mokuut (uncooked food) | beleŋ (wood) KIN mokuut | beleŋ HHK moˈkuːt LMP mokuut BTY moˈkuːt LLB — TLD maˈkuːt

dirty 299 kotor

SIM kudulon | tampakilon HON ˈkoton BAH koton PKB maˈheyũʔ KND ˈkotor SAM kalut KIN hogaŋ HHK maˈhɛnsek LMP mahensek BTY maˈhensek LLB mahuˈmimiʔ TLD mahuˈmimiʔ | maŋˈgirit

straight 300 lurus

SIM hondo HON ˈhodiʔ BAH hodiʔ PKB ˈhodiʔ KND ˈhodiʔ

SAM hodiʔ KIN hodiʔ HHK ˈhodiʔ LMP hodiʔ BTY ˈhodiʔ LLB — TLD ˈhondo

round (spherical) 301 bulat (seperti bola)

SIM timpodon HON timˈpodon BAH timpodon PKB timˈpodol KND timˈpodol SAM timpodol KIN timpodol HHK timˈpodol LMP timomot BTY timˈpodol LLB — TLD timˈpodol

lonely 302 sunyi, sepi

SIM madiʔ ko mianɲo (lit. without people) HON ˈliːŋ (lonely, longing) | ˈmadiʔ koˌmiamiˈanɲo BAH liiŋ PKB koˈuŋon KND ˈsuɲi (<Malay) SAM liiŋ KIN liiŋ HHK ˈliːŋ LMP liiŋ BTY ˈliːŋ TLD ˈliːŋ

difficult 303 sukar

SIM mahan HON ˈmahãn BAH mahan PKB ˈmahal KND ikaʔiˈmaʔi

84

SAM mahal | susa KIN katam HHK sanˈsala LMP mahan BTY ˈsusaʔ LLB — TLD ˈsusaʔ

smooth 304 halus, licin

SIM malondo | molondeʔ HON moˈloɲũ BAH malondoo | maloɲu PKB ˈʔalus KND ˈʔalus SAM alus | moloɲu (smooth like hair) KIN moloɲu HHK ˈʔalus (smooth) | maˈlondoː LMP alus BTY moˈloɲũ LLB — TLD ˈʔalus

fast 305 lekas, cepat

SIM maliaʔ HON maˈliaʔ BAH maliaʔ PKB maˈliaʔ KND maˈliaʔ SAM lialiaʔ KIN maliaʔ HHK maˈliaʔ LMP maliaʔ BTY paˈliaʔ LLB — TLD maˈliaʔ

deep 306 dalam (airnya)

SIM maleeŋ HON maˈleːŋ BAH maleeŋ PKB maˈleːŋ KND maˈleːŋ

SAM maleeŋ KIN maleeŋ HHK maˈleːŋ LMP maleeŋ BTY maˈleːŋ LLB — TLD maˈlioʔ

full (container) 307 penuh

SIM mobukeʔ HON moˈbukːeʔ BAH bukeʔ PKB moˈbukeʔ KND ˈbukeʔ SAM mobukeʔ KIN mobukeʔ HHK ˈbukeʔ LMP bukebukeʔ BTY ˈbukeʔ LLB — TLD ˈbukeʔ

true, correct 308 benar

SIM totuʔu | hondo HON ˌkinoˈnamo | ˈhondo | ˈkona BAH totuʔu PKB toˈtuʔu KND ˈkona SAM totuʔu KIN totuʔu HHK toˈtuʔu | ˈkona LMP totuʔu BTY ˈkona LLB toˈtuʔu TLD tuˈtuʔu | ˈkona

white 309 putih

SIM moputeʔ HON moˈputːeʔ BAH moputeʔ PKB moˈputeʔ KND moˈputeʔ

85

SAM moputeʔ KIN moputeʔ HHK moˈputeʔ LMP moputeʔ BTY moˈputeʔ LLB moˈputeʔ TLD moˈputeʔ

black 310 hitam

SIM moitom HON moˈʔitːom BAH moʔitom PKB moˈʔitom KND moˈʔitom SAM moʔitom KIN moʔitom HHK moˈʔitom LMP moʔitom BTY moˈʔitom LLB moˈʔitom TLD moˈʔitom

yellow 311 kuning

SIM moˈkiniː HON moˈkiniː BAH moˈkiniː PKB moˈkiniː KND moˈkiniː SAM moˈkiniː KIN moˈkiniː HHK moˈkiniː LMP moˈkiniː BTY moˈkiniː LLB moˈkiniː TLD moˈkini

red 312 merah

SIM momeaʔ | momeha HON moˈmeaʔ BAH momeaʔ PKB moˈmeaʔ KND moˈmeaʔ

SAM momeaʔ KIN momeaʔ HHK moˈmeaʔ LMP momeaʔ BTY moˈmeaʔ LLB moˈmeaʔ TLD moˈmeaʔ

green 313 hijau

SIM mobulou HON ˈbiluʔ BAH mobiluʔ PKB moˈbiluʔ KND ˈhiʤaw (<Malay) SAM mobiluʔ | molunoi KIN iʤo | moluno HHK moˈbilut ˈhoon (leaf green) LMP mobilut BTY moˈbilu | ˈʔiʤo LLB moˈbiluʔ TLD moˈbiɾuʔ

not 314 tidak

SIM madiʔ HON ˈmandiʔ | ˈmbaːʔ BAH madiʔ PKB ˈmadiʔ KND ˈmaʔan SAM madiʔ KIN madiʔ HHK ˈmadiʔ LMP mbaa BTY ˈmbaːʔ ~ ˈmbaʔ LLB ˈmbaʔ TLD ˈmbahaʔ

none 315 tidak ada

SIM imadiʔ ahiʔ HON ˈmbaʔan | manˈdiʔo BAH mbaaʔan PKB (i)maˈdiʔmo KND maˈʔanːo

86

SAM madiʔan KIN mbaaʔanan HHK ˈmbaːʔan LMP mbaaʔan BTY ˈmbaʔan LLB — TLD ˌmbahaʔ ˈkoː

no 316 buk an

SIM misaʔ HON ˈmisaʔ BAH misaʔ PKB ˈmiːsaʔ KND miˈsaʔan SAM misaʔ KIN misaʔ HHK ˈmisaʔ | miˈsaʔan (clearer) LMP misaʔ BTY ˈmisaʔ LLB — TLD ˈhaʔɲo

if 317 kalau, jika

SIM de HON ˈdeː BAH kalu PKB le (as in: le ˈʔia ˈtoka ‘if he comes’) KND ˈkalu SAM kalu KIN kalu HHK ˈkalu LMP kalu BTY ˌbisu-bisuˈaɲo ˈʔia ˈtoka (= if he comes) LLB ˈkalu TLD ˈkalu

whatever you call it 318 anu

SIM anu | ena HON ˈʔanu BAH anu PKB ˈʔanu KND ˈʔanu

SAM ano KIN anu HHK ˈʔanu LMP anu BTY ˈʔanu LLB — TLD ˈʔanu

now, already (perfective) 319 sudah

SIM poloʔo HON laˈpaso | noˈkomo BAH lapasmo PKB noˈkomo KND ˈsuda (<Malay) SAM lapasmo | daamo KIN lapasmo HHK ˈnoko ~ noˈkomo LMP daamo BTY noˈkomo LLB — TLD ˈdaːŋo

and 320 dan

SIM tiba | kaʔ | hagi HON kaʔ BAH kaʔ PKB ˈtiba KND dan (<Malay) SAM kaʔ KIN kaʔ | tiba HHK kaʔ (as in: oko kaʔ aku ‘you and me’) LMP dan (<Malay) BTY ˈkaʔ LLB ˈtiba TLD ˈtoba

this 321 ini

SIM aya HON ˈʔaya BAH aiya PKB ˈʔayːa KND ʔaˈide

87

SAM aiya KIN aiya HHK ˈʔaya LMP — BTY ˈʔaya LLB ˈʔayːa TLD ˈʔaya

that 322 itu

SIM atinaʔ HON ˈʔaʤoʔ BAH aiʤoʔ PKB ʔaˈiʤoʔ KND ʔaˈitu SAM aiʤoʔ KIN aiʤoʔ HHK ʔaˈiʤoʔ LMP aiʤoʔ BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ LLB ʔaˈiʤoʔ TLD taˈiʤoʔ

that distant 323 itu yang jauh

SIM aʤoʔ (level) | ataʔ (uphill) | akaoŋ (downhill) HON ˌʔaʤoʔˈmae BAH — PKB ʔaˌiʤoʔ ˈmae KND ʔaˈiʤoʔ SAM aiʤoʔ mai KIN aiʤoʔ mai HHK aˌiʤoʔ ˈmae LMP — BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ ˈmae TLD taˌiʤoʔ ˈmae | taˌiʤoʔ ˈmule

here 324 di sini (cf. 321)

SIM aya HON ˌʔayaˈmae BAH aiya PKB iˈʔayːa KND ˈʔaya

SAM aiya KIN i aiya HHK ʔiˈʔaya LMP aide BTY ʔaˈide LLB — TLD ˌʔukaˈmae

there 325 di situ (cf. 322)

SIM atu HON ˌʔayʤoʔ ˈmae BAH i tinaʔ PKB ʔaˈiʤoʔ | ʔaitu (equivalent) KND iˈkiʤo SAM aiʤoʔ KIN i aiʤoʔ HHK ʔiˈʔayʤoʔ LMP aiʤoʔ ma BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ LLB — TLD ˈtiːʤoʔ ~ taˈiʤoʔ

way over there 326 di sana

SIM kiʤoʔ mae | kitaʔ mae | kayoŋ mae HON ˌkiʤoʔ ˈmae BAH kiiʤoʔ | aiʤoʔ mae PKB ʔaˌiʤoʔ ˈmae KND ʔaˈiʤoʔ ˈmae SAM aitaʔ mai KIN i aiʤoʔ mai HHK iˈʔayʤoʔ ˈmai LMP aiʤoʔ maa BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ mae LLB — TLD ˌkitaʔ ˈmae (up) | ˌkayoŋˈmae (down)

one 327 satu

SIM isaʔ HON ˈʔisaʔ | saˈʔaŋu BAH isaʔ PKB saˈʔaŋu | samˈbatu KND samˈbatu

88

SAM isaʔ KIN isaʔ HHK saˈʔaŋuʔ LMP isaʔ BTY ˈʔisaʔ | saˈʔanuʔ LLB samˈbatu TLD saˈʔaŋuʔ | samˈbatu

two 328 dua

SIM ohuaʔ HON ʔoˈhuaʔ BAH ohuaʔ PKB ʔoˈhuaʔ KND ʔoˈhuaʔ SAM ohuaʔ KIN ohuaʔ HHK ʔoˈhuaʔ LMP ohuaʔ BTY ʔoˈhuaʔ LLB ʔoˈhuaʔ TLD ʔoˈhuaʔ

three 329 tiga

SIM totolu HON toˈtoluʔ BAH totoluʔ PKB toˈtoluʔ KND toˈtoluʔ SAM totoluʔ KIN totoluʔ HHK toˈtoluʔ LMP totoluʔ BTY toˈtoluʔ LLB toˈtoluʔ TLD toˈtoluʔ

