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This article was downloaded by: [University of Newcastle (Australia)] On: 06 October 2014, At: 11:35 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK South African Geographical Journal Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsag20 2010 FIFA World Cup TM : (South) ‘Africa's time has come’? Brij Maharaj a a School of Environmental Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal , Howard Campus, Durban , 4041 , South Africa Published online: 16 May 2011. To cite this article: Brij Maharaj (2011) 2010 FIFA World Cup TM : (South) ‘Africa's time has come’?, South African Geographical Journal, 93:1, 49-62, DOI: 10.1080/03736245.2011.572473 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736245.2011.572473 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions

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Page 1: 2010 FIFA World Cup               TM               : (South) ‘Africa's time has come’?

This article was downloaded by: [University of Newcastle (Australia)]On: 06 October 2014, At: 11:35Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

South African Geographical JournalPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsag20

2010 FIFA World CupTM: (South)‘Africa's time has come’?Brij Maharaj aa School of Environmental Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal ,Howard Campus, Durban , 4041 , South AfricaPublished online: 16 May 2011.

To cite this article: Brij Maharaj (2011) 2010 FIFA World CupTM: (South) ‘Africa's time has come’?,South African Geographical Journal, 93:1, 49-62, DOI: 10.1080/03736245.2011.572473

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736245.2011.572473

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever orhowsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arisingout of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

Page 2: 2010 FIFA World Cup               TM               : (South) ‘Africa's time has come’?

2010 FIFA World CupTM: (South) ‘Africa’s time has come’?

Brij Maharaj*

School of Environmental Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Howard Campus, Durban 4041,South Africa

The 2010 FIFA World Cup (FWC) extravaganza was widely touted as a great Africanmega event that, while located in South Africa, would bring economic and socialbenefits across the continent. The aim of this paper is to critically assess these claims.The key arguments of the paper are that (1) the African connection was mythical, (2)the benefits for poor and disadvantaged South Africans were exaggerated and at bestephemeral, (3) the bid process for 2010 was not transparent and the ruthless profitmotive and political machinations of Federation Internationale de Football Associationwere ignored as it was subliminally presented as a philanthropic organisation and (4)the billions spent on preparing for the 2010 FWC would have made a huge impact inaddressing South Africa’s social, welfare, health and education challenges.

Keywords: FIFA 2010 World Cup; mega events; economic impacts; geography; SouthAfrica

Introduction

Anecdotal media reports in South Africa about the 2010 Soccer World Cup made

metaphorical references to the geographical connection. For example, Thamm (2010,

p. 13) suggested that for the first time in 15 years, the World Cup offers ‘the opportunity

for us, for at least 30 days, to place South Africa firmly on the map’. Journalist Kate

Turkington (2010, p. 29) in an article titled ‘Mapping out the benefits of the FIFA World

Cup . . . ’ contended that ‘another good thing about the FIFA World Cup . . . is that our

geography has improved’.

The importance of ‘space and place as central dimensions of sport is well recognised’

and sporting competitions have been referred to as ‘struggles over space’ (Bale and

Vertinsky 2004, p. 1). There has been some interest in how geography can influence

sporting performance and how the construction and location of sport facilities can impact on

urban and regional development (Jones 2002). Furthermore, although newly constructed

stadiums, for example,

are bounded spatial entities or territories, they function as extensible spaces, connecting to andinfluencing urban relations and processes (beyond) the locale. Stadiums are embedded inspatial hierarchies that relate to the social production of sporting practice at local, national andinternational levels. (Gaffney 2010a, p. 10)

Until recently, the limited scholarly focus on the geography of sport was viewed as

‘paradoxical’ because ‘sport is a major aspect of economic, social and political life’ (Bale

2003, p. 2). However, there has been an emerging body of scholarship focusing on

geography and sport since the early 1970s (e.g. Rooney 1972). The growth in this field was

ISSN 0373-6245 print/ISSN 2151-2418 online

q 2011 Society of South African Geographers

DOI: 10.1080/03736245.2011.572473

http://www.informaworld.com

*Email: [email protected]

South African Geographical Journal

Vol. 93, No. 1, June 2011, 49–62

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described as ‘steady, though hardly spectacular’ (Bale 1996, p. 163). The earlier work was

largely descriptive and was labelled as ‘cartographic fetishism’ (Bale 1992, p. 71).

