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Aceh - The 'Special Territory'in North Sumatra: A Self-Fulfilling Promise?Karim D. CrowPublished online: 03 Aug 2010.

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Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 20, No. 1, 2000

AcehÐ The `Special Territory’ in North Sumatra:A Self-Ful® lling Promise?

KARIM D. CROW

Introduction

Indonesia is in transition, and the authority and legitimacy of the central governmentin Java continues to unravel. The country, which was ruled by the same regime for over32 years under Suharto (from 1965 to May 1998), now has to adapt quickly todemocratic demands from its diverse populations in 27 provinces. In many ways theparliamentary national elections of 7 June 1999 were a watershed for Indonesia sincegaining independence from Dutch colonial control in 1949. In November a newparliament or Consultative Assembly with Ameen Reis as Speaker and AbdurrahmanWahid as President assumed power, and many hopes were raised that the process ofdemocratization, participation, and accountability started by the Reformasi movementwould be further strengthened.

Ethnic and religious controversies ¯ are up, building pressure for decentralization ofpower through autonomy or independence. In Ambon (in the Moluccas islands)reciprocal killings between local Christian and Muslim communities have ended theirharmonious co-existence. In East Timor, the increasingly violent build up to thereferendum of 8 August 1999 was aggravated by fresh paramilitary atrocities aimed atundermining the whole process. In Irian Jaya (or West Papua), as well as in EastKalimantan (Borneo island), severe communal disorder tears at the central govern-ment’ s ability to maintain control and manage peaceful transition to a more democraticpolitical culture. Shoots of separatist movements are visible in the oil-rich province ofRiau (Sumatra island), while discontent is now being heard in Sulawesi and even Bali.

This rapid escalation of civil unrest following the fall of Suharto is accompanied bya profound economic crisis threatening to condemn the majority of Indonesia’s 208million people to poverty and deprivation. There are signs of a split within theIndonesian military (ABRI), with certain elements exploiting the situation in differentprovinces to ensure the continued ascendancy of entrenched military authority alongwith its old repressive habits. Until recently, the international community paid scantattention to the tragic situation of AcehÐ the strategic and resource-rich `SpecialTerritory’ on north Sumatra island. The history and present condition of the 3.8million Acehnese within Aceh, in addition to 1.2 million in the rest of Indonesia andelsewhere, is not well known; 98% are Muslim. In this paper we provide a briefhistorical survey followed by an assessment of the current situation in Aceh. Appendedto this paper is a report on the conference `The Future Integration of Indonesia,’organized by the US-based NGO, International Forum for Aceh, held in April 1999 atthe American University, in Washington, DC.

ISSN 1360-2004 print; 1469-9591 online/00/010091-14 Ó 2000 Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs

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92 Karim D. Crow

The Historical Background

Aceh is located on the northern tip of Sumatra, the westernmost island in the

Indonesian archipelago. Off its north shores lies the Strait of Malacca, a strategicpassageway for the world’ s oil supertankers. Despite Aceh being one of the richest areasin Indonesia with oil, natural gas, gold and timber, its current population of 3.8 million

people remains at a level of economic underdevelopment.By the thirteenth century CE, if not before, Islam reached the seaports of Samudera±

Pasai on the northeastern coast of Aceh, and later spread by activities of maritime

traders and religious scholars. From 1290 to 1520, the Sultanate of Pasai (SamudraDarussalam) became a cosmopolitan trade center promoting the development of Islamas well as of the classical Malay literary language, before being absorbed into the

powerful Sultanate of Aceh Darussalam based at Banda Aceh (Kotar Raja) in thesixteenth century. Aceh became a main launching point for South East Asian Muslimpilgrims to Makkah, mingling cultural in¯ uences together from India, Persia, Arabia,and Malaya, as well as a center for Islamic learning under the great Sultan Iskandar

Muda (ruled 1607± 1636). Aceh’ s strong Muslim culture is very pronounced andmarked by a proud human spirit and its recent tragic history. It remained a ® ercelyindependent Sultanate for almost 500 years, and Dutch colonial control was extended

to Aceh only after a lengthy war beginning in 1873 and lasting 40 years. The Dutchnever actually subdued Aceh, ® ghting almost continuously for 69 years until theywithdrew in 1942; the more than 100,000 Acehnese killed in these colonial wars were

considered martyrs in a Holy War.Aceh was one of the ® rst areas to take effective control from Japanese occupation

after World War II, never having been reoccupied by the Dutch. The area was granted

the status of `Special Region’ of the Indonesian Republic with great autonomy, inrecognition for its prominent role in the struggle for independence against the Dutchand the Japanese. After 1950 Aceh’s special provincial status was lifted and resentmentgrew over the Republic’s central leadership, who were increasingly viewed as corrupt

and insensitive to the strongly Islamic character of Aceh. In 1953 the Darul Islam

movement for an Islamic Indonesia, led by Governor Daud Beureueh, was joined bythe Aceh revolt, which declared independence in September 1953. Compromise and

conciliation put an end to the rebellion, and in 1959 Aceh was granted `SpecialTerritory’ status with considerable autonomy in religious and educational affairs, andin customary law. However, the promise of this special status was never ful® lled by the

central government in Jakarta.Since 1989 a low level insurgency against the central government has been conducted

by the `Aceh Sumatra National Liberation Front’ (ASNLF), led by Teungku Hasan

Muhammad di TiroÐ a graduate of Columbia University in New York City. TheASNLF had ® rst declared Aceh as an independent state in December 1976, beingcrushed by the Indonesian military, but it was revived again in 1989. For nine yearsfrom 1989 on, the Indonesian military designated Aceh a special `Military Operations