four 330 empat

SIM opat HON ˈʔopːat BAH opat PKB ˈʔopat KND ˈʔopat

SAM opat KIN opat HHK ˈʔopat LMP opat BTY ˈʔopat LLB ˈʔopat TLD ˈʔopat

five 331 lima

SIM olimaʔ HON ʔoˈlimaʔ BAH olimaʔ PKB ʔoˈlimaʔ KND ʔoˈlimaʔ SAM olimaʔ KIN olimaʔ HHK ʔoˈlimaʔ LMP olimaʔ BTY ʔoˈlimaʔ LLB — TLD ʔoˈlimaʔ

six 332 enam

SIM anom HON ˈʔanom BAH anom PKB ˈʔanom KND ˈʔanom SAM anom KIN anom HHK ˈʔanom LMP anom BTY ˈʔanom LLB — TLD ˈʔanom

seven 333 tujuh

SIM popituʔ HON poˈpitːuʔ BAH popituʔ PKB poˈpituʔ KND poˈpituʔ

89

SAM popituʔ KIN popituʔ HHK poˈpituʔ LMP popituʔ BTY poˈpituʔ LLB — TLD poˈpituʔ

eight 334 delapan

SIM ualuʔ HON ʔuˈaluʔ BAH uwaluʔ PKB ʔuˈaluʔ KND ʔuˈaluʔ SAM uwaluʔ KIN uwaluʔ HHK ʔuˈaluʔ LMP uwaluʔ BTY ʔuˈaluʔ LLB — TLD ʔuˈaluʔ

nine 335 sembilan

SIM osioʔ HON ʔoˈsioʔ BAH osioʔ PKB ʔoˈsioʔ KND ʔoˈsioʔ SAM osioʔ KIN osioʔ HHK ʔoˈsioʔ LMP osioʔ BTY ʔoˈsioʔ LLB — TLD ʔoˈsioʔ

ten 336 sepuluh

SIM sampuluʔ HON samˈpuluʔ BAH sampuluʔ PKB samˈpuluʔ KND samˈpuluʔ

SAM sampuluʔ KIN sampuluʔ HHK samˈpuluʔ LMP sampuluʔ BTY samˈpuluʔ LLB — TLD samˈpuluʔ

twenty 337 dua puluh

SIM uampuluʔ HON ˌʔuamˈpuluʔ BAH uampuluʔ PKB ˌʔuamˈpuluʔ KND ˌduaˈpuluʔ (<Malay) SAM uwampuluʔ KIN uwampuluʔ HHK ˌʔuamˈpuluʔ LMP uampuluʔ BTY ˌʔuamˈpuluʔ LLB — TLD ˌʔuamˈpuluʔ

hundred 338 seratus

SIM sa atu HON saˈʔatu BAH saʔatu PKB saˈʔatu KND saˈʔatu SAM saʔatu KIN saʔatu HHK saˈʔatu LMP saʔatu BTY saˈʔatu LLB — TLD saˈʔatu

thousand 339 seribu

SIM samadala HON samaˈdala BAH samadala PKB samaˈdala KND samaˈdala

90

SAM samadala KIN samadala HHK samaˈdala LMP samadala BTY samaˈdala LLB — TLD samaˈdala

at 340 di

SIM i HON ʔi BAH i PKB ʔi KND ʔi SAM i KIN i HHK ʔi LMP i BTY ʔi LLB ʔi TLD ʔi

left (hand/side) 341 kiri

SIM kowi HON ˈkowiː BAH kowi | keweʔ PKB ˈkowiː KND ˈkowiː SAM kowi KIN kowi | keweʔ HHK ˈkowiː LMP kowi BTY ˈkowiː LLB ˈboboʔ TLD ˈboboʔ

right (hand/side) 342 kanan

SIM koanan HON koˈwanan BAH koanan PKB koˈanan KND koˈwanan

SAM kowanan KIN kowanan HHK koˈwanan LMP kowanan BTY koˈanan LLB koˈanan TLD koˈanan

west 343 barat

SIM kinsooban HON kinˈsoban BAH kinsoban PKB ˈbarat (<Malay) KND ˈbarat (<Malay) SAM kinsoban KIN kinsoban HHK ˈbarat (<Malay) LMP kakinsoban BTY kinˈsoban LLB — TLD kakinˈsoban

east 344 timur

SIM kabeteʔan | pimbuuʔan HON kabeˈteʔan BAH kabeteʔan PKB ˈtimur (<Malay) KND ˈtimur (<Malay) SAM beteʔan KIN kabeteʔan HHK ˈtimur (<Malay) LMP kaleapan BTY kabeˈteʔan LLB — TLD kabeˈteʔan

toward the sea 345 ke arah laut (cf. 193)

SIM mokayoŋ HON miˈnaŋa BAH sasu ambai PKB mambaindaˈlaŋon (cf. 551) KND —

91

SAM patak u ndalaŋon KIN moʔahop i ambai HHK — LMP moʔahop i ambai BTY kadiˈeʔan (south) | kaʔiˈseʔanu ˈtanoʔ (cf. 257) TLD ʔindaˈlaŋon

toward the interior 346 ke arah (pe)dalam(an)

SIM mokita HON mamˈbai ˈlipuʔ (cf. 551) BAH sasu lipuʔ PKB mambaibuŋˈkutɲo (cf. 204, 551) KND — SAM patak u hoho (no people) | patak u lipuʔ (where old people used to live) KIN moʔahop i lipuʔ HHK — LMP moŋahop i lipuʔ BTY kadaˈkaʔan (north) | kadaˈkaʔanu ˈtanoʔ (cf. 197, 256) TLD kantaˈnoʔan (cf. 197)

under 347 di bawah

SIM i alukɲo HON ʔaˈlukɲo BAH i aluk PKB ʔiˈʔaluk KND ʔiˈʔaluk SAM i aluk KIN i aluk HHK ʔiˈʔaluk LMP i uno (cf. 352) BTY ʔiʔaˈlukɲo LLB iʔuˈnoːɲo TLD ʔiˈʔunoː (cf. 352)

on top of, above 348 di atas

SIM i buanɲo HON buˈaɲo BAH buaɲo

PKB ʔiˈbawo KND ʔiˈbawo SAM i bawo KIN i bawo HHK ʔiˈbawo LMP i bao BTY baˈoɲo LLB ʔiˈbawo TLD ʔiˈbawo

behind 349 di belakang

SIM i hiku | i paduŋ (yard behind house) HON hiˈkuɲo BAH i hiku PKB ʔiˈhiku KND ʔiˈhiku SAM i hiku KIN i hiku HHK ʔiˈhiku LMP i hiku BTY hiˈkuɲo LLB — TLD ʔiˈhiku

in front 350 di depan

SIM i ahop HON ˈʔahop BAH i ahop PKB ʔiˈʔahop KND ʔiˈʔahop SAM i ahop KIN i ahop HHK ʔiˈʔahop LMP i ahop BTY ʔaˈhopɲo LLB — TLD ʔiˈʔahop

outside 351 di luar

SIM i sambihaʔɲo HON samˈbihaʔ BAH sambihaʔɲo

92

PKB ʔisambiˈhaʔɲo KND ʔisamˈbihaʔ SAM sambihaʔɲo KIN sambihaʔɲo HHK ʔisamˈbihaʔ LMP sambihaʔɲo BTY samˈbihaʔ LLB — TLD ʔisambiˈhaʔɲo

inside 352 di dalam (cf. 347)

SIM i unoɲo HON ʔuˈnoːɲo BAH i unoɲo PKB ʔiʔuˈnoːɲo KND ʔiʔuˈnoːɲo SAM i unoɲo KIN i unooɲo HHK ʔiʔuˈnoːɲo LMP i unooɲo BTY ʔuˈnoːɲo LLB ʔiˈʔunoː TLD iʔuˈnoːɲo

edge 353 pinggir

SIM sohipiʔɲo HON biˈβiːɲo BAH sohipiʔ PKB ibiˈwiːɲo (table) | isohipi (person) KND ʔisoˈhipiʔ SAM sohipiʔ KIN sohipiʔ HHK ʔisoˈhipiʔ (=at the edge) LMP sohipiʔ BTY sohiˈpiʔɲo LLB — TLD biˈbiwi

day 354 hari

SIM ˈsinaː HON ˈsinaː BAH ˈsinaː

PKB ˈsinaː KND ˈhari (<Malay) SAM ˈsinaː KIN ˈsinaː HHK ˈsinaː LMP ˈsinaː BTY ˈsinaː LLB ˈsinaː TLD ˈsina

night 355 malam

SIM pihi HON ˈpihiː BAH pihi | malom PKB ˈpihiː KND ˈpihiː SAM pihi KIN pihi | malom HHK ˈpihiː LMP pihi | malom BTY ˈpihiː LLB ˈpihiː TLD ˈpihi

morning 356 pagi

SIM maliana HON ˈsubu | maliˈana BAH subu PKB ˈsubu KND ˈsubu SAM subu KIN subu HHK ˈsubu LMP subu BTY ˈsubu LLB — TLD (da)daŋaˈdodop (cf. 361)

midday 357 siang (cf. 354)

SIM sansuʔun HON ˈsinaː BAH sonsuʔun

93

PKB ˈsinaː KND ˈsinaː SAM sonsuʔun KIN sonsuʔun HHK sonˈsuʔun LMP sonsuʔun BTY sunˈsuʔun LLB — TLD ˈsina

afternoon 358 sore

SIM miŋgili HON ˈmalom BAH mamaalom PKB ˈmalom KND ˈsore (<Malay) SAM maamaalom KIN maamaalom HHK maˈlomo LMP maamaalom BTY ˈmalom LLB — TLD maˈmalom

yesterday 359 kemarin

SIM naboŋiʔ HON naˈboːŋiʔ BAH naboŋiʔ PKB naˈboːŋiʔ KND naˈboŋiʔ SAM nabooŋiʔ KIN nabooŋiʔ HHK naˈboːŋiʔ LMP nabooŋiʔ BTY naˈboːŋiʔ LLB — TLD naˈboŋiʔ

today 360 hari ini (cf. 354)

SIM sina uka HON ˈsinaː ˈʔaya BAH sina uka

PKB ˈsinaː ˈʔaya | ˈsinaː ˈʔuka KND ˌsinaːˈʔukaʔ SAM sina aiya KIN sina aiya HHK ˌsinaːˈʔuka LMP sina uuka BTY ˌsinaːˈʔuka LLB — TLD ˌsinaˈʔaya

tomorrow 361 besok

SIM dodop HON ˈdodop BAH dodop PKB ˈdodop KND ˈdodop SAM dodop KIN dodop HHK ˈdodop LMP dodop BTY ˈdodop LLB — TLD ˈdodop

year 362 tahun

SIM lonu (based on rice harvests) HON ˈlonu (as in: saʔaŋuʔinalonu ‘already one year ago’) BAH taun PKB ˈtaun KND ˈtaun SAM taun KIN taun | loonu HHK ˈtaun LMP taun BTY ˈtaun LLB ˈtaun TLD ˈtaun

ashamed, shy 363 malu

SIM maambaŋ HON maˈʔambaŋ

94

BAH maʔambaŋ PKB maˈʔambaŋ KND maˈʔambaŋ SAM maʔambaŋ KIN maʔambaŋ HHK maˈʔambaŋ LMP maʔambaŋ BTY maˈʔambaŋ LLB ˈmɛseː TLD maˈʔambaŋ

angry 364 marah

SIM motopusa HON ˈpusːa BAH motambuhaʔ PKB motamˈbuhaʔ KND matamˈbuhaʔ SAM motambuhaʔ KIN matambuhaʔ HHK motamˈbuhaʔ LMP motoʔidek BTY ˌmatamˈbuha | biˈlisun LLB — TLD suˈweːŋ

to fear, be afraid of 365 takut (kepada)