By 1994, the expansion in this field warranted an entry in the Dictionary of Human

Geography, in which the geography of sport was defined as the ‘study of spatial variations

in the pursuit of various sports and of the impact of sporting activities on the landscape’

(Johnston et al. 1994, p. 585). The geography of sports has various dimensions, including

‘links to environment, economy and culture’, and is directly connected ‘to the global

political economy and international state system’ (DeChano and Shelley 2004, p. 185).

In the closing decades of the last century, sport, which has traditionally been perceived as

a recreational and leisure activity, has emerged as a powerful tool for economic development,

as well as a powerful geopolitical force. A related trend is a more critical assessment of the

socio-spatial and economic impacts of mega-sporting events. Such events have huge

implications for the socio-spatial restructuring of the built environment in host cities.

Good examples in this regard are the competitions to host the Olympic Games and the

Soccer World Cup (Maharaj 1998, Hillier 2000, Smith 2005, O’Brien 2006). A common

argument is that these sporting events provide opportunities for development by attracting

foreign investment and may serve as ‘new engines of development’ (Levermore 2008).

Bidding to host such global events has become an important local economic development

strategy and has forced cities and countries to compete nationally and internationally.

There is a view that hosting such mega events offers the ‘possibility of “fast track” urban

regeneration, a stimulus to economic growth, improved transport and cultural facilities,

and enhanced global recognition and prestige’ (Chalkley and Essex 1999, p. 369).

Although such events do produce benefits, the international experience suggests that

the privileged tend to benefit at the expense of the poor, and that socio-economic

inequalities tend to be exacerbated (Andranovich et al. 2001, Owen 2002, Waitt 2003).

Furthermore, mega-sporting events were largely organised and funded by the government

in consultation with the private sector, with little or no accountability to citizens, although

such decisions were likely to have major public policy implications (Andranovich et al.

2001). The nature of urban governance associated with these events is ‘characterised by

less democratic and more elite-driven priorities’ (Swyngedouw et al. 2002, p. 542). In

South Africa, there has been some speculation about the urban legacy of the FIFA World

Cup (Pillay et al. 2009).

The above themes are especially relevant in analysing the 2010 FWC extravaganza,

which had been widely touted as a great African mega event that, while located in South

Africa, would bring economic and social benefits across the continent. The aim of this

paper is to critically assess these claims. This paper is influenced by the view that a

‘critical geography of mega-events necessarily addresses the instrumental rationality of

hosting the event, the socio-spatial dynamics it seeks to impose, and the possibilities for

developing more socially just alternatives’ (Gaffney 2010a, p. 9). More specifically, the

key arguments of the paper are that (1) the African connection was mythical, (2) the

benefits for poor and disadvantaged South Africans were exaggerated and at best

ephemeral, (3) the bid process for 2010 was not transparent and the ruthless profit motive

and political machinations of Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA)

were ignored as it was subliminally presented as a philanthropic organisation, and (4) the

poor did not benefit from the billions of state funds spent on preparing for the 2010 FWC

and were likely to be further disadvantaged.

This paper is divided into four sections. The first section examines the rising global

influence of FIFA. The second section focuses on the 2010 African bid. The third section

50 B. Maharaj

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assesses the economic impacts of 2010. The final section examines the impact of the mega

event on the poor.

FIFA: a new geopolitical force?

FIFA was established in Paris on 21 May 1904 by the French journalist Robert Guerin, and

its initial membership comprised countries from Western Europe. Its present membership

comprises football associations from 208 countries, exceeding that of the UN (192

members). The president of FIFA and its executive committee were accorded the status

equivalent to that of heads of state internationally. The power of FIFA is enormous, with

so many ‘wealthy nations dropping to their knees begging to be given the World Cup

tournament’ (Jennings 2007, p. 65).