Area’ (DOM), nominally to rid the province of the armed `Free Aceh Movement’ /`Acheh Merdeka’ (Gerakan Acheh Merdeka or GAM/ASNLF). Rather than working toameliorate sociopolitical and economic con¯ ict through open dialogue, the central

government mobilized the military to institutionalize state violence and counter-insur-gency against suspected members of the independence movement. Many tens ofthousands of Acehnese civilians have been killed, raped, tortured and left orphaned,

while thousands more sought refuge in Malaysia or other countries.1 A recent estimate

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AcehÐ The `Special Territory’ in North Sumatra 93

by the leading Indonesianist Benedict Anderson of Cornell University puts the totalnumber of Acehnese deaths throughout Suharto’ s era at 20,000 (out of a total of800,000 deaths for the whole of Indonesia in the same period). DOM was only liftedon 8 August 1998 by the former Commander-in-Chief of the Indonesian ArmedForces, General Wiranto, when numbers of special forces were withdrawn.

After the fall of Suharto and during the Reformasi, the Acehnese found the will andthe courage to come forward and bring these years of terror and brutality to theattention of the Indonesian as well as international communities. Increasingly popularcohesion and solidarity at every level of society is strongly expressed in demands for areferendum on Acehnese options of full autonomy or independence. The YouthMovement and student organizations are now at the forefront of these demands.Despite the recent apologies by both former President Habibie and General Wiranto forthe atrocities perpetrated during the DOM period, extra-judicial executions, `disap-pearances,’ torture and arbitrary arrests continued. The `Kopassus,’ or ABRI’s elitecommando troops who permeate the military presence in Aceh, often operate in civiliandress and are not accountable to normal chains of command.

The recommendations of the government-appointed Commission on Human Rightsfor justice, compensation and reconciliation have been shelved. This Jakarta-basedIndonesian `National Commission on Human Rights’ (Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi

Manusia, or Komis HAM) has over 1600 well documented cases of military abuses inAceh on ® le. The newly appointed Attorney General Marzuki Darusman recentlyindicated that a single trial might be held for last July’ s killing of 43 students and theirheadmaster, but that expectations for a general accountability or international tribunalsfor the more grotesque abuses of the past decade are not being contemplated byJakarta. The Army’s business interests, from illegal logging and raking off a slice of theoil and gas pro® ts, to alleged drug-running (ganja), and even supplying GAM withweapons, are part of the reason the generals do not want to cooperate with demands foraccountability or withdrawal. They risk condemnation over severe human rights abuses.

The June Elections and Recent Events

With the dramatic results of the recent election process in Jakarta, and the emergenceof Abdurrahman Wahid as President, and Ameen Reis as Speaker of People’s Consul-tative Assembly, the two leading national Muslim candidates have assumed positions ofpower. On 15 September 1999, both Gus Dur and Ameen Reis went to Aceh to meetleading religious leaders, or ulema’ , con® rming that they would consider the demandsfor a referendum once in power. Days before (12± 13 September), one of the leadingassociations of Acehnese Ulama’ (HUDA, Himpunan Ulama Dayah Aceh/Congregationof Dayah Religious Scholars of Aceh) met at the tomb of Syiah Kuala, led by ProfessorDr. Muslim Ibrahim (former Rector of the Islamic Ar-Raniri University), and collec-tively called for the convening of a referendum by the central government. HUDAconsists of about 550 headmasters of the religious boarding schools throughout Aceh,and their students (the taliban) had been pushing them to support the growing populardemand for referendum’ (i.e. independence spearheaded by the university studentorganizations). The decision of the Ulama’ was then endorsed by the armed wing ofAcheh Merdeka, which issued an ultimatum to Jakarta for the holding of a referendumon 16 November 1999.

Throughout the whole of Aceh there are signs, posters, large banners, and elaboratewall paintings declaring the preference of the people for a referendum and condemning

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the military. Near every town or hamlet the word referendum’ is painted on the road.Often the Acheh Merdeka ¯ ag (red with black lines and an Islamic crescent & star inwhite) is publicly displayed. This is not an organized campaign, but more of aspontaneous demonstration of support and upwelling of popular grievances. However,showing the ¯ ag is particularly hazardous, since the military reacts harshly at the sightof its colors.

In the 7 June 1999 national parliamentary elections, polling was attempted through-out Aceh, but a general boycott accompanied by widespread demands for a referendumby the population negated the results. There followed general unrest and forcedmigrations of tens of thousands of villagers from their homes into regional towns, wherethey camped out in schools or mosques out of fear of armed coercion from Army troopswho had sought to forcefully make them vote. On 16 June, in the capital Banda Aceh,the provincial Governor Proffessor Dr. Syamsuddin Mahmud and leading of® cialsrecommended to the Independent Electoral Commission in Jakarta that polling beabandoned, with the meager results of balloting in remaining districts being allowed tostand. The majority of these votes were cast for the provincial branch of the PPP(United Development Party, the former umbrella for Islamic parties under Suharto).The will of Acehnese people to boycott the national elections was thus partiallysuccessful. The Acehnese chapter of PPP (headed by Abu Yus, who is also thepresident of the local legislative assembly DPRD-RI) has now given grudging supportfor a referendum, in response to pressure from the students.