SIM matakut HON maˈbuhuk BAH mabuhuk PKB maˈbuhuk KND maˈbuhuk SAM mabuhuk KIN mabuhuk HHK maˈbuhuk LMP mabuhuk BTY maˈbuhuk LLB maˈbuhuk TLD maˈtakut

to count 366 menghitung

SIM mombilaŋ HON moˈlɛkːeŋ

BAH molekeŋ | mombilaŋ PKB moˈlekeŋ KND moˈrekeŋ SAM molekeŋ KIN malekeŋ | moŋgagisaʔ HHK moˈlekeŋ LMP molekeŋ BTY moˈrekeŋ LLB moˈlekeŋ TLD moˈrekeŋ

to learn 367 belajar

SIM molioi HON poˈkindeʔ BAH balaʤan PKB moˈguluʔ KND baˈlaʤar SAM baguru | mompakalioi KIN makalio HHK baˈlaʤar LMP balaʤar | makalio BTY makaˈlio LLB — TLD baˈlaʤar

to think 368 berpikir

SIM montutugi HON dudukuˈhakon (bow the head) BAH bapikin PKB moŋiˈnauʔ KND baˈpikir SAM bapikir | bataŋaʔ KIN bataŋaʔ HHK baˈpikir LMP bapikin | bataŋaʔ BTY baˈtaŋaʔ LLB moŋiˈnaũʔ TLD baˈtaŋaʔ

to know (a thing) 369 tahu (sesuatu)

SIM monsumbuʔ HON monˈsumbuʔ

95

BAH monsumbuʔ PKB monˈsumbuʔ KND monˈsumbuʔ SAM monsumbuʔ KIN munsumbuʔ HHK monˈsumbuʔ LMP monsumbuʔ BTY monˈsumbuʔ LLB monˈsumbuʔ TLD monˈsumbuʔ

to know a person 370 kenal (orang)

SIM osumbuʔ HON momˌpahaˈkona BAH sumbuʔ PKB mahanˈsumbuʔ (know each other) KND monˈsumbuʔ SAM kusumbuʔ KIN kusumbuʔ HHK mahanˈsumbuʔ (know each other) LMP kanaiyaʔ BTY ˈsumbuʔ LLB — TLD momˌpahaˈsumbuʔ

to forget 371 lupa

SIM toŋkolilim HON koliˈlimi BAH toŋkolilim PKB ˌtoŋkoˈlilim KND koliˈlimi SAM toŋkolilim KIN toŋkolilim HHK ˌtoŋkoˈlilim LMP toŋkolilim BTY koliˈlimi LLB — TLD toŋkoˈlilim

to lie (untruth) 372 berbohong, mendusta

SIM balekoʔ HON baˈlekos

BAH balekoʔ PKB baˈlekos KND baˈlekos SAM mombalekosi KIN balekos HHK leˈkoson ~ baˈlekos LMP lekos BTY baˈlekos LLB — TLD laˈmaŋon

to choose 373 memilih

SIM mompileʔi HON piˈleʔi BAH mompileʔi PKB mompiˈleʔi KND mompiˈleʔi SAM mompileʔi KIN mompileʔi HHK mompiˈleʔi LMP mompileʔi BTY piˈleʔi LLB mompiˈleʔi TLD mompiˈleʔi

to beckon with the hand 374 memanggil (dengan tangan)

SIM moŋkaeʔ | molaga HON moˈlaga BAH moŋ-kaweʔ PKB moŋˈkaeʔ (with hand) | moˈlaga (call) KND moˈlaga SAM moŋ-kaweʔ KIN moŋ-kaweʔ HHK moŋˈkaweʔ LMP moŋ-kaweʔ BTY moŋˈkaweʔ LLB — TLD momˈboːl

to tell 375 memberitahu, kasi tahu

SIM oposumbuʔ HON mompoˈtoʔiʰ

96

BAH mompotoʔi PKB mompoˈtoʔi KND mompoˈtoʔi SAM mompotiʔi KIN mompotoʔi HHK mompoˈtoʔi LMP mompotoʔi BTY mompoˈsumbuʔ LLB — TLD mompoˈtoʔi

to say, speak, utter 376 berkata

SIM basisik HON motaˈtae BAH motatae PKB motaˈtae KND motaˈtae SAM motatae KIN motatae HHK motaˈtae LMP motatae BTY baˈsisik LLB motaˈtae TLD biˈsara (<Malay)

to repeat 377 mengulangi

SIM moŋulit HON moˈŋulit BAH moŋulaŋi PKB mombaˈliʔi KND moŋuˈlaŋi SAM mombaliʔi | mombolosi KIN moŋuliti HHK moŋuˈliti LMP mombaliʔi BTY moŋuˈliti LLB — TLD moˈŋulit

to answer 378 menjawab

SIM montaami HON monˈtaːmi

BAH montaami | monʤawab PKB monˈtaːmi KND mənˈʤawab (<Malay) SAM montami KIN molawani HHK monˈʤawap LMP mon-ʤawab BTY monˈtaːmi TLD monˈtami (answer question) ~ monˈtaːmi (answer call)

to sing 379 menyanyi

SIM moŋobaʔ | moɲaɲi HON moˈŋelok | moˈɲaɲi BAH maɲaɲi PKB moˈŋelok | moˈkeloŋ KND moˈɲaɲi SAM bakeloŋ KIN bakidoŋ HHK maˈɲaɲi LMP maɲaɲi BTY moˈŋelok LLB — TLD maˈɲaɲi | bakiduŋ

to cry 380 menangis

SIM humaaŋ HON huˈmaːŋ | luˈmelep (cry silently) BAH humaaŋ PKB huˈmaːŋ KND huˈmaːŋ SAM humaaŋ KIN humaaŋ HHK huˈmaːŋ LMP humaaŋ BTY huˈmaːŋ LLB huˈmaːŋ TLD huˈmaːŋ

to laugh 381 tertawa

SIM kuˈmoʤoː HON kuˈmoʤoː

97

BAH kuˈmoʤoː PKB kuˈmoʤoː KND kuˈmoʤo SAM kuˈmoʤoː KIN kuˈmoʤoː HHK kuˈmoʤoː LMP kuˈmoʤoː BTY kuˈmoʤoː LLB kuˈmoʤoː TLD moˈlomi

to hear 382 mendengar

SIM moˈhoŋoː HON moˈhoŋoː BAH moˈhoŋoː PKB moˈhoŋoː KND moˈhoŋoː SAM moˈhoŋoː KIN moˈhoŋoː HHK moˈhoŋoː LMP moˈhoŋoː BTY moˈhoŋoː LLB moˈhoŋoː TLD moˈhoŋo

to see 383 melihat

SIM montoa HON monˈtoa BAH montoa PKB monˈtoa KND monˈtoa SAM montoaʔ KIN montoa HHK monˈtoa LMP montoa BTY monˈtoa LLB mənˈtoa TLD momˈpia

to smell, sniff 384 mencium

SIM moŋook | monohoŋ HON monˈsuːŋi (cf. 014)

BAH moŋ-ook PKB moˈŋoːki KND moˈŋoːk SAM moŋ-ook KIN moŋ-ook HHK moˈŋõːk LMP moŋ-ook BTY moˈŋoːk LLB moˈŋoːk TLD moˈŋoːk

to cut (wood, across grain) 385 memotong (kayu)

SIM moŋkoloŋ HON moŋˈkoloŋ BAH moŋ-koloŋ PKB moŋˈkoloŋ KND moŋˈkoloŋ SAM moŋ-koloŋ KIN moŋ-koloŋ HHK moŋˈkoloŋ LMP moŋ-koloŋ BTY moŋˈkoloŋ LLB moŋˈkoloŋ TLD moŋˈkoloŋ

to split (wood) 386 membelah (kayu)

SIM mombihaʔ HON momˈbihaʔ BAH mom-bihaʔ PKB momˈbihaʔ KND momˈbihaʔ SAM mom-bihaʔ KIN mom-bihaʔ HHK momˈbihaʔ LMP mom-bihaʔ BTY momˈbihaʔ LLB məmˈbihaʔ TLD momˈbihaʔ

to cook 387 memasak

SIM moŋunʤaŋ HON moˈŋunʤaŋ

98

BAH moŋ-unʤaŋ PKB moˈŋunʤaŋ KND moˈŋunʤaŋ SAM moŋ-unʤaŋ KIN moŋ-unʤaŋ HHK moˈŋunʤaŋ LMP moŋ-unʤaŋ BTY moˈŋunʤaŋ LLB məˈŋunʤaŋ TLD momˈpuːl

to (be) boil(ing) (of water) 388 mendidih

SIM lumuaʔ HON luˈmuaʔ BAH lumuaʔ PKB luˈmuaʔ KND luˈmoaʔ SAM lumuaʔ KIN lumuaʔ HHK luˈmuaʔ LMP lumuaʔ BTY luˈmuãʔ LLB — TLD luˈmuaʔ

to open, uncover 389 membuka

SIM moŋukap HON momˈbukaʔ BAH mom-bukaʔ PKB moŋuˈkabi KND momˈbukaʔ SAM mom-bukai KIN mom-bukaʔ HHK momˈbukaʔ LMP mom-bukaʔ BTY moˈŋukap LLB momˈbukaʔ TLD moˈŋukap

to eat 390 makan

SIM moŋkaan HON moŋˈkaːn

BAH moŋ-kaan PKB moŋˈkaːn KND moŋˈkaːn SAM moŋ-kaan KIN moŋ-kaan HHK moŋˈkaːn LMP moŋ-kaan BTY moŋˈkaːn LLB moŋˈkaːn TLD moŋ̪ˈkaːn

to drink 391 minum

SIM moŋinum HON moˈŋinum BAH moŋ-inum PKB moˈŋinum KND moˈŋinum SAM moŋ-inum KIN moŋ-inum HHK moˈŋinum LMP moŋ-inum BTY moˈŋinum LLB moˈŋinum TLD moˈŋinum

to bite 392 menggigit

SIM mombaheʔ HON momˈbaheʔ BAH mom-baheʔ PKB momˈbaheʔ KND moŋˈkabek SAM mom-baheʔ (person) | moŋ-kabek (animal) KIN moŋ-kabek HHK moŋˈkabek LMP moŋ-kabek BTY moŋˈkabek LLB moŋˈkabek TLD moŋˈkabek