In its quest to increase membership, FIFA often turned a blind eye to the undermining

of democracy and the violation of human rights in member states. Sugden and Tomlinson

(1998, p. 38) have argued that ‘FIFA’s politics are volatile, ruthless and characterised by

shameless machination’. There were allegations that senior FIFA officials were close to

corrupt governments and ignored the influence of drug cartels on the game in Latin

America. In the early 1960s, FIFA implicitly espoused apartheid when its British President

Sir Stanley Rous supported the Football Association of South Africa and its racially

segregated teams and matches (Darby 2008). It was only in the 1970s as the international

anti-apartheid movement grew stronger and calls for the global isolation of the racist

regime escalated that FIFA was forced to act against South Africa.

During the 1980s, there was another dramatic turn as the commercial/business arm of

FIFA grew exponentially and ostensibly in response to the development needs of football in

Africa, Asia and Latin America. However, there were concerns that FIFA had become part

of the ‘capitalist entertainment business’, that it had turned football into a ‘millionaire’s

gambling casino’ and that there was a lack of transparency accountability about how its

funds were spent, and especially payments made to senior officials (Jennings 2007).

There have also been controversies and allegations of corruption relating to how FIFA

sells its TV rights, elects its president and chooses the hosts for the World Cup. For

example, ‘there was barely a murmur in 2006 when a federal judge in New York found that

Blatter subordinates secretly tried to strike a sponsorship deal with Visa in violation of a

contract with long time sponsor Mastercard. FIFA paid Mastercard $90 million to settle

the case’ (Ewing 2008, p. 48). Before a ball has been kicked, FIFA had earned R25 billion

(and was exempted from paying tax and custom duties) from the TV broadcast rights and

sponsorship agreements for the 2010 World Cup, exceeding any previous event. In South

Africa, FIFA was largely presented in the public domain as a benign and benevolent

organisation that would benefit the country and the African continent.

2010: the African bid

The FWC was a quadrennial event which, until 1994, had been hosted in Europe and South

America since 1930. In 1994, it was hosted in the USA and in 2002 in Japan/Korea. In 1997,

the executive committee of the South African Football Association (SAFA) resolved to make

a bid to host the 2006 World Cup in South Africa. Optimism increased for South Africa’s bid

when FIFA President Sepp Blatter expressed support for an African tournament in 2006. This

was because Sepp Blatter won the bitterly contested election as FIFA president in the

Congress in Paris on 8 June 1998 on the basis of the support he received from the African

South African Geographical Journal 51

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delegates who made up 25% of the voters, and he had campaigned to bring the World Cup to

Africa (Alegi 2010).

South Africa lost the 2006 bid controversially by one vote to Germany. There was

huge disappointment and disillusionment, FIFA was forced to agree to rotate the World

Cup between the six continental soccer federations, and Blatter made a commitment that

2010 would be Africa’s turn (SA2010 2010, p. 7). Sepp Blatter stated that ‘when I became

president in 1998, my greatest goal was to see the FWC played in Africa’ (Nkosi 2010,

p. 1).

In 2004, South Africa successfully bid for the 2010 tournament. Morocco and Egypt

also bid for the 2010 World Cup. South Africa was favoured for three reasons: it had

successfully hosted international sporting events such as the cricket and rugby World Cup

competitions, it had a well-established infrastructure and the trump card, bringing FIFA

officials in contact with world icon, Nelson Mandela (Alegi 2010). Tunisia and Libya also

submitted bids but were disqualified on technical grounds.

In support of the second bid, in 2004, President Mbeki had argued that 2010 would be

an ‘African’ event:

We want on behalf of our continent, to stage an event that will send ripples of confidence fromthe Cape to Cairo – an event that will create social and economic opportunities throughoutAfrica. We want to ensure that one day, historians will reflect upon the 2010 World Cup as amoment when Africa stood tall and resolutely turned the tide on centuries of poverty andconflict. We want to show that Africa’s time has come. (Project2010 2010)

After South Africa’s successful bid was announced, Thabo Mbeki promised that 2010

would deliver an ‘African cup’ that would extend to all Africans in and beyond the

continent:

When we say this is an African cup that includes all the other countries and also those whocompeted against us – Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt – we want to see them as partners andparticipants in the World Cup. Other Africans in the Caribbean, United States and Brazil – wewant them also to feel part of the African Cup. For this, South Africa will be a home for all Africa.(SA Bid Book 2010, p. 3)