The Consequences

The effects of violence are visible everywhere, in the form of burnt and abandonedpublic schools, including well over 100 high schools and a few grade schools, mostly inSigli and Northern Aceh districts; burnt sub-district provincial government of® ces; andin refugee camps of frightened and traumatized villagers. By late November 1999,reliable estimates indicated that close to 140,000 people were internally displacedrefugees, with many of their homes ransacked or burnt and looted by military forces.The main areas of movement are in the three provinces of Pidie, North Aceh, and EastAceh; but displacement is also occurring in areas of Aceh Besar (around the capitalBanda Aceh) and in the districts of Western Aceh and especially around Meulaboh,Aceh Barat. The Indonesian Army stationed in Aceh does not feel safe among thepopulation, and are nervously keyed up expecting hostile ® re or unexpected attack; thiscreates a dangerous situation for people in everyday life. Eyewitness accounts revealthat for every act of burning or attack by rebels, the Army perpetrates 10.

Since the Spring of 1999 a series of violently callous killings have greatly increasedtension. On 3 May 1999, in a terrible massacre of unarmed civilians by the military inthe village of Pulo Rungkom near the port city of Lhokseumawe (North Aceh), 60persons were killed, including women and children and more than 150 wounded. The`Dewantara massacre’ is one of the deadliest incidents of violence for many years, withthe majority of victims shot in the back as they ¯ ed. In July, 53 people were brutallykilled at a private Islamic school at Bentong in West Aceh, including respected religiousleader Tengku Bantaqiah (local villagers put the death toll of the Bantaqiah incident at72). In early October, in Ujong Blang in Hagu (Northern Aceh), about 40 civilianswere massacred by the Army. In retaliation in mid-October, near Lhokseuwame, Armylorries were ambushed. Around the city of Lhokseumawe the Army has recently formedarmed militias to terrorize people; groups of armed men in civilian dress patrol this

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AcehÐ The `Special Territory’ in North Sumatra 95

area, with the military claiming they are members of the Free Aceh Movement. (Thistactic reminds one of the terror campaign recently waged by armed pro-Jakarta militiasin East Timor.) Daily incidents of kidnappings, disappearances, shootouts, and deadbodies by the roadside continue to terrorize innocents, freshening the terrible memoriesof unlicensed brutality under the DOM.

In effect, during the summer and fall of 1999, Aceh was experiencing what somerefer to as `DOM 2,’ with the number of Army troops currently present estimated at42,000 (student activists claim as high as 70,000). There are almost daily unexplainedshootouts between units of the military and forces of Acheh Merdeka, who are said tonumber about 3000 men armed with light weapons (the ubiquitous Kalashinkov).These are invariably followed by Army sweeps through villages, with demands tosurrender rebels accompanied by intimidation, house-burnings, looting, and arrests.Every incident of violence is assigned to Acheh Merdeka by the military, while themilitary itself is blamed by students, activists and even politicians as the true instigator.The villagers are suspicious of all government of® cials and the military. Their deepsense of violation of Islamic values and humiliation of Acehnese dignity is expressed bytheir contemptuously referring to troops as sipa-i’ (`Dutch slave’ or `bandit’ ).

Two of the most severe problems resulting from the military reign of terror arewidows and traumatized women, and orphans. These are children of DOM victimswho are essentially helpless, despite the traditional extended family social culture andIslamic sentiments of peopleÐ both parents are dead or missing, or incapacitated ashumans from abuse or torture. The number of orphans in six districts of Aceh is saidto be 4050 and only about 10% of all orphans were being adequately cared for.

The Nonviolent Movement and the 8 November Rally

Since the end of the reign of military abuses under Indonesian Army special operations(1989± August 1998), there has been an impressive ¯ owering of civic organizations andan expansion of the `public space’ so long suppressed. Of the close to 100 NGO groupsnow working in Banda Aceh, the vast majority came into existence since the end of theDOM. The fast-growing nonviolent movement for a referendum serves as a rallyingfocus for promoting the common will of Acehnese and as a measure of their politicalactivism after years of suppression under DOM. Student and NGO activists have builtup wide networks penetrating the villages and cooperating with locals to strengthentheir communities’ local defense.

Student leaders are especially effective at the grassroots levels, maintaining contactwith both Army of® cers and GAM leaders to avoid con¯ icts. Student intelligencenetworks in urban centers known as the `Black Cat Brigade’ work to forestall irrespon-sible actions by other elements (so-called `provocateurs’ ). In the countryside, throughapplying the concept of pagar gampong (local security maintenance) in cooperation withlocal citizens, students contribute to the strength and self-reliance of the pro-refer-endum civil society. In early September 1999, the students effectively showed theirorganizational abilities and increasing political leadership within Acehnese society byorganizing and successfully concluding a two-day strike over the entire province, downto the communication and travel sectors. This remarkable show of people-power wasaccomplished in an explicit spirit of Peaceful Protest and Withdrawal-of-Cooperationbased on Islamic principles.

Two recent events highlight the tremendous force of a society on the move, experi-encing revolutionary change through an indigenous civil movement backed by an

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emerging public consensus. The unprecedented Mass Rally of over one million peoplein the capital Banda Aceh on 8 November 1999 unveiled the deep solidarity of this`velvet protest’ uniting the hearts of all members of society in a peaceful confrontationof the state. Some estimates are much higher, putting close to one-half of the entirepopulation in that city on that date; the Army was instructed to stay indoors. And on4 December, GAM publicly commemorated its 23rd anniversary in a ceremony at theTiro Command Square in North Aceh, complete with a display of armed men and acontingent of women bearing headscarves and guns. Against these very emotional andperhaps uncontrollable manifestations of Acehnese political protest looms the very realthreat of a severe military backlash, which could occur literally at any time. The statesecurity apparatus in Aceh is presently in a seriously weakened political position, withthe danger that bloody events could transpire out of desperation, or in reaction to rashevents. The fact that provincial authorities have become marginal and powerless isre¯ ected in the increasing trend for people victimized by crime or theft to have recourseto student activists and groups, since the police are helpless.