99

to chew (not to swallow) 393 mengunyah

SIM moɲaiŋ HON moˈɲaiŋ BAH moɲaiŋ PKB moˈɲaiŋ KND moˈɲaiŋ SAM moɲaiŋ KIN moɲaiŋ HHK moˈɲain LMP moɲaiŋ BTY moˈɲaiŋ LLB moˈɲaiŋ TLD moˈɲaiŋ

to chew betelnut 394 makan pinang

SIM momaŋan HON moˈmaŋan BAH momaŋan (stem paŋan) PKB moˈmaŋan KND moˈmaŋan SAM momaŋan (stem paŋan) KIN momaŋan (stem paŋan) HHK moˈmaŋan LMP momaŋan (stem paŋan) BTY moˈmaŋan LLB — TLD moˈmaŋan

to swallow 395 menelan

SIM moloɲom | moŋoɲop HON moˈloɲom | moˈŋoɲop BAH moloɲom PKB moˈloɲom | moˈŋoɲop KND moloɲum SAM moloɲom KIN moloɲom HHK moˈloɲom LMP moloɲom BTY moˈloɲom LLB — TLD moˈloɲom

to suck (not nurse) 396 mengisap

SIM monsonop | monsosop HON moˈmomos | moˈhondo BAH mohondop PKB maˈyumbut KND moˈhondop SAM mon-sosop KIN mon-sondop HHK monˈsondop LMP mon-sondop BTY monˈsondop LLB moˈmomos TLD monˈsondop

to blow (on fire) 397 meniup

SIM mompuhi HON momˈpuhi BAH mom-puhi PKB momˈpuhi KND momˈpuhi SAM mom-puhi KIN mom-puhi HHK momˈpuhi (on something) | momˈpuː (to blow) LMP mom-puhi BTY momˈpuːhi LLB momˈpuːhi TLD momˈpuhi

to hold 398 memegang

SIM montooŋi HON monˈtoːŋi BAH mon-toŋi PKB monˈtoːŋi KND monˈtoːŋi SAM mon-toŋi KIN mon-tooŋi HHK monˈtoŋi LMP mon-tooŋi BTY monˈtoːŋi LLB moŋˈkoŋkoŋ (take by handful) TLD monˈtoːŋ

100

to squeeze (in hand) 399 memeras

SIM mompaoʔ HON momˈpaoʔ BAH mom-paoʔ PKB momˈpaoʔ KND momˈpaoʔ SAM mom-paoʔ KIN mom-paoʔ HHK momˈpaoʔ LMP mom-paoʔ BTY momˈpaoʔ LLB məmˈpaoʔ TLD momˈpiːs

to throw away 400 membuang

SIM mombataakon HON moˈŋalin BAH moŋ-alin PKB moˈŋalin KND moˈŋalin SAM moŋ-alin KIN moŋ-alin HHK moˈŋaliŋ LMP moŋ-alin BTY moˈŋaliŋ LLB — TLD mondaˈhakon

to fall, drop (as fruit) 401 jatuh

SIM manabuʔ HON maˈnabuʔ BAH manabuʔ PKB maˈnabuʔ KND naˈnabuʔ SAM manabuʔ KIN manabuʔ HHK maˈnabuʔ LMP manabuʔ BTY maˈnabuʔ LLB maˈnabuʔ TLD maˈnabuʔ

to drop 402 menjatuhkan

SIM montua HON montuˈakon | moˌnabuˈʔakon BAH mon-tua PKB mombaheˈtakon KND mompoˈnabuʔ SAM mon-tua KIN mon-tua HHK monˈtua LMP mon-tua BTY monˈtua LLB — TLD monˈtua

to play 403 bermain

SIM mahaik | molewa-lewaʔ HON maˈhãĩk BAH biaŋ PKB maˈhãĩk KND maˈhaik SAM mahaik (adults) | biaŋ (children) KIN mahaik HHK maˈhãĩk LMP mahaik BTY maˈhãĩk LLB — TLD momoˈʔũã

to work 404 bekerja

SIM mokalaʤaa HON momˈbau BAH mo-kalaʤaa PKB mokalaˈʤaː KND moˈkarʤa SAM bahagia KIN moŋ-kalaʤa | molokaɲaŋ HHK moŋkalaˈʤaː LMP moŋ-kalaʤaa BTY moŋkaraˈʤaː LLB bakaraˈʤaː TLD bakaraˈʤaː

101

to burn (field) 405 membakar (kebun)

SIM momˈpapuː HON momˈpapuː BAH momˈpapuː PKB momˈpapu ~ mompaˈpui KND momˈpapuː SAM momˈpapuː KIN momˈpapuː | mompaˈpui (burn a little bit) HHK mompaˈpui LMP momˈpapuː BTY momˈpapuː LLB momˈpapuː (field) | mompaˈpui (at house) TLD mompaˈpui

to plant (small seeds) 406 menanam (biji-biji kecil)

SIM motugan HON monˈtugan (seed) | monˈsuʔan (seedling) BAH moˈtugan PKB monˈtugal (with dibble) | monˈsuʔan KND moˈtugal SAM mon-tugal KIN monˈtugal (rice) | moˈsuʔan (seeds) HHK monˈtugal | monˈsuʔan LMP mon-tugan BTY monˈtugal | monˈsuʔan LLB monˈsuʔan (seedling) TLD monˈtugal (with dibble) | monˈsuʔan

to grow 407 tumbuh (cf. 410)

SIM lubat HON tuˈmũːʔ BAH tumuuʔ PKB tuˈmuːʔ KND tuˈmũː SAM tumuuʔ KIN tumuuʔ HHK tuˈmũːʔ | (cf. ˈtumuʔ ‘small feces’) LMP tumuuʔ BTY tuˈmũːʔ

LLB tuˈmũːʔ TLD tuˈmũːʔ

to winnow 408 menampi

SIM montapii HON montaˈpiː BAH mon-tapii PKB montaˈpiː KND montaˈpiː SAM mon-tapii KIN mon-tapii HHK montaˈpiʔi LMP mon-tapiʔi BTY montaˈpiː LLB — TLD moŋkiˈabi ~ kiˈabi

to pound (rice) 409 menumbuk (padi)

SIM moŋuʤaʔ HON moˈŋuʤaʔ BAH moŋuʤaʔ PKB moˈŋuʤaʔ KND moˈŋuʤak SAM moŋuʤaʔ KIN moŋuʤaʔ HHK moˈŋuʤaʔ LMP moŋuʤaʔ BTY moˈŋuʤaʔ LLB moˈŋuʤaʔ TLD moˈŋuʤaʔ

to live, be alive 410 hidup (cf. 407)

SIM tumuuʔ HON tuˈmũːʔ BAH tumuuʔ PKB tuˈmũːʔ KND tuˈmuː SAM tumuuʔ KIN tumuuʔ HHK tuˈmũːʔ LMP tumuuʔ BTY tuˈmũːʔ

102

LLB tuˈmũːʔ TLD tuˈmũːʔ

to die, dead 411 mati

SIM mate (animals) | silaka (persons) HON ˈmate BAH mate PKB ˈmate KND ˈnate SAM mate KIN mate HHK ˈmate LMP mate BTY ˈmate LLB ˈmate TLD ˈmate

to dig (hole) 412 menggali

SIM moŋkeke HON moŋˈkeke BAH moŋ-keke PKB moŋˈkeke KND moŋˈkeke SAM moŋ-keke KIN moŋ-keke HHK moŋˈkeke LMP moŋ-keke BTY moŋˈkeke LLB moŋˈkeke TLD moŋˈkeke

to bury, inter 413 menguburkan

SIM molambun HON moˈlambun BAH mo-lamun PKB moˈlamun (generic) KND moˈlamun SAM mo-lamun KIN mo-lamun HHK momponˈtanom (thing) | moŋˈkubur (corpse) LMP mo-lamun

BTY moˈlamun (thing) TLD moˈlamun

to push 414 mendorong

SIM monsulaakon HON monsuˈlakon BAH mon-sunduhakon | monsulakon | montumbalakon PKB monˌsunduˈhakon KND monˌsunduˈhakon SAM mon-sunduhakon | monsulakon KIN mon-sundohakon HHK monˌsunduˈhakon LMP mon-sunduhakon BTY tumbaˈlakon TLD monsuˈlakon

to pull 415 menarik (sesuatu)

SIM mohelaʔ HON moˈhelaʔ BAH mo-helaʔ PKB moˈhelaʔ KND moˈhelaʔ SAM mo-helaʔ KIN mo-helaʔ HHK moˈhelaʔ LMP mo-helaʔ BTY moˈhelaʔ LLB — TLD moˈhelaʔ

to tie (tether animal) 416 mengikat, menambatkan

SIM monsegoti HON monˈsegot BAH potubuŋ PKB monˈsegot KND monˈsegot SAM momposegot KIN momposegot HHK monˈsegot LMP momposegot BTY monˈsegot

103

LLB monˈsegot TLD monˈsegot

to turn (right/left) 417 berbelok

SIM mosele HON monsiˈopoʔ BAH mosele PKB moˈsele KND moˈbalik SAM mosele KIN mosele HHK moˈsele | baˈbelok (<Malay) LMP mosele BTY minˌsikoˈsiko LLB məˈsele TLD moˈsele

to turn around 418 berputar

SIM moluntun (ball) | matitoyoŋ (propeller) HON mimˌpioˈpio | minsinsiˈlidoʔ (wheel) BAH mimbatioleʔ PKB ˌmimbatiˈtuhun KND baˈputar (<Malay) SAM mimbatituhun KIN mimbalioloŋ HHK tonˈtuhun LMP tontuhun BTY tonˈtuhun LLB — TLD montiˈkubi (turn s.th. around)

to stick to 419 melekat, berlekat

SIM kumampit HON ˈkampit ~ kuˈmampit BAH kampit PKB kuˈmampit KND kuˈmampit SAM kampit KIN kampit HHK kuˈmampit LMP kampit

BTY kuˈmampit LLB — TLD matiˈkampit

to wipe 420 mengelap

SIM moŋambuʔi HON monˈsaut BAH mon-saut PKB moŋamˈbuʔi | moŋiˈtasi KND seˈkai SAM mon-saut KIN mon-saut HHK monsaˈuti LMP mon-saut BTY monsaˈuti LLB — TLD monsaˈuti

to wash clothes 421 mencuci pakaian

SIM mombasoʔi hude HON mombaˈsoʔi BAH mom-basoʔi PKB mombaˈsoʔi KND mombaˈsoʔi SAM mom-basoʔi KIN mom-basoʔi hude HHK mombaˈsoʔi LMP mom-basoʔi BTY mombaˈsoʔi LLB — TLD baˈbasoʔ

to dry (clothes) in sun 422 menjemur (pakaian)

SIM momposampe hude HON monˈtimpaʔ BAH mom-pokoya PKB monˈtimpaʔ KND monˈtimpaʔ SAM mon-timpaʔ KIN mon-timpaʔ (clothes) | mompokoiya (coffee) HHK monˈtimpaʔ

104

LMP mon-timpaʔ BTY monˈtimpaʔ TLD monˈtimpaʔ

to wash hands 423 mencuci tangan (cf. 027, 421)