This theme was echoed by the Minister of Transport, Sbu Ndebele, in his address to the

African Renaissance Conference in Durban in May 2010:

The 2010 World Cup will for ever demonstrate Africa’s capacity to deliver world-classevents. It will also serve as a lever for our project of nation-building and social cohesion. TheWorld Cup is indeed an opportunity for Africa to take charge. An African World Cup in 2010is an opportunity for Africans to re-examine where we are in the project of moving Africafrom where it is to where it should be . . . (and) . . . what we should change regarding thecourse of Africa’s development. (Ndebele, S. 2010, p. 1)

The African Legacy Programme for the World Cup, announced in November 2006,

was devised jointly by the 2010 FIFA World Cup Organising Committee and the

Government. More specifically, the aim of the programme was to

(i) support the realisation of African Renaissance objectives, including programmes of

the African Union (AU) such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development,

(ii) ensure maximum and effective African participation in the 2010 World Cup,

(iii) strengthen, develop and advance African football and

(iv) improve Africa’s global image and combat Afro-pessimism (Donaldson 2004).

Even the UN endorsed the view that the World Cup ‘underlines African renaissance’

and that the event will ‘also contribute to the confidence and pride of many persons and

states in Africa’ (SA2010 2010, p. 2).

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Although touted as an ‘African World Cup’ that was ‘celebrating Africa’s humanity’,

less then 2% of ticket holders were from the continent (Grant Thornton 2010), and even

fewer flags from Africa, reflecting a subliminal disconnection from the continent, and a

hankering for an association with the world class, international community (in other

words, the West).

The extremely low ticket sales for the event in the African continent were attributed to

three factors: first, the high cost of tickets; second, difficulties in obtaining a South African

visa and third, purchases could only be made online. Given that less than 6% of Africa is

connected, and few have credit cards, Internet sales were doomed to fail. Even in South

Africa, sales only picked up after the number of cheap tickets (R140) was increased, and

after across the counter sales were introduced on 5 April 2010. However, such sales were

restricted to South Africans and ‘legal residents of the country’ (Cape Argus, 21 May

2010, p. 3). There was disappointment that even the frontline states that supported the anti-

apartheid struggle were barred from purchasing the cheap tickets:

There are no discounted prices for citizens in the former frontline states. And this is whencountries like Tanzania suffered assassinations and bombings in protecting the exiled ANCfrom the apartheid state. What better way to say thank you – inadequate yes but a gesturestill – than inviting the neighbours, who suffered along with you, to drink from the WorldCup? (Ngugi 2010, p. 26)

Limiting cheap tickets to South Africans was also perceived as xenophobic because it

excluded a significant proportion of undocumented migrants in the country from the

Africa continent. There are high levels of xenophobia in South Africa, and the most

serious was the outbreak of violence in May 2008, which started in the township of

Alexandra in Johannesburg and subsequently spread to major informal settlements in the

country for almost 2 weeks. At least 62 people lost their lives and about 43,000 foreigners

were displaced (Maharaj 2010). There were persistent media reports that there will be

another outbreak of xenophobic violence after the World Cup (Davis 2010). Navi Pillay,

the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, expressed concern about the

contradictions between organising a successful World Cup and threats against foreigners:

By hosting the World Football Cup, South Africa has shown that it can welcome visitors fromall over the globe with flair, generosity and warmth. It should now prove that it is also able toextend such hospitality and tolerance to migrants seeking a better life and protection . . . I amalarmed at recurrent episodes of attacks against non-nationals in my country. (Pillay 2010, p. 14)

Feminist writer and Associate Professor at the University of Witwatersrand, Pumla

Gqola, argued that reference to ‘Africa’s World Cup’ was rhetorical, meaningless,

‘condescending and opportunistic’:

No matter whose lips utter it, ‘Africa’s World Cup’ sounds like a sad attempt at a connectionthat is just not there. Maybe we think that if we say it enough we will start to believe that itdescribes a reality rather than wishful thinking. I suppose saying this is a continental initiativemakes the average South African feel better about our shameful relationship with thecontinent. This way we can stand side by side with Africans from elsewhere without castingthem as menacing presences, or their countries as places ripe for South African corporations toexpand into . . . Against the backdrop of a very conflicted relationship with our kin on thecontinent, why do we think claims of ‘Africa’s World Cup’ are not condescending andopportunistic at the same time? (Gqola 2010, p. 27)

Further evidence of the African disconnection related to FIFA contracted cultural

events which featured international artists, with local and African artists playing

peripheral roles. The World Cup Kick-Off Concert was promoted as ‘the greatest

entertainment show in Africa’ (Cole 2010, p. 5). The concert would be broadcast live from

South African Geographical Journal 53

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Orlando Stadium in Soweto on 10 June 2010 to 192 countries, with over 1 billion viewers.

FIFA awarded the contract to organise the conference to an American company from Los

Angeles, Control Room. The main artists in the concert were international stars such as

Alicia Keys, John Legend, Black Eyed Peas and Shakira, with three South African and

four African artists. South African poet Mzwakhe Mbuli was critical of the ‘Eurocentric,

Americanised line-up’ which undermined African talent (Solomon 2010, p. 3).

Responding to criticisms about the sidelining of local and African artists, FIFA

contended that although there was ‘an African World Cup’, the concert was ‘an international

event’ (Seale 2010, p. 6). South African Minister of Arts and Culture, Lulu Xingwana, was

sympathetic to the plight of local artists, but conceded that ‘FIFA had a say in most matters

related to the World Cup’ (Tshangela 2010, p. 7). Local artists and promoters ‘accused FIFA

of undermining the local music industry and denying them a rare opportunity – the chance

to showcase local culture and music during the tournament’ (Tshangela 2010, p. 7). The

Creative Workers Union threatened to mobilise civil society organisations to ensure that

local and African artists are more representative in, and benefit from, the concert. The

impasse was mediated at a meeting between Danny Jordaan, head of the World Cup local

organising committee, Minister Xingwana and the Creative Workers Union, which agreed

that more local artists will be included in the opening concert, local promoters will work

with the US promoters and there will be more opportunities for local artists to perform in fan

parks (Ndebele, G. 2010).

A major concern of FIFA and the South African Government was what was perceived

to be negative reporting about South Africa’s ability to organise a successful event,

especially by the English media which highlighted the high crime rates in the country.

There were also suggestions that FIFA had a ‘back-up’ plan to move the World Cup to

Germany if necessary, although this was denied by Sepp Blatter and attributed to ‘Afro-

pessimism’ (Hamlyn 2008).

Economic impacts

In July 2003, Grant Thornton (2003 p. 4), the project assessors for the South Africa Bid

Committee who were responsible for the financial impact report, argued that the 2010

Soccer World Cup would be hosted in South Africa ‘with minimal tangible and intangible

costs’. Furthermore, Grant Thornton estimated that the World Cup would generate 159,000

jobs, it would require state expenditure of R2.3 billion, it would contribute R21.4 billion to

the South African GDP and a further R7.2 billion will accrue to the government in taxes.

Tourists would spend R12.7 billion in the country (Table 1). However, these figures are

‘ephemeral and unmeasureable’ (Webb 2010, p. 1). Intangible benefits included an increase

in tourism and foreign direct investments, as well as fostering national pride. Intangible

negative impacts included an increase in traffic flows, crime and displacement of traditional

tourism (Table 1).

In revised projections released by Grant Thornton on 21 April 2010, based on ticket

sale trends, the total number of visitors decreased by 111,000 from 483,000 to 373,000

(Table 2). In March 2010, Match Hospitality AG, a FIFA subsidiary, had cancelled

450,000 of the 1.8 millions beds it had reserved in hotels and bed and breakfast enterprises,

as well as cancelling 45,000 seats booked on South African Airways (Tolsi 2010).

This decrease was attributed to the global economic recession. However, average

spending per trip would be higher as visitors were staying longer (18 days, compared with

14 days in earlier projections) and attending more matches (5 compared with 3.4). Grant

Thornton (2010) estimated the ‘gross economic impact’ to be R93 billion of which 62%

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was generated in the pre-2010 preparations (government expenditure was estimated to

have increased from R17.4 billion to R30.3 billion).