Acehnese are expressing their feelings and taking advantage of the opportunity forparticipation and involvement. They unanimously voice a common grievance: that thetremendous pro® ts from exploitation of mineral resources in their land has not returnedreal bene® t to their community. The Jakarta authorities amass the bulk of this forcentral government needs while corrupt of® cials skim much of it, while Aceh itself hashardly been helped concretely from this wealth over the past 30 years.2 A further pointis the issue of predominantly Javanese transmigrant workers brought from outside to ® llgood jobs in and around the oil industry advantaged province of North Aceh, whilelocal people are denied such positions. This adds to the bitter feelings of Acehnesetoward Javanese generally. The non-Acehnese population has been migrating out of thisprovince steadily, and concentrating around Medan in the province of North Sumatra.

Civil Society and Student Involvement

Acehnese society is experiencing a ¯ ourishing of civil society after years of repression,brutality and economic deprivation. However, there is a great need for more effectiveorganization, better management and training of staff, and of course greatly increasedmaterial support during these critical stages of organizational establishment andgrowth. Dr. Ahmad Humam Hamid, Vice Coordinator of FP HAM (Forum PeduliHak Asasi Manusia or Care Human Rights Forum), runs a well organized human rightsmonitoring organization based in Banda Aceh. It was established on 17 July 1998before DOM was brought to an end, and works particularly with student volunteersfrom the universities, conducting a series of human rights abuses investigations in thedistricts of Pidie, North Aceh, and East Aceh. FP HAM has amassed documentationon numerous cases of military brutality and transgressions. Another important activityis to educate and train human rights workers, and disseminate data to raise publicawareness. They have published a Human Rights Training for Trainers, the result of athree-day seminar held in Banda Aceh, 3± 5 May 1999.3 There are numerous otherNGOs struggling to make an impact on people’s lives under adverse conditions, suchas FLOWER ACEH (Women Activities for Rural Progress), run by Suraiya Kamaruz-zaman, which gives economic aid and empowerment for village women as well asprenatal care and legal aid; or YADESA (Rural Community Development Foundation,Aceh) run by Nurdin Abdul Rahman, who is seeking help for rehabilitation of torturevictims and for training of health professionals and psychologists.

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AcehÐ The `Special Territory’ in North Sumatra 97

The strengths of the Acehnese people derive both from their Islamic culture andhistory: courage, idealism, a nobility of aims, solidarity in oppression and for theoppressed, and a conviction in the justice and rightness of their cause. Another strengthlies in the family structure of their society, especially in the women of Aceh. Thewomen are wedded to traditional values, but express their strong individuality anddetermination; they are one moving force for the betterment of their people. (Therewere a number of women heroines who led armies in the ® eld during Aceh’s struggleagainst Dutch oppression; and in the seventeenth century Aceh had two womanSultanas who succeeded Iskandar Muda.) The bene® ts of the past 40 years of edu-cation has made a de® nite mark on the Acehnese. The better educated among them feela sense of social responsibility towards those who suffer, and those who are economi-cally worse off; and a sense of compassion and of justice which people in moreeconomically advanced societies often lack. Acehnese are also hard workers, andpossess a high degree of commitment to their self-interest and independent effortswhich is community-based, not sel® sh and individual. These qualities will serve themwell in the process of social and political struggle to improve their situation.

The capital Banda Aceh has ® ve universities; and besides the public elementary andsecondary schools throughout the province, there are over 1000 private religiouseducational institutions (mostly at secondary school level)Ð the pesanteren and thedayah boarding schools, which are generally privately funded. Leading communitymembers or important families establish and support their own dayah. Some of theseschools now send graduates to leading universities in the Arab world (in al-Madinah,and Amman), since Arabic language and Islamic religion are stressed. There is recogni-tion of the need for education, and girls are very much part of this since they shareequally with males in these schools.

Students and teachers in these schools are employing the concept of `PeacefulAction’ linked with Islamic teachings (Aksi Dami Yang Islami). The communal soli-darity and common action displayed by students and citizens is very impressive.Peaceful Action was universally agreed upon as an effective and necessary technique toadvance the hopes and rights of Acehnese. The students’ chief concerns are: topublicize the need for a referendum at both the local and national levels; to advocateon behalf of Acehnese for peace, democratization, human rights and for increasedpolitical participation; to empower the villagers and educate them on these topics; andto act as watchdogs in order to minimize military abuses and violationsÐ thus fre-quently exposing themselves to violence and abuse. They complain about intimidationand threats from the Army, convinced that the military plans to kill all student activistsand human rights leaders in Aceh. There is an explicit and conscious recognition thatviolence was not the path and none of them advocated taking up arms.

Increasingly, the activist student organizations at the university level are acting asnew leaders of a civic society being bornÐ such as: FARMIDIA (Aceh Student ActionFront for Reform), directed by a committee including Tau® q Abda and SecretaryGeneral, Radhi Darmansyah, and originally based at the Islamic University IAINAr-Raniry; SMUR (Student Solidarity for the People, President Kautsar, son of AbuYus); SIRA (Central Information of Aceh Referendum, Central Coordinator Muham-mad Nazar); and KARMA (Coalition for Reform Action of Acehnese Students, led byIslamuddin and others). All these student organizations are actually now functioning asfull-¯ edged non-governmental efforts involving lay people, ordinary citizens, highschool students, and concerned and committed intellectuals and workers. Their evol-ution into umbrella organizations wider than their original student base, with af® liates

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all over Aceh in other urban and rural centers, is a direct response to the needs for anemerging civil society. They are ® lling the vacuum, and recruit members of the publicon the basis of need. This is an important phenomenon which deserves to be closelyobserved and lessons drawn from it.