SIM mimbasoʔ HON mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima BAH mom-basoʔi PKB mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima KND mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima SAM miaɲo KIN mom-basoʔi HHK mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima LMP mom-basoʔi BTY mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima LLB — TLD mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima

to bathe 424 mandi

SIM mindiiʔ HON minˈdiː BAH mindiiʔ PKB minˈdiːʔ KND minˈdiː SAM mindiiʔ KIN mindiiʔ HHK minˈdiːʔ LMP mindiiʔ BTY minˈdiːʔ LLB — TLD minˈdiːʔ

to give someone a bath 425 memandikan

SIM mompindiiʔ HON mompinˈdiː BAH mompindiiʔ PKB mompinˈdiːʔ KND mompinˈdiː SAM mompindiiʔ KIN mompindiiʔ HHK mompinˈdiːʔ LMP mompindiiʔ

BTY mompinˈdiːʔi LLB — TLD mompinˈdiːʔi

to swim 426 berenang

SIM luˈmaŋuː HON luˈmaŋuː BAH luˈmaŋuː PKB luˈmaŋuː KND luˈmaŋuː SAM luˈmaŋuː (cf. luˈmaŋu ‘k.o. crab’) KIN luˈmaŋuː HHK miˈlaŋuː LMP miˈlaŋuː BTY luˈmaŋuː LLB luˈmaŋuː TLD luˈmaŋu

to climb (tree) 427 memanjat (pohon)

SIM molibaʔ HON moˈlibaʔ BAH molibaʔ PKB moˈlibaʔ KND moˈlibaʔ SAM molibaʔ KIN molibaʔ HHK moˈlibaʔ LMP molibaʔ BTY maˈlibaʔ LLB moˈlibaʔ (as into house) TLD moˈmenek

to climb (mountain) 428 mendaki (gunung)

SIM mindako HON minˈdakːoː BAH min-dako PKB minˈdakoː KND minˈdako SAM min-dako KIN min-dako HHK minˈdakoː LMP min-dako

105

BTY minˈdakoː LLB — TLD minˈdako

to hide 429 bersembunyi

SIM mitatampuŋ HON matiˈsuluk BAH mati-suluk PKB maninˈsuluk KND matiˈsuluk SAM mati-suluk KIN mani-suluk HHK maninˈsuluk LMP min-suluk BTY minsaˈsuluk LLB matiˈsuluk TLD matiˈsuluk | matiˈbini (equivalent)

to hunt (for game) 430 berburu

SIM mombebas | mogala (set traps) HON momˈbebas BAH mom-bebas PKB momˈbebas KND momˈbebas SAM mom-bebas KIN mom-bebas HHK momˈbebas LMP mom-bebas BTY momˈbebas LLB momˈbebas TLD momˈbebas

to fly 431 terbang

SIM lumahapo HON luˈmahap BAH lumahap PKB luˈmahap KND luˈmahap SAM lumahap KIN lumahap HHK luˈmahap LMP lumahap

BTY luˈmahap LLB luˈmahap TLD luˈmahap

to shoot an arrow 432 memanah

SIM mompanaʔ (shoot small attached darts at shrimp, eels) HON momˈpanaʔ BAH mompanaʔ PKB momˈpanaʔ KND momˈpanaʔ SAM mompanaʔ KIN mompanaʔ HHK momˈpanaʔ LMP mompanaʔ BTY momˈpanaʔ LLB momˈbunuʔ (cf. 435) TLD momˈpanaʔ

to stab 433 menikam

SIM montobok HON monˈtobok BAH mon-tobok PKB monˈʤaloʔ KND monˈtobok SAM mon-tobok KIN mon-tobok HHK monˈtobok LMP mon-tobok BTY monˈtobok LLB mənˈtuʤak TLD monˈtobok

to kill 434 membunuh (orang)

SIM mompatei HON mompaˈtei BAH mom-patei PKB mompaˈtei KND mompaˈtei SAM mom-patei KIN mom-patei HHK mompaˈtei

106

LMP mom-patei BTY mompaˈtei LLB mompaˈtei TLD mompaˈtei

to throw 435 melempar (batu)

SIM mohodoki HON moˈŋatuː (pelt with stone) BAH mom-bunuʔ PKB moˈŋalin KND momˈbunuʔ SAM mom-bunuʔ KIN mom-bunuʔ | moŋ-alin HHK momˈbunuʔ LMP mom-bunuʔ BTY momˈbunuʔ LLB mombaˈbaloŋ TLD momˈbunuʔ | momˈbiːl (equivalent)

to hit (with a stick, club) 436 memukul (dengan sesuatu)

SIM momombaʔ | mompaŋkin HON monsaˈpahi BAH mondaluk PKB monˈdoke KND monˈʤagul SAM mondaluk KIN montapap HHK molaˈpagi LMP molapagi BTY molaˈpagi LLB momˈpaːl TLD monˈtɛpes

to kick (ball) 437 menendang (bola)

SIM monsepaʔ HON monˈsepːaʔ BAH mon-sepaʔ PKB monˈsepaʔ KND monˈsepaʔ SAM mon-sepaʔ KIN mon-sepaʔ HHK monˈsepaʔ | monsupet

LMP mon-sepaʔ BTY monˈsepaʔ LLB — TLD monˈsepaʔ

to fight 438 berkelahi

SIM mahantudaʔ HON mahanˈtudaʔ BAH mahandaluk | mahalaloasa (with words) PKB ˌmahanˈsalaʔ | ˌmahanˈtudaʔ KND mahanˈsalaʔ SAM mahanʤagul | mahantudaʔ (with words) KIN mahantudaʔ HHK mahanˈtudaʔ LMP mahanpukun | mahantudaʔ (quarrel) BTY mahamˈpukul (physical) | mahanˈtudaʔ (with words) TLD mahamˈpukul (physical) | mahaŋˈgaga (with words)

to steal 439 mencuri

SIM montomaŋ HON monˈtomaŋ (euphamism) | moˈliʔi (coarse) BAH mom-buliŋ PKB momˈbuliŋ | moˈliʔi KND momˈbuliŋ SAM mom-buliŋ KIN mom-buliŋ HHK momˈbuliŋ LMP mom-buliŋ BTY momˈbuliŋ LLB məmˈbuliŋ TLD miˈnakoʔ

to sew 440 menjahit

SIM moŋkaʔut (by machine) | moɲantum (by hand) | montuuʔ (sew bark cloth) HON moŋˈkaʔut BAH moŋ-kaʔut

107

PKB moŋˈkaʔut KND moŋˈkaʔut SAM moŋ-kaʔut KIN moŋ-kaʔut HHK moŋˈkaʔut | monˈtuːʔ LMP moŋ-kaʔut BTY moŋ̟ˈkaʔut LLB moŋ̟ˈkaʔut TLD monˈtuːʔ

to weave cloth 441 menenun

SIM montonun HON monˈtonun BAH mo-tonun PKB monˈtonun KND monˈtonun SAM mo-tonun KIN mo-tonun HHK montoˈnuːn LMP mo-tonun BTY — LLB — TLD montoˈnuːn

to weave a mat 442 menganyam, menjalin (tikar)

SIM moŋaɲam HON moˈŋaɲam BAH moŋ-aɲam PKB moˈŋaɲam KND moˈŋaɲam SAM moŋ-aɲam KIN moŋ-aɲam HHK moˈŋaɲam LMP moŋ-aɲam BTY moˈŋaɲam LLB — TLD moˈŋaɲam

to buy 443 membeli

SIM moŋoli HON moˈŋoli BAH moŋ-oli

PKB moˈŋoli KND moˈŋoli SAM moŋ-oli | mon-sulaŋ KIN moŋ-oli | mon-sulaŋ | mon-soliu HHK moˈŋoli LMP moŋ-oli BTY moˈŋoli LLB moˈŋoli TLD moŋˈgoli

to sell 444 menjual

SIM mompobaluk HON mompoˈbaluk BAH mompo-baluk PKB mompoˈbaluk KND mompoˈbaluk SAM mom-baluk-akon KIN mompo-balu HHK mompoˈbaluk LMP mompo-baluk BTY mompoˈbaluk LLB — TLD mombaluˈkakon

to pay 445 membayar

SIM mombayan HON momˈbayan BAH mom-bayan PKB momˈbayal KND momˈbayar SAM mom-bayal KIN mom-bayal HHK momˈbayan LMP mom-bayan BTY momˈbayan LLB məmˈbayal TLD momˈbayar

to give 446 memberi

SIM mombeeʔ HON momˈbeʔi BAH mom-beʔi

108

PKB momˈbeʔi KND momˈbeʔi SAM mom-beeʔi KIN mom-beʔi HHK momˈbeːʔi LMP mom-beʔi BTY momˈbeʔi LLB — TLD momˈbeʔi

to lose something, lost 447 hilang, kehilangan

SIM mokaŋkan HON noˈkaŋkan | moˈlapus BAH nokaŋkan PKB moˈlapus KND noˈlapus SAM mo-lapus KIN mo-lapus HHK moˈlapus LMP mo-lapus BTY moˈlapus LLB — TLD moˈnunuʔ

to breathe 448 bernafas

SIM miŋkiɲoɲoa HON kohuːˈhusa ~ koˌhusaˈhusa BAH miŋkiɲoɲoa PKB miŋkiɲoˈɲoa KND miˈnapas (<Malay) SAM molohusa KIN molohusa HHK baˈnapas (<Malay) LMP moloʔusa BTY moloˈhusa LLB moloˈʔusaʔ TLD miŋkoɲoˈɲoa

to cough 449 batuk

SIM meke HON ˈmeke BAH meke

PKB moˈmeke KND moˈmiko SAM momeeke KIN meeke HHK moˈmeke LMP momeeke BTY moˈmeke LLB — TLD ˈmɛndek

to spit 450 berludah, meludah

SIM mintupeʔ HON minˈtupːeʔ BAH min-tupeʔ PKB minˈtupeʔ KND minˈtupeʔ SAM mi-tupeʔ KIN min-tupeʔ HHK minˈtupeʔ LMP min-tupeʔ BTY minˈtupeʔ LLB minˈtupeʔ TLD minˈtupeʔ

to vomit (not to spit out) 451 muntah

SIM toʔua HON moŋuˈahi BAH talualuaʔ PKB moŋũˈãhi | moŋõẽʔi KND moluˈaʔi SAM moŋuwahi | molubeki KIN toʔuwa HHK moˈluaʔ LMP toʔuwa BTY toˈʔua LLB toˈʔua TLD toˈlubek

to defecate 452 membuang air besar, berak (cf. 063)

SIM mamba i hemput (lit. go out to the grass) HON mitedeʔ (coarse) | ˌtoloˈlamba (refined)