Data released by Statistics South Africa (2010, p. 8) revealed that in June 2010,

721,311 tourists visited South Africa compared with 505,431 in June 2009, an increase of

215,880, which can be attributed to the 2010 World Cup (Table 3). According to Statistics

South Africa (2010, p. 8) in July 2010, 680,414 tourists visited South Africa compared

with 623,414 in 2009. The increase of 57,000 in July 2010 can be attributed to the World

Table 2. Revised visitor projections (April 2010).

Was Now % Change

Total visitors 483,000 373,000 222.7Average length of stay (overseas visitors; in days) 14 18.7 33.0Average spend per trip in South Africa R22,000 R30,200 35.5Overseas ticket holders 288,867 228,519 221Overseas non-ticket holders 25,000 20,000 220African ticket holders 48,145 11,289 277African non-ticket holders 100,000 85,000 215Matches per foreigner 3.4 5 –Germany (matches per foreigner) 2.6 – –

Source: Grant Thornton (2010, p. 12).

Table 1. Costs and benefits of 2010 World Cup (2003 estimates).

Costs Benefits

GovernmentTangible†R2.3 billion upgrade of stadia and

infrastructure†R7.2 billion paid in taxes

†R21.4 billion contribution to GDP†159,000 new jobs created

Intangible†Negative impact on traffic flows †Interest generated and profile raised of

the country†Negative impact on residents living close

to stadiums†Increase in tourism and direct foreign

investment†Negative impact on local governments †Other similar events held in South Africa†Possible soccer violence †Foster confidence and pride in the

local population†Increase in petty crime †The reuse of building materials for

housing†Displacement of normal tourism †Relive pressure on the welfare system

Private sectorTangible†Expenditure due to increased demand †R12.7 billion in revenues earned from

spectator spendsIntangible†Over expenditure on facilities †Increased demand for tourism facilities

†Additional revenues from similar events†New direct foreign investment†Public–private partnerships for the supply

of equipment†Marketing opportunities

Source: Grant Thornton (2003, p. 3).

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Cup (Table 3). Hence, there was an increase of 272,880 tourists associated with the World

Cup event, at least 100,000 less than the revised Grant Thornton estimates of 373,000 and

200,000 less than the original estimate of 483,000 visitors. There were 421,074 visitors

from Africa in June 2010 (95% from the SADC region) compared with 376,280 visitors in

June 2009, hence a net increase of 44,794 (Statistics South Africa 2010, p. 9).

Disturbingly, the cost of stadiums had virtually doubled from R8.4 billion to R16.2

billion without any public oversight (Table 4). Six new stadiums were constructed and four

stadiums were upgraded. FIFA would have been comfortable with eight stadiums with a

minimum capacity of 40,000 seats. The most controversial was the Greenpoint stadium in

Cape Town, where the local preference was upgrading the existing Athlone stadium, which

was located in a ‘coloured’ township. FIFA opposed the Athlone option because it did not

want to expose international television audiences to the poverty of the surroundings.

A major concern was that no consideration had been given to the sustainable viability

of the stadiums after the World Cup, and they were likely to be ‘white elephants’ and a

burden on taxpayers who would have to shoulder maintenance costs. For example, the

annual maintenance costs of Soccer City would be between R25 and R30 million, Port

Elizabeth R19 million, Mbombela R9.2 million, and Peter Mokoba R17 million (Table 4).

This is referred to as ‘underestimated costs – countries left with underused stadiums and

facilities which are ruinously expensive to maintain’ (Goldblatt 2010, p. 2). It was also

disconcerting that 3 months after the 2010 World Cup, FIFA still owed the host cities

R500 millions (Waterworth 2010). In the light of the huge costs, there were some

disturbing questions about the returns and benefits:

Will the cost of infrastructure, stadiums, security, and marketing be worth the gains fromtourism, trade and ticket sales? And will the event be able to spark, if only indirectly, longterm economic development? The fear is that SA is spending billions on a month-long advertfor the country that will fail to deliver the promised returns. (Bisseker 2010, p. 1)

Impacts on the poor

Irvin Khoza and Danny Jordaan, Chairperson and CEO, respectively, of the South Africa

2010 World Cup Bid Committee, assured FIFA in their submission letter that ‘almost 80

percent of the total sponsorship revenue of the African continent is generated within the

borders of South Africa. We have developed a plan to present FIFA with risk-free

opportunity on African soil (emphasis added) (UN News Service 2010). In other words,

unlimited opportunities for FIFA to accumulate profits.