Their demands include: accountability and redress for past and ongoing injusticesand abuses, including trials and sentences of the most notorious offenders from themilitary; more provincial power at the local level along with more economic wealthshared within the province by Acehnese; increased international interest and presence(UN, NGOs, etc.) accompanied by effective pressure from appropriate foreign andregional powers upon Jakarta to reform the military, correct human rights violations,and to devise a new power arrangement for Aceh. Unless the new authorities in Jakartamove quickly to reduce tensions in Aceh by beginning to withdraw military elementsfrom the area, prosecuting the perpetrators of past abuses and human rights violations,and starting serious negotiations over the future status of the territory with increasedautonomy, the potential for tragic bloodshed and violence remains very high.

Gus Dur’ s commitment to some kind of referendum’ within the year 2000 stillstands, yet is increasingly being questioned as it becomes clear that the new Presidentreally does not have a clue how to deal with the Aceh situation. The danger is that themilitary will ® ll the vacuum. The academic new Minister for Defense, Juwono Sudar-sono, recently admitted that civilian control over the military is a long term goal. Andafter giving up East Timor, the generals are making it clear that Aceh is non-negotiable.The current reality is that besides maintaining and orchestrating regional unrest,Indonesia’ s military is tightening its grip on the central government itself. GeneralWiranto, who was `kicked upstairs’ from Armed Forces Commander to become thenew Coordinating Minister for Political Affairs and Security in Gus Dur’s cabinet, israpidly becoming Indonesia’s new strongman, and has actually usurped much of thePresident’ s power in domestic affairs. A clear indication of Wiranto’s power is that noone dares to question his refusal to resign from the military despite having assumed acivilian position.

Conclusion

Aceh’ s situation is relevant to current problems experienced in many parts of theIslamic world: the victimization of minority or ethnic groups in the name of economicdevelopment; attempts at defusing the violent effects of unchecked military abuses;struggling to establish a responsive civil society under the weight of a heavy handed andinsensitive central authority; reversing a culture of violence through popular solidarityand struggling for social justice and democratic freedoms; and preserving traditionalvalues in the face of rapid economic, social and political changes. The critical questionof recognizing regional needs and demands, while balancing these with the interests ofcentralized postcolonial regimes, poses genuine dilemmas not simple to reconcile.

Another burning problem is the genuine need for innocent victims of state sponsoredviolence to receive redress and compensation and to be treated with dignity; for theperpetrators of crimes such as torture-until-death and a policy of rape to be brought tojustice. There is a thin line between these legitimate demands, and the parallel desirefor revenge or settling of scores. The complex problems which are created when stateauthorities victimize innocents through routine arrest, torture, execution and systematicrape in order to control an entire population and punish alleged separatists face Muslimpeoples in more places than in Aceh, Chechnya or KosovoÐ e.g. the present situation

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AcehÐ The `Special Territory’ in North Sumatra 99

in China’s North West province of Xinjiang, where the Uighur ethnic Muslim group issubject to severe human rights violations including sexual torture. Muslims everywheremust begin learning lessons from the sufferings and shattered hopes of their brethrenÐwhether it be the recent ordeal of the Kosovars, the sufferings of the Chechens, or thecourage and determination of the Acehnese for a peaceful and secure future in whichthey assume control of their own destiny. Let us recall that in the early 1990s theelected Kosovar Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova (Democratic League of Kosovo)adopted the tactic of `nonviolent action’ as a weapon against Serb repression, a tacticabandoned by the KLA, thus giving the Serbs a pretext to ® ght terrorists.’

Does the nonviolent strategy of the Aceh’s student movement provide a brighterpromise than GAM ri¯ es or ABRI brutality? The momentum of events appears to beovertaking all actorsÐ military, students, or GAMÐ as the Acehnese people are nowriding the crest of a self-empowering wave of newfound strength. The religious bondscementing Acehnese identity and culture are mingled with serious and creative re-sponses to their situation. It is time the rest of the Islamic world took notice and theinternational community became directly involved, before something snaps and peace-ful options become rejected.

NOTES

1. For details on the brutalities under the Military Operations Area/DOM (Daerah Operasi Militer) inAceh from 1989 to 1998, see the comprehensive study by Al Chaidar, Sayed Mudhahar Ahmad andYarmen Dinamika, Aceh Bersimbah Darah, 2nd revised edn, Jakarta: Pustaka Al-Kautsar, 1999,p. 284; as well as recent reports by Amnesty International (e.g. `Indonesia ª Shock Therapyº ,Restoring Order in Aceh 1989± 1993’ , July 1993), and by Human Rights Watch, Asian Division.Further: , http://www.aceh.org . ; and TAPOL (Indonesian Human Rights Campaign, UK),e-mail: , tapol@gn.apc.org . .

2. Mobil Oil holds the chief concession, based in the district of North Aceh around Lhokseuwame; theArun ® eld yielded about $2.5 billion net in 1998. An of® cial in Mobil Oil Indonesia’s (MOI) of® cein Jakarta estimated that of these pro® ts from lique® ed gas and oil, the proceeds are shared betweenthe national af® liate Pertamina and Mobil as follows: gas 75%/25%; oil 85%/15%; and that fromPertamina’ s share, less than 2% bene® ts Aceh.