109

BAH min-tedeʔ PKB minˈtedeʔ KND minˈtedeʔ SAM min-tedeʔ KIN min-tedeʔ HHK minˈtedeʔ (coarse) | miŋˈkuhat (refined) (cf. 206) LMP min-tedeʔ BTY minˈtedeʔ TLD minˈsedek

to itch, be itchy 453 gatal

SIM mombalasi HON momˈbalas BAH mam-balas PKB mamˈbalas KND mamˈbalas SAM mam-balas KIN mam-balas HHK mamˈbalas LMP mam-balas BTY mamˈbalas LLB — TLD mamˈbalas

to scratch (an itch) 454 bergaruk

SIM moŋkahut HON moŋˈkahut BAH moŋ-kahut PKB moŋˈkahut KND moŋˈkahut SAM moŋ-kahut KIN moŋ-kahut HHK moŋˈkahut LMP moŋ-kahut BTY moŋˈkahut LLB moŋˈkahut TLD moŋˈkahut

to delouse 455 menghilangkan kutu

SIM mompia kutu HON momˈpiaː

BAH mompia PKB momˈpia KND moŋaˈliŋi ˈkutu SAM mompia | bapia KIN mompia HHK moŋaˈliŋi kutu LMP mompia BTY momˈpiaː LLB — TLD mompiˈpia

to rub (massage) 456 menggosok (badan)

SIM mompaɲa (body) | moŋilaŋuʔ (includes chanting) HON moŋˈgeges BAH moŋ-gehe PKB moŋˈgehe KND moŋˈgehe SAM moŋ-gehe KIN moŋ-gehe HHK moŋˈgege (body) | moŋˈgeges (things) LMP moŋ-gege BTY moŋˈgeges TLD moŋˈgege

to swell (as an abcess) 457 bergembung, membengkak

SIM baŋkak | modensuʔ ahiʔ daka-dakaʔ HON kumanimˈbalat BAH baŋkak PKB ˈbaŋkak KND ˈbaŋkak SAM baŋkak KIN mobako HHK ˈbaŋkak LMP baŋkak BTY ˈbaŋkak LLB ˈbaŋkak TLD ˈbaŋkak

to flow 458 mengalir

SIM moili HON moˈʔiliː

110

BAH moʔili PKB moˈʔiliː KND moˈʔiliː SAM moʔili KIN moʔili HHK moˈʔiliː LMP lumidi BTY moˈʔiliː LLB maˈʔanʤu TLD moˈʔihis

to run 459 berlari

SIM mopadekaʔ | mopalai HON mompapaˈdekːaʔ BAH mopadekaʔ PKB ˌmopaˈdekaʔ KND mopaˈdekaʔ SAM mopadekaʔ KIN mopadekaʔ | mom-bakoloʔ HHK mopaˈdekaʔ LMP mopadekaʔ BTY mopaˈdekaʔ LLB — TLD mimpapaˈdekaʔ

to walk 460 berjalan

SIM lumaʤaŋ | mamba HON luˈmaʤaŋ BAH lumaʤaŋ PKB luˈmaʤaŋ KND luˈmaʤaŋ SAM lumaʤaŋ KIN lumaʤaŋ HHK luˈmaʤaŋ LMP lumaʤaŋ BTY luˈmaʤaŋ LLB luˈmaʤaŋ TLD luˈmampaŋ

to stand 461 berdiri

SIM tuminʤo HON tuˈminʤo

BAH tinʤo PKB tuˈminʤo KND tuˈminʤo SAM t(um)inʤo KIN t(um)inʤo HHK tuˈminʤo LMP t(um)inʤo BTY tuˈminʤo LLB tuˈminʤoʔ TLD tuˈminʤo

to sit 462 duduk

SIM sumuhaŋ HON suˈmuhaŋ BAH suhaŋ PKB suˈmuhaŋ KND suˈmuhaŋ SAM suhaŋ KIN s(um)uhaŋ HHK suˈmuhaŋ LMP s(um)uhaŋ BTY suˈmuhaŋ LLB suˈmuhaŋ TLD suˈmuhaŋ

to lie down 463 berbaring

SIM maleʔ HON komaːˈmaleʔ BAH maleʔ PKB ˈmaleʔ KND matiˈmaleʔ SAM matimaleʔ KIN komamaleʔ | kobabandaŋ HHK ˈmaleʔ | kobaˈbandaŋ LMP maleʔ BTY komaːˈmaleʔ LLB ˈmaleʔ TLD maˈmaleʔ (lie down) | ˈmaleʔ (sleep)

to nod, be sleepy 464 mengantuk

SIM matatunduʔ HON ˌmataˈtunduʔ

111

BAH mata-tunduʔ PKB ˌmataˈtunduʔ KND ˌmataˈtunduʔ SAM mata-tunduʔ KIN mata-tunduʔ HHK mataˈtunduk LMP mata-tunduʔ BTY mataˈtunduʔ LLB — TLD mataˈtunduʔ

to yawn 465 menguap

SIM umoap HON ʔuˈmoap BAH umoap PKB ʔuˈmoap KND ʔuˈmoap SAM umoap KIN umuap HHK ʔuˈmoap LMP umoap BTY ʔuˈmoap LLB ʔuˈmoap TLD ʔuˈmoap

to sleep 466 tidur

SIM hoyot HON ˈhoyot BAH hoyot PKB ˈhoyot KND ˈhoyot SAM hoyot KIN hoyot HHK ˈhoyot LMP hoyot BTY ˈhoyot LLB ˈhoyot TLD ˈhoyot

to dream 467 (ber)mimpi

SIM moŋipi HON moˈŋɪpi

BAH moŋ-ipi PKB moˈŋipi KND moˈŋipi SAM moŋ-ipi KIN moŋ-ipi HHK moˈŋipi LMP moŋ-ipi BTY moˈŋipi LLB moˈŋipi TLD moˈŋipi

to wake up 468 bangun

SIM moˈbulaː | toŋoaʔ HON moˈbulaː BAH moˈbulaː PKB moˈbulaː KND moˈbulaː SAM moˈbulaː KIN moˈbulaː HHK moˈbulaː LMP moˈbulaː BTY moˈbulaː LLB — TLD moˈbaŋun

to awaken someone 469 membangunkan

SIM moliko HON mombuˈlakon BAH mombulakon PKB mombuˈlakon KND mombuˈlaːkon SAM moliko KIN moliko HHK mombuˈlakon LMP moliko BTY mombuˈlakon LLB — TLD moˈlikoː (native word) | mombaŋuˈnakon

112

to come, arrive 470 datang, tiba

SIM ˈtoka HON ˈtokːa BAH ˈtoka PKB ˈtoka KND ˈtokaʰ SAM ˈtoka KIN ˈtoka HHK ˈtoka LMP ˈtoka BTY ˈtoka LLB ˈtoka TLD ˈtoka ~ toˈkamo

to return home 471 pulang

SIM minsusuleʔ HON minsuˈsuleʔ BAH min-susuleʔ PKB minˈsuleʔ KND minˈsuleʔ SAM min-susuleʔ KIN min-susuleʔ HHK min(su)ˈsuleʔ LMP min-susuleʔ BTY minˈsuleʔ LLB — TLD minsuˈsuleʔ

to live, dwell 472 tinggal

SIM ʤoʤooŋ HON ʤoˈʤoːŋ BAH ʤoʤooŋ PKB ʤoˈʤoːŋ KND ʤoˈʤoːŋ SAM ʤoʤooŋ KIN ʤoʤoŋ HHK ʤoˈʤoːŋ LMP ʤoʤoŋ BTY ʤoˈʤoːŋ LLB — TLD ʤoˈʤoːŋ

to wait 473 menunggu

SIM mompopeaʔ | montataŋgon (wait for process to finish) HON montanˈdaʔi | mompoˈpeaʔ BAH mon-tandaʔi | mompo-peaʔ PKB mompopeˈaʔi KND montanˈdaʔih SAM mon-tandaʔi | mompo-peaʔi KIN mon-tandaʔi HHK montanˈdaʔi LMP mon-tandaʔi BTY montanˈdaʔi TLD mompopeˈaʔi

to be pregnant 474 mengandung, hamil (cf. 059)

SIM hempu | madiʔ lolok (euphemism: not healthy) HON tiˈanan (coarse) | ˌtipoˈboa (refined) BAH heempu PKB ˈbunteʔ KND ˈbunteʔ SAM pobowa KIN tianan | kobowa HHK poˈboa LMP tianan BTY tiˈanan (outside of wedlock) | poˈbowa (married) TLD tiˈanan

name 475 nama

SIM saŋgo HON ˈsaŋgo BAH saŋgo PKB ˈsaŋgo KND ˈsaŋgo SAM saŋgoʔ KIN saŋgo HHK ˈsaŋgo LMP ˈsaŋgo BTY ˈsaŋgo LLB ˈsaŋgo TLD saŋgo

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story 476 cerita

SIM sisik HON ˈsisik | tunˈdulan BAH sisik | unduʔunduon PKB baˈsisik KND baˈhou SAM basisik KIN unduʔunduon HHK saˈlita (<Malay) LMP basisik | unduʔundu BTY baˈsisik LLB — TLD saˈritaʔ (<Malay)

word 477 kata

SIM potatae HON potaˈtae BAH potatae PKB potaˈtae KND motaˈtae (speak) SAM potatae KIN saleʔ HHK ˈtae LMP tatae BTY ˈsisik LLB — TLD biˈsara (<Malay)

language 478 bahasa

SIM basaʔ HON potaˈtae BAH basaʔ PKB ˈbasaʔ KND ˈbasaʔ SAM basaʔ KIN saleʔ HHK ˈbasaʔ LMP bahasa BTY potaˈtae LLB — TLD biˈsara

debt 479 utang

SIM samayaʔ HON saˈmãyãʔ BAH samayaʔ PKB ʔosaˈmayaʔ KND saˈmayaʔ SAM samayaʔ KIN samayaʔ HHK saˈmãyãʔ LMP samayaʔ BTY saˈmãyãʔ LLB — TLD saˈmayãʔ

breakfast 480 sarapan pagi (cf. 361)

SIM — HON monˈsubu | monˈdodop BAH pondodopi PKB moŋkoˈʔulop KND suˈmokol SAM moŋ-korowi | montukotuko | mombakobako KIN pondodop | mondodop HHK suˈmokol LMP sumokon BTY moŋkoˈroi TLD monˈdodop

bride price 481 mas kawin

SIM balanʤa HON ˈsompːaʔ BAH koeʔ | sompaʔ PKB ˈsompaʔ KND pintas matah SAM koe KIN kowe | sompaʔ HHK masˈkawin | mosoniʔ (gold) LMP halataa | kowe BTY sinduˈaʔan LLB — TLD mahar

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what? 482 apa?

SIM apa HON ˈʔapa BAH apaa PKB ʔaˈpaː (cf. ʔaˈpaː naˈʔaya ‘what is this?’) KND ˈʔapa SAM apaa KIN apaa HHK aˈpaɲo LMP apaa BTY ʔaˈpaɲo LLB ʔaˈpaː TLD paˈʔoː

who? 483 siapa?

SIM iyee HON ʔiˈyeː BAH ihee PKB ʔiˈheː KND ʔiˈheː SAM ihee KIN ihee HHK ʔiˈheːɲo LMP ihee BTY ʔiˈheː LLB ʔiˈheː TLD ʔiˈheː

where? 484 di mana?

SIM iyaa mae HON ˌʔiaˈmae BAH iyaamae PKB ˌʔiaˈmae KND ˌʔiaˈmae SAM iyaamae KIN iyaamae HHK ˌʔiaˈmae LMP iyaamaa BTY ˌʔiaˈmae LLB ˌʔiaːˈmae TLD ˌʔiaˈmae

when? 485 kapan?

SIM hipian (fut) | naipian (past) HON hiˈpian BAH hipian | naipian PKB hiˈpian KND naiˈpian SAM hipian | naipian KIN ipian HHK ʔiˈpian LMP ipian | naipian BTY ʔiˈpian LLB ʔiˈpian TLD ʔiˈpian

how many? 486 berapa?

SIM saŋkuka HON saŋˈkuka BAH saŋkuka PKB saŋˈkuka KND saŋˈkuka SAM saŋkuka KIN saŋkuka HHK saŋˈkuka LMP saŋkuka BTY saŋˈkuka LLB — TLD saŋˈkuka

how? 487 bagaimana?

SIM mosia HON mosiˈaː BAH mosiaa PKB mosiˈaː KND mosiˈaː SAM mosiaa KIN mosiaa HHK mosiˈaː LMP mosiaa BTY mosiˈaː LLB mosiˈaː TLD mosiˈaː

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why? 488 mengapa?, kenapa?

SIM kadakaʔ HON kaˈdakaʔ BAH kadakaʔ PKB ʔinosiˈaːmo KND kaˈdaː SAM kadaa | kadakaʔ KIN kadaa HHK kaˈdaː LMP kadaa BTY kaˈdaː (kaˈdaː ʔia huˈmaːŋ why is he crying?) LLB — TLD kaˈdaː

index finger 489 (jari) telunjuk

SIM toˈmiʤuʔ HON toˈmiʤuʔ BAH toˈmiʤuʔ PKB — KND — SAM toˈliʤuʔ KIN toˈmiʤuʔ HHK toˈliʤuʔ LMP toˈniʤuʔ BTY toˈmiʤuʔ LLB — TLD toˈniʤuʔ

mucus 490 ingus

SIM ˈsopun | moˈmiko HON ˈsopːun BAH siŋu moˈsopun PKB — KND — SAM ˈsopun KIN ˈsopun HHK ˈsopun LMP ˈsopun BTY ˈsopun LLB — TLD ˈsopun

molar 491 geraham

SIM ˈbagaŋ HON ˈŋahaŋ BAH ˈbagaŋ PKB — KND — SAM ˈŋahaŋ KIN ˈŋahaŋ HHK ˈbagaŋ LMP ˈŋahaŋ BTY ˈbagaŋ LLB — TLD ˈguʔos

nape (of neck) 492 kuduk, tengkuk

SIM — HON — BAH — PKB ˈtundun KND — SAM — KIN — HHK ˈtundun LMP — BTY — LLB — TLD —

armpit 493 ketiak, kelek

SIM ˈlepak HON ˈlepːak BAH ˈlepak PKB — KND — SAM ˈlepak KIN ˈlepak HHK ˈlepak LMP ˈlepak BTY ˈlepak LLB — TLD ˈlepak

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navel 494 pusat

SIM ˈpusoː HON — BAH ˈpusoː PKB — KND — SAM ˈpusoː KIN ˈpusoː HHK ˈpusoː LMP ˈpusoː BTY — LLB — TLD ˈpuso

parent-in-law 495 mertua

SIM moˈnian HON moˈnian BAH moˈnian PKB — KND — SAM moˈnian KIN moˈnian HHK moˈnian LMP moˈnian BTY moˈnian LLB — TLD moˈnian

child-in-law 496 menantu

SIM poˈʔala HON moˈnian BAH moˈnian PKB — KND — SAM moˈnian KIN moˈnian HHK ˈdawok (or possibly with final glottal stop) LMP moˈnian BTY moˈnian LLB — TLD moniˈanan

orphan 497 anak yatim

SIM ˈʔunon HON ˈʔunon BAH ˈʔunon LMP ˈʔunon KND — SAM ˈʔunon KIN ˈʔunon HHK ˈʔunon PKB — BTY ˈʔunon LLB — TLD ˈʔunon

hide, skin (of animal) 498 jangat, kulit binatang (cf. 048)

SIM kuˈlibaŋ HON ˈkilit nu ˈsapiʔ (cow skin) BAH ˈkilit PKB — KND — SAM ˈkilit KIN ˈkilit HHK ˈkilitːu ˈsapiʔ (cow skin) LMP ˈkilit BTY ˈkilit LLB — TLD ˈkilit

cow 499 sapi

SIM ˈsapiʔ HON ˈsapiʔ BAH ˈsapiʔ PKB — KND ˈsapi SAM ˈsapiʔ KIN — HHK — LMP — BTY ˈsapiʔ LLB — TLD ˈsapiʔ

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goat 500 kambing

SIM ˈmẽː HON — BAH ˈmɛːʔ PKB — KND — SAM ˈmẽː KIN — HHK — LMP — BTY ˈmeːʔ LLB — TLD ˈmeːʔ (final glottal confirmed)

cat 501 kucing

SIM ˈtute HON ˈtutːe | ˈmeoŋ BAH ˈtute PKB — KND — SAM ˈtuteʔ KIN ˈmeoŋ HHK ˈmeoŋ LMP ˈmeoŋ BTY ˈmeoŋ LLB — TLD saˈbauʔ (final glottal stop confirmed)

civet 502 musang

SIM ˈpoʤek HON ˈpoʤɛk BAH ˈpoʤek PKB — KND — SAM ˈpoʤɛk KIN ˈpoʤek HHK ˈpoʤɛk LMP — BTY ˈpoʤɛk LLB — TLD ˈdɛdes

babirusa 503 babi rusa

SIM ˌbayaˈŋoa | ˌsumamˈpelaŋ (male babirusa) HON ˌbayaˈŋoa BAH ˌbayaˈŋoa PKB — KND — SAM ˌbayaˈŋoa KIN ˌbayaˈŋoa HHK ˌbayaˈŋoa LMP — BTY ˌbayaˈŋoa LLB — TLD bauˈʔalas (lit. forest pig) (cf. 142, 206)

bear cuscus 504 kuskus beruang

SIM ˈkuseʔ HON ˈkusːeʔ BAH ˈkuseʔ PKB — KND — SAM ˈkuseʔ KIN ˈkuseʔ HHK ˈkuseʔ LMP ˈkuseʔ BTY ˈkuseʔ LLB — TLD ˈkuseʔ

small cuscus 505 kuskus kecil

SIM boˈlotok HON boˈlotok BAH boˈlotok PKB — KND — SAM ˈsiliŋ KIN — HHK boˈlotok LMP — BTY (siliŋ is Balantak) LLB — TLD —

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squirrel 506 tupai

SIM ˈʤoʔu HON ˈʤoʔu BAH ˈʤoʔu PKB — KND — SAM ˈʤoʔu KIN ˈʤoʔu HHK ˈsiliŋ LMP ˈʤoʔu BTY ˈbonsiŋ LLB — TLD ˈbonsiŋ | ˈsiliŋ (small)

tarsier 507 tangkasi, binatang hantu

SIM ˈbonsiŋ HON ˈbonsiŋ BAH ˈbonsiŋ PKB — KND — SAM ˈbonsiŋ | boˈlotok KIN ˈbonsiŋ HHK — LMP — BTY boˈlotok LLB — TLD —

owl 508 burung hantu

SIM — HON — BAH — PKB — KND — SAM moŋˈkoek KIN — HHK moŋˈkoek LMP moŋˈkoek BTY — LLB — TLD —

squid 509 cumi-cumi

SIM ˈsuntuŋ HON ˈsuntuŋ BAH ˈsuntuŋ PKB — KND — SAM ˈsuntun KIN ˈsuntuŋ HHK ˈsuntuŋ LMP ˈsuntuŋ BTY ˈsuntuŋ LLB — TLD ˈsuntuŋ

octopus 510 gurita

SIM — HON kuˈitaʔ BAH kuˈitaʔ PKB — KND — SAM kuˈitaʔ | molokoˈimbuʔ (large) KIN kuˈitaʔ HHK kuˈitaʔ LMP kuˈitaʔ BTY kuˈitaʔ LLB — TLD kuˈitaʔ

shark 511 ikan hiu

SIM — HON ˈʔoyu BAH ˈʔoyu PKB — KND — SAM ˈʔoyu KIN — HHK ˈʔoyu LMP ˈʔoyu BTY ˈʔoyu LLB — TLD baˈduas

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dolphin 512 lumba-lumba

SIM — HON — KND — SAM — BAH — PKB — KIN suˈmoŋut HHK — LMP — BTY — LLB — TLD —

shrimp 513 udang

SIM ˈʔuhaŋ | lamˈbale (small marine shrimp) HON ˈʔuhaŋ BAH ˈʔuhaŋ PKB — KND — SAM ˈʔuhaŋ KIN ˈʔuhaŋ HHK ˈʔuhaŋ LMP ˈʔuhaŋ BTY ˈʔuhaŋ LLB — TLD ˈʔuhaŋ

hermit crab 514 pong-pongan

SIM — HON ˈʔumaŋ BAH kalaˈʔumaŋ PKB — KND — SAM ˈʔumaŋ KIN ˈʔumaŋ HHK — LMP ˈʔumaŋ BTY — LLB — TLD kalaˈʔumaŋ

crab 515 kepiting

SIM ˈbuŋkaŋ HON ˈbuŋkaŋ | sigaŋˈgai (k.o. crab which can live in water or on land) BAH ˈbuŋkaŋ PKB — KND — SAM — KIN — HHK baˈliŋkis (used as bait) | siˈpaːk (fiddler crab) LMP — BTY ˈbuŋkaŋ (small) TLD —

bee 516 lebah

SIM ʔuˈaniʔ (large black) | ʔonˈʤihon (yellow) HON ʔuˈaniʔ BAH ʔuˈaniʔ PKB — KND ʔuˈaniʔ SAM ʔuˈaniʔ KIN ʔuˈaniʔ | ʔonˈʤihon (small, yellow) HHK ʔuˈaniʔ LMP ʔuˈaniʔ | ʔonˈʤihon (small, yellow) BTY ʔuˈaniʔ LLB — TLD ʔuˈaniʔ

wasp 517 tabuhan, penyengat

SIM ˈsobuŋ | sosoˈlou | taliˈbonta HON ˈsobuŋ BAH ˈsobuŋ (big) | toˈtikik (small) PKB — KND — SAM tontoˈuan ~ tonˈtowan KIN ˈsobuŋ (large, black) HHK tontoˈuan LMP tonˈtoan BTY ˈsobuŋ (large, lives in the ground) LLB —

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TLD lasuʔˈdedeŋ (carpenter bee) (cf. 064, 163)

tree stump 518 tunggul (pohon)