3. Prosiding Penataran Hak Asasi Manusia Untuk Calon Penatar, Care Human Rights Forum, availablefrom FP HAM in Banda Aceh. This publication contains several interesting contributions on theIslamic grounding of human rights; see e.g. the contribution by Dr. Yusny Saby, Hak Asasi Manusia

Dalam Perspectif Islam. They are preparing a parallel Human Rights Training for Volunteers. In January2000, the Washington-based NGO Nonviolence International convenes Student Training Work-shops for Human Rights Skills and `Peaceful Action’ in Aceh, at the request of the leading studentorganizations and in cooperation with local NGOs and academics. I wish to thank many friends inAceh who helped me during my visit there in June 1999, especially brother Radhi, sister Musliha,and the Governor `Ba Shams.’

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Appendix

Conference ReportÐ Future Integration of Indonesia: Focus on Aceh

On 3 April 1999, the International Forum for Aceh1 (IFA), a recently formed non-profitorganization among the Acehnese diaspora community in Washington, DC, convenedan open forum addressing the request for a referendum in Aceh on negotiating fullautonomy or independence from Indonesia. The symposium, entitled `Future Inte-gration of Indonesia: Focus on Aceh,’ was held on the campus of American Universityin Washington, DC, co-sponsored by the American University Student Association forBurma Coalition. In her opening remarks, Ms. Suraiya IT, Vice-Chairperson of IFA,affirmed the goals of the meeting: to gain international attention and support for endingthe violence and human rights violations, and working for justice and democracy for theAcehnese. I was asked by IFA to moderate the event, in my capacity as Coordinator ofthe project Islam and Peace at the Washington, DC-based NGO, Nonviolence Inter-national, which seeks to promote intra-Muslim dialogue for peaceful change. By meansof a resource-based approach to dialogue, the initial step was made to explore apeaceful solution to the conflicts in Aceh. The symposium succeeded in bringingtogether important Acehnese scholars and human rights workers, members of the AcehSumatra National Liberation Front (ASNLF), including Dr. Husaini Hasan, studentleaders pushing for a referendum allowing Acehnese to determine greater autonomy oreven an independent state, as well as a number of prominent international NGOorganizations working for accountability and redressing the terrible human rightsviolations inflicted upon the people of Aceh. A guest speaker from Ambon, Mr. HelmiWattimena, also addressed the recent Christian± Muslim riots in the Moluccas islands.

About 120 persons attended, primarily from the North American Acehnese andIndonesian communities. Despite sincere attempts by IFA to invite members of theIndonesian military directly involved in security in Aceh, as well as officials of thecentral government in Jakarta, neither sent representatives to participate publicly in thishoped for dialogue for justice between the Indonesian government, the armed forces,and the Aceh opposition. Nevertheless, the Indonesian Embassy in Washington didsend a number of observers, and undoubtedly a full report has reached Jakarta. Thismeeting was a real success in that it brought long neglected attention to bear on thesevere abuses under Suharto’ s regime, and took the first steps in thinking out possiblefutures for this proud people and strategic area. Here we witness a genuine grassrootsmovement of popular nonviolent protest, a `rebel’ liberation struggle for independence,and the growing consciousness of international peace workers. In a dramatic and timelymanner, this forum faced us with the hard question: what is the price for peace?

The Forum

The first panel, `State and Civil Society in Indonesia: Historical Perspectives ofIntegration,’ was divided into a morning and an afternoon session. A second panel inthe afternoon, `Human Rights Perspective,’ mixed international NGOs with Indonesianhuman rights workers. The morning session began with a scholarly historical overviewof `The Aceh Question’ by Professor Teuku Ibrahim Alfian (Gajah Mada University,Yogjakarta) stressing the deeply rooted Islamic social and religious character of theAcehnese people. He pointed to the notion of the just ruler’ (al-sultan al-’adil) still

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AcehÐ The `Special Territory’ in North Sumatra 101

carrying potent overtones in popular consciousness; and to the custom of reachingcollective consensus at the community level (duek pakat). He contrasted the importantcontribution of the Acehnese to the founding of the Republic of Indonesia, with thedomination of Aceh and its natural resources by the largely Javanese central govern-ment. Professor Alfian underlined the gravity of the present situation in Aceh and theresponsibility of the government in Jakarta to redress victims of the DOM `MilitaryOperations Area’ atrocities, as well as the need for international humanitarian aid, andfor lifting the atmosphere of intimidation and terror. The victims and widows requirespecial help from both the central authorities and international organizations. Anothercritical issue is the equitable sharing of wealth: `The insignificant portion of thecountry’s wealth that the people of Aceh receive is not commensurate with the region’sabundant resources that it contributes to Jakarta.’ Finally, he appealed for the unity ofIndonesia, reflecting his commitment to central governance.

Then Dr. Husaini Hasan, from the Acheh Sumatra National Liberation Front (orAcheh Merdeka), delivered his remarks which were keenly listened to by everyonepresent, including the observers from the Indonesian Embassy. Dr. Hasan spent threeyears in the jungle of Aceh, survived three assassination attempts, and carries threebullets in his body and a price on his head under the DOM. Soft spoken and gentle inmanner, he began by remembering many colleagues slain by the military, observing: Ihave never got a military training and I have never fired a single bullet at anybody. Yes,I deal with blood every day, but as an obstetrician, my duty is to save lives.’ Hediscussed each option possible through a free referendum: autonomy, federation, orindependence. Dr. Hasan rejected autonomy as merely `perpetuating the Indonesiancolonization of Aceh.’ He dismissed federation with the central government as harmfulto the identity of Acehnese: `What Indonesia has been doing to us is much worse thanthe Dutch colonialism. How can we still trust them, and how can we still treat them asour big brothers? They never treat us as human beings, let alone as a nation.’ He arguedthat the only appropriate alternative is independence, asserting that Acehnese are notIndonesians: `We have no historic, political, cultural, economic or geographic relation-ship with them.’ Due to Aceh’s rich natural resources, `we are capable to develop ourcountry into a welfare state.’ And because of Indonesia’ s bribery, corruption andinsurmountable debts, Dr. Hasan asserted that `it is absurd to integrate with theRepublic of Indonesia and to take over its debts.’ Independence could be achievedthrough Acehnese organizing themselves inside and outside the country, and throughunity by all classes of society working together hand in hand. He concluded his remarksby speaking in Acehnese, appealing to his people to claim their rights of self-determi-nation.