SIM ˈtuʔo HON ˈtuʔo BAH ˈtuʔo PKB — KND — SAM ˈtuʔo KIN ˈtuʔo HHK ˈtuʔo LMP ˈtuʔo BTY ˈtuʔo LLB — TLD ˈtuʔo

common taro 519 talas, keladi

SIM — HON ˈbeteʔ BAH ˈbeteʔ | ʔaˈhadiʔ | ˈkosiʔ PKB — KND — SAM — KIN — HHK — LMP ˈbeteʔ BTY ˈbeteʔ LLB — TLD ˈbeteʔ | ˈndekeʔ | ˈrano (k.o. taro growing by water, not usually cultivated)

greater yam 520 ubi

SIM — HON ˈʔui BAH ˈʔui PKB — KND — SAM ˈʔui KIN ˈʔui HHK ˈʔui

LMP — BTY ˈʔui LLB — TLD ˈbokuŋ

lesser yam 521 kembili

SIM — HON ˈʔopaʔ | ndoˈluŋun (k.o. tuber w/ thorns) BAH ˈʔopaʔ PKB — KND — SAM ˈʔopaʔ KIN — HHK ˈʔopaʔ LMP — BTY — LLB — TLD ˈʔopaʔ

bitter yam 522 gadung

SIM — HON ˈʔondot BAH ˈʔondot PKB — KND — SAM ˈʔondot KIN ˈʔondot HHK — LMP — BTY ˈʔondot LLB — TLD ˈʔondot

bamboo shoot 523 rebung

SIM — HON ˈsumpoʔ BAH ˈsumpok PKB — KND — SAM — KIN —

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HHK — LMP — BTY ˈsumpok LLB — TLD ˈhobuŋ

valley 524 lembah (cf. 207, 534)

SIM liouʔ HON ˈbuntoŋ (valley) | haˈtaːɲo (plain) BAH ʔoˈaʔɲo | haˈtaɲo (level place) PKB — KND — SAM leˈokɲo KIN haˈtaɲo HHK haˈtaːɲo LMP ˈsepeʔ BTY ˈsepeʔ TLD leŋˈkoak (valley w/o water) | ˈsepeʔ (valley with water)

island 525 pulau

SIM ˈtogoŋ HON ˈtogoŋ | ˈpulo BAH ˈtogoŋ PKB — KND — SAM ˈtogoŋ KIN ˈpulo HHK ˈpulo LMP ˈpulo BTY ˈtogon LLB — TLD ˈtogoŋ

bay 526 teluk

SIM salamˈboŋin HON — BAH suˈoʔɲo | ˈtanduŋ PKB — KND — SAM ˈhoːlɲo KIN taˈduɲo

HHK ˈhol LMP — BTY — LLB — TLD leˈokɲo

ridge (of roof) 527 bubungan

SIM ˌbinumˈbuŋan HON ˌbinumˈbuŋan BAH ˌbinumˈbuŋan PKB — KND — SAM ˌbinumˈbuŋan KIN ˌbinumˈbuŋan HHK bumˈbuŋan LMP bumˈbuŋan BTY bumˈbuŋan LLB — TLD ˈbumbuŋ

ladder 528 tangga

SIM ˈʔoʤan HON ˈʔoʤan BAH — PKB — KND — SAM ˈʔoʤan KIN ˈʔoʤan HHK ˈʔoʤan LMP ˈʔoʤan BTY ˈʔoʤan LLB — TLD ˈʔoʤan

peg, nail 529 paku

SIM ˈpakuʔ HON ˈpakuʔ BAH ˈpakuʔ PKB — KND — SAM ˈpakuʔ KIN ˈpakuʔ

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HHK ˈpakuʔ LMP ˈpakuʔ BTY ˈpakuʔ LLB — TLD ˈpakuʔ

woven fishtrap 530 bubu

SIM ˈbuːʔ HON ˈbuːʔ BAH ˈbuːʔ PKB — KND — SAM ˈbuːʔ KIN ˈbuːʔ HHK ˈbuːʔ LMP ˈbuːʔ BTY ˈbuːʔ LLB — TLD ˈbuːʔ

fishing spear 531 tombak ikan

SIM — HON — BAH — PKB — KND — SAM — KIN — HHK ˈtombaʔ (sharpened spear) LMP — BTY — LLB — TLD soˈsoat

embers 532 bara api

SIM ˈʔobaː HON ˈʔobaː BAH ˈʔobaː PKB ˈʔobaː KND — SAM ˈʔobaː KIN ˈʔobaː nu ˈʔapuː

HHK ˈʔobaː LMP ˈʔobaː BTY ˈʔobaː LLB — TLD ˈʔobaː

withered 533 layu

SIM magaˈyou | maŋkaluˈale HON magayou BAH ˌmaŋkaluˈale PKB — KND — SAM malaˈulu KIN maŋkaluˈale HHK malaˈulu LMP ˈmaŋgas BTY ˌmalaˈuluʔ (final glottal stop is correct) LLB — TLD mayaˈuyu (no final glottal stop)

ripe (fruit) 534 masak (buah)

SIM ˈmahãː HON ˈmãhãː BAH ˈmãhãː PKB — KND — SAM ˈmahaː KIN ˈmahaː HHK ˈmahaː LMP maˈhaːmo BTY ˈmahãː LLB — TLD ˈmahaː

flat 535 rata

SIM baŋkaʔɲo (land) | hondo (floor) HON maˈhataː BAH haˈtaːɲo PKB — KND — SAM haˈtaːɲo KIN maˈhata

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HHK ˈhataː LMP maˈhataː BTY maˈhataː LLB — TLD haˈtaːɲo

brave 536 berani

SIM — HON — BAH — PKB — KND — SAM — KIN — HHK — LMP — BTY — LLB ˈbaːni TLD —

no longer 537 tidak lagi

SIM maˈdiʔo HON ˈmbaːʔo | manˈdiʔo BAH maˈdiʔmo PKB — KND — SAM maˈdiʔmo KIN ˈmaːʔmo HHK maˈdiʔmo LMP maˈdiʔmo BTY ˈmaʔmo | maˈdiʔmo LLB — TLD mbaˈhaʔmo

not yet 538 belum

SIM maˈʔisa HON maˈʔisaʔ BAH maˈʔisa PKB — KND — SAM maˈʔisaʔ KIN maˈʔisa

HHK maˈʔisa LMP maˈʔisa BTY maˈʔisaʔ LLB — TLD haˈpeʔe

don’t 539 jangan

SIM ˈboli HON ˈboli BAH ˈboli PKB — KND — SAM ˈboli KIN ˈboli HHK ˈboli LMP ˈboli BTY ˈboli LLB — TLD ˈboːliʔ

there is, there are 540 ada

SIM ˈdagiʔ HON ˈdagiʔ BAH ˈdaːgiʔ PKB — KND — SAM ˈdaːgiʔ KIN ˈdagiʔ HHK ˈdaːgiʔ LMP ˈdaːgiʔ BTY ˈdaːgiʔ LLB — TLD ˈdaŋ

north 541 utara

SIM — HON ʔuˈtala BAH ʔuˈtara | maˈtaɲo (wind name) PKB — KND — SAM ʔuˈtara KIN ʔuˈtara

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HHK ʔuˈtara LMP ʔuˈtara BTY ʔuˈtara LLB — TLD —

south 542 selatan

SIM — HON saˈlatan BAH seˈlatan PKB — KND — SAM saˈlatan KIN seˈlatan HHK seˈlatan LMP saˈlatan BTY tiˈagaʔ LLB — TLD —

day before yesterday 543 kemarin dulu

SIM naˈboŋiʔ samˈpahu HON naˌboːŋiʔ samˈpahu BAH naˈboŋiʔ anu ˈmae PKB — KND — SAM naˈboŋiʔ sampaˈhuan KIN naˈboŋiʔ anu mae HHK naˈboŋiʔ samˈpahu LMP naboŋi samˈpahu BTY naˈboːŋiʔ samˈpahu LLB — TLD naboŋiʔ ˈmae

three days ago 544 tiga hari yang lalu

SIM itoˈlunːo HON naˌboːŋiʔ iˈtolun BAH ˌtolunsiˈnaːmo PKB — KND — SAM itoˈlunmo KIN iˈtolun

HHK naˈboŋiʔ sampaˈhuan LMP ˌtolunsiˈnamo | iˈtolun BTY naˈboŋiʔ ˈanmae LLB — TLD naˈboŋiʔ mae sampahuˈaɲo

four (etc.) days ago 545 empat (dst) hari yang lalu

SIM — HON naˌboːŋiʔiˈpaton | … iˈliman | … iˈnomon | … iˈpitun | … iˈwalu (not: iwalun) | … iˈsion | … sampuˈluʔan BAH — PKB — KND — SAM — KIN ipaton | iliman | ipitun | ialun | ision HHK — LMP — BTY — TLD —

day after tomorrow 546 lusa

SIM hiˈpuan HON hiˈpuan BAH hiˈpuan PKB — KND — SAM hiˈpuan KIN iˈpuan HHK hiˈpuan LMP iˈpuan BTY hiˈpuan TLD hiˈpuan

three days from now 547 tiga hari di depan

SIM pohipuaˈnakon HON hiˈtolun BAH hiˈtolun PKB — KND —

125

SAM hipuan samˈbihaʔ KIN itolunʤe muleʔ HHK hiˈpuan saˈlundu LMP iˈtolun BTY hipuan samˈbihaʔ TLD ˌdaŋaʔiˈtolun (lit. still three days)

four (etc.) days from now 548 empat (dst) hari di depan

SIM — HON — BAH hiˈpaton | hiˈliman | hiˈnomon | hiˈpitun | (etc.) | sampuˈluʔan PKB — KND — SAM — KIN — HHK — LMP ipaton | iliman BTY — TLD ˌdaŋaʔiˈpaton | ˌdaŋaʔiˈliman | ˌdaŋaʔiˈnomon | ˌdaŋaʔiˈpitun | ˌdaŋaʔiˈyalum | ˌdaŋaʔiˈsion | ˌdanaʔsampuˈluʔan

bring 549 membawa

SIM momˈboa HON momˈboa BAH momˈboa PKB — KND — SAM momˈboa KIN momˈboa HHK momˈboa LMP momˈboa BTY momˈboa TLD momˈboa

carry on the head 550 menjunjung

SIM monˈsuʔun HON monˈsuʔun BAH monˈsuʔun PKB —

KND — SAM monˈsuʔun KIN monˈsuʔun HHK monˈsuʔun LMP monˈsombuŋ BTY monˈsombuŋ LLB — TLD monˈsuʔun

go 551 pergi

SIM ˈmambaː HON ˈmambaː BAH mamˈbaːmo PKB — KND — SAM ˈmambaː KIN ˈmambaː HHK ˈmamba LMP mamˈbaːmo BTY mamˈbaːmo LLB — TLD ˈmamba

use 552 memakai

SIM momˈpake HON momˈpake BAH momˈpake PKB — KND — SAM nimˈpake KIN momˈpake HHK momˈpake LMP momˈpake BTY momˈpake LLB — TLD momˈpake

taste (food) 553 mencicipi

SIM moˈɲamit HON moˈɲamit BAH moˈɲamit PKB —

126

KND — SAM maˈɲamit KIN moɲaˈmiti HHK moˈɲamit LMP moˈɲamit BTY moˈɲamit LLB — TLD moˈɲamit

sew roofing thatch 554 menjahit atap

SIM momˈpawot HON momˈpawot BAH momˈpawot atop PKB — KND — SAM momˈpawot KIN momˈpawot atop | loˈdaʔan (slat to which thatch is sewn) HHK momˈpawot LMP monˈtaduk atop BTY momˈpawot LLB — TLD momˈpaul

127

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