In what followed, remaining speakers were grouped together by approach or topic. Anumber of scholars spoke about the political issues related to the demands for areferendum now spearheaded by student groups. The young generation is the motorwhich is driving events forward in Indonesia today, but this energy needs direction andwisdom. In the morning panel, Aguswandi, a student leader at Syiah Kuala Universityand Secretary General of SMUR/Student Solidarity for Aceh People, gave a stirring callin support of holding a referendum. There is no more bargaining room left, he stated,and the people have already awakened. `The voice of the people is the voice of God!’Aguswandi declared. This feeling cannot be stopped by force of arms. Rather, it is theadoption of nonviolent means of protest and non-cooperation which empowers thepeople. With his white headband around his forehead bearing the word Referendum

splashed in red paint, he lent an air of vitality and urgency to the proceedings.

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In the afternoon, Radhi Darmansyah, Secretary General of FARMIDIA (AcehneseIslamic Student Reform Movement) with 5000 members at the Islamic University(IAIN) in the capital of Banda-Aceh, spoke eloquently on the role of students who haveeffectively become mediators for the demands of the people with the government. Heargued that the then upcoming elections were to be rejected in favor of a referendum,since ABRI clearly aimed to exploit elections by provoking civil unrest, riots, andcommunal violenceÐ with the aim of insuring their continued domination of thepolitical scene.2 Dharmansyah spoke against the proposed new regional military com-mand for Aceh (the elite unit KODAM I), which would bring alien troops back into thearea and more violence. Finally, he called for an increased role for independentinternational institutions such as the ICRC and the Red Crescent to help victims ofmilitary oppression, and the UNHCR to help with Acehnese refugees who fled toMalaysia and Singapore for safety; as well as international organizations such asAmnesty International capable of exerting pressure upon the Jakarta authorities tocorrect grave injustices and abuses.

In a thought-provoking presentation by the Acehnese political scientist Dr. LukmanThaib (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia), he outlined the case under international lawfor Aceh’ s status as a sovereign nation.3 Dr. Thaib reviewed the documents submittedby the present head of Free Aceh Movement, Syik di Tiro Hasan Muhammad4 to theUnited Nations Special Committee on De-colonization at the 43rd and 48th sessionsin Geneva (1992), which had resulted in tabling a UN resolution at the annual sessionof the UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection ofMinorities, during the 45th session of the Ecosoc Council of 17 August 1993; and asecond one on 18 August 1994.5 Dr. Thaib argued that the Acehnese and Sumatranpeoples must be given the chance to decide their own future through referendum,which is the only way to secure peace, security and harmony to this vast region hithertodrawn into endless anarchy, oppression and injustice.’ Concerning future integration,he suggested the possibility of a `Commonwealth of Independent States’ tying sovereignstates as equal partners into a new political entity thereby increasing regional politicalstability and its international clout.

Professor Ibrahim Abdullah (Foundation for Advancement of Science and Culture,Universitas Nasional, Jakarta) addressed the question of `National Integration orDisintegration’ with respect to Aceh. Professor Abdullah warned that Indonesia ismoving toward disintegration, itself a sign of the failure of Suharto’ s regime to bringabout political modernization: `Indonesia is an extremely shaky nation-state, for bothnecessary condition (political modernization) and sufficient condition (political devel-opment) have never been met.’ The absence of rule of law and civility, leads to theabsence of social justiceÐ a situation true for all of Indonesia’s 27 provinces. He decriedthe habit of the central government regarding Aceh only as an important source foraccumulating wealth for Jakarta without any fair return given back to Aceh,’ and calledfor a change in the attitude of those presently in power from a self-serving corruptionto `something closer to professionalism backed up by civility and integrity.’ ProfessorAbdullah did not put much hope that the June 1999 elections would be fair anddemocratic, insisting that `during the post election period, the Acehnese should fix theirown destiny without depending on the mercy of a corrupted central governmentanymore.’ He argued that decentralization was preferred, allowing Acehnese and otherprovinces to design their own ways of self-governance in harmony with their basiccultural and religious aspirations, while keeping a loose form of federalism entrustedwith monetary, defense and foreign affairs. Interestingly, Abdullah suggested a sharing

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of wealth from natural resources between Aceh and the central government, e.g. gasand oil shared on a 50± 50 basis or gold on a 60± 40 basis; and devising a scale to helpthe poorer provinces benefit from the wealth of richer ones. A true autonomy wherebyAceh’ s status of Special Region was realized with a new wealth-sharing economicformula, would go far toward preserving central authority while meeting legitimateAcehnese demands. Professor Abdullah thus sees national integration achievable on amore equitable basis through decentralization.

Dr. Ghazali Abbas, a House of Representative Member of the Indonesian Parliamentin Jakarta, addressed the perhaps deceptive hopes raised by the June elections, counsel-ing persistence in communal efforts with observance of rule of law. His recitation ofAcehnese poetic verses moved and delighted the audience. Dr. Abdullah Ali (SyiahKuala University, Aceh) stressed the current bleak situation and the need for peacefulsolutions, contrasting the activism of the Acehnese students pushing for a referendum,with government responsiveness and sensitivity lagging far behind. Dr. Hasbalah M.Saad, former Secretary General of the Jakarta-based Commission for Human Rightsfor Aceh (KOSHAMDA), warned that independence has a price, and that thethen upcoming elections might only be a step toward clarifying the future ofAceh. Hasbalah Saad currently serves as Minister for Human Rights in Gus Dur’scabinet.

A variety of independent human rights groups contributed important insights to thediscussions. Carmel Budiarjo of TAPOL (Indonesian Human Rights Campaign) gavea cogent survey of abuses by ABRI in Aceh. She noted that while the human rightsgroups have been active for 15 years in bringing the plight of East Timorese to theattention of the international community, the Aceh tragedy remains little appreciated.The brutality of the military over the past 10 years has had the reverse effect ofpolarizing political views in Aceh, and increasing support for independence. SidneyJones (Executive Director, Human Rights Watch, Asian Division) concisely reviewedthe chief concerns of the international NGO community: the increasing demands byAcehnese means more resistance from Jakarta; the problem of transmigration includingthe exodus of Acehnese out of and the movement of Javanese into the province,provokes communal resentment; and communal violence only serves to strengthen themilitary’s rationale in maintaining their cruel oppression. She stressed the necessity toadequately address the need for justice for the victims of years of DOM repression, aswell as the need for effective and wise leadership at the regional and the federal levels.Ms. Jones impressed everyone with her commitment and fluent translations fromIndonesian into English. Representing the United States Committee for Refugees, Ms.Jana Mason reviewed the conditions of expelled Acehnese in Malaysia and elsewhere,and made suggestions for resolving their plight.6

Sayed Mudhahar Ahmad, of Care Human Rights Forum (FP HAM), spoke author-itatively about human rights violations in Aceh under the worst years of DOM violenceand in recent months. His gentle, dignified manner contrasted with the grisly anddepressing events he documented: torture, systematic rape, indiscriminate retaliationupon innocent civilians, and total unaccountability by the military forces. His carefulsummary of the evidence demonstrated how overreaction and heavy handedness hasdepleted whatever legitimacy the central government had in the eyes of the Acehnese.Like many others, he appealed to the international community and transnationalorganizations not to ignore the heart-wrenching reality of the Acehnese, since their rolein pressuring and reigning in the worst aspects of government behavior was essential.Sayed Ahmad emphasized how deeply the Acehnese feel violated, how their dignity has

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been trampled upon, and the necessity to address these feelings in rebuilding trust andcooperation by means of accountability and reconciliation.

Questions from the audience elicited responses from the panel. In a poignantmoment, a Javanese Indonesian woman confessed her pain at hearing that Acehnesedid not feel `Indonesian’ as basic to their identity. This drew clarifications frompanelists who appealed to the complex historical perspective, and highlighted mis-guided policies pursued by the military over the past decade. Yet the distinctive culturaland religious sentiments of Acehnese were clearly evident, and their insistence onplaying a role in decisions affecting their future status was repeated again and again. Iasked Dr. Hasan directly whether GAM would consider renouncing revenge sniperattacks against military forces; his reply struck a moderate tone while referring to theinternationally recognized right of people to resist aggression and oppression. It wasnoted that Kalashinakov automatic rifles may be purchased for a mere $20 in Singa-pore, and Dr. Hasan was asked whether GAM would signal their willingness torenounce purchasing such light arms in the then prevailing situation just before theelections. Again, his answer was equivocal yet left the door open contingent upon goodfaith measures initiated by the Indonesian military.

NOTES

1. Registered in the state of New York, USA; contact: Jafar Siddiq, tel.: 1 1± 718± 392± 9781,fax: 1 1-718-786-2935, e-mail: , acehforum@aol.com . ; also , http://aceh.org/forum . . IFA de-fines itself as `a forum to build international support and solidarity to empower and strengthen theAcehnese in their struggle for their lives and for liberty, peace and justice in their homeland.’ IFAconvened the first meeting of the International Support Group for Human Rights in Aceh on 15± 16January 2000 in Banda Aceh, with participation of local, national and international organizationsand individuals.

2. We see this reality in the unrest in East Timor. In mid-April 1999, government sponsoredpro-integration militias led by Basilio Araugo attacked supporters of a popular referendum. At thetime of writing, tens of thousands of East Timorese refugees still remain subject to brutalization andmilitia control in camps in West Timor.

3. See the next article in this issue of Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 20, No. 1, 2000.4. Head of the Aceh government in exile or one wing of the Free Aceh Movement/GAM, Hasan

Muhammad is the eighth in the line of religious authorities to hold the title Syik di Tiro/`the Shaikh

of Tiro.’ His family comes from the town of Pidie on the north coast of Aceh.5. Resolution nos E/CN.4/Sub.2/1993/L.21.15 and E/CN.4/Sub.2/1994/L.25.16. See e.g. TAPOL

Bulletin 1993, `Aceh Resolution at the UN’ , London: British Campaign for Human Rights inIndonesia, Report 319.

6. See the report by Jana Mason, the US Committee for Refugees, `The Least Risky Solution:Malaysia’s Detention and Deportation of Acehnese Asylum Seekers’ , Washington, DC: UnitedStates Committee for Refugees, 1998, p. 32.

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