Given the nature, structure and preparations for the tournament, it was inevitable that

the profits from the World Cup will accrue to the economic elite (especially in the

construction sector). According to a notice in the Government Gazette of 25 May 2006, the

World Cup would be a ‘protected event . . . on the understanding that [it] is in the public

interest and that the Local Organizing Committee (LOC) has created opportunities for

Table 3. Comparison of foreign visitors in June and July 2009 and 2010.

Month Visitors 2010 World Cup increase

June 2010 721,311 215,880June 2009 505,431July 2010 680,414 57,000July 2009 623,414

Source: Adapted from Statistics South Africa (2010).

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South African businesses, in particular those from the previously disadvantaged centres’

(South Africa 2006, p. 3).

Hence, there was some expectation that it would also provide opportunities to the

informal and micro-enterprise sector: ‘the seller of boerewors rolls, the taxi driver, the

township tour operator, the slick musician who drums up a catchy World Cup melody, the

lucky artist who designs the cuddly mascot’ (Alfred 2004, p. 1; see also South Africa Bid

Book 2010, p. 11). This was reinforced in the ANC’s 2009 Election Manifesto in which it

emphasised its intention to

ensure that the 2010 FIFA World Cup leaves a proud legacy that our children and ourcommunities will enjoy for many years to come, and contributes to the long term developmentof the country. The ANC government will work with all stakeholders to ensure that this worldevent contributes to create decent work opportunities, particularly for the youth, women andstreet traders. (ANC 2009, p. 15)

The labour movement in South Africa had supported the 2010 World Cup because there

was an expectation that it would bring socio-economic benefits, decrease apartheid

inequalities and promote development in terms of creating jobs and reducing poverty.

More specifically, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) at its 2006

Congress ‘resolved to campaign for the 2010 World Cup to have a developmental focus

and act as a catalyst for achieving the broader goals of equity and development’ (Chinguno

2010, p. 30).

Criticisms about the negative impacts of the 2010 World Cup on the poor emerged

from the NGO and civil society sectors. For example, the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF)

contended that

the massive amounts of public funds used to build new stadiums and related infrastructure forthis World Cup have only served to further deny poor people the development and servicesthey have been struggling for over many years . . . This World Cup is not for the poor – it isthe soccer elites of FIFA, the elites of domestic and international corporate capital and thepolitical elites who are making billions and who will be benefiting at the expense of the poor.(APF 2010)

The Durban Social Forum, a coalition of more than 20 civic, NGOs and community

organisations, similarly asserted that

the ANC have not given a World Cup for All but again chose to deliver to the rich instead ofthe poor . . . The ANC government delivers world class facilities and infrastructure to the richthat the majority of South Africans will never enjoy . . .Vulnerable children, traders, the poor,homeless, shackdwellers, refugees . . . are forcible removed so tourists won’t see them . . .Our government has sold its citizens out for a gigantic, short term publicity stunt and we mustnot let them forget their responsibilities. (Durban Social Forum 2010, p. 1)

Amnesty International (2010, p. 1) expressed concern that thousands of poor people

living in informal housing and street traders were moved out of inner city zones in

preparation for the World Cup ‘without prior notice, provision of adequate alternative

housing or compensation and in violation of domestic law prohibiting forced evictions’

(see also Van Blerk in this issue, pp. 29–37). In Cape Town, about 600 homeless people

and street children were moved to an apartheid-style relocation or transit camp in

Blikkiesdorp, 30 km from the city centre (Webb 2010). There were allegations of bribery

and corruption in the allocation of tenders for stadiums, as well as at least 26 labour

disagreements leading to strike action during construction and involving more than 70,000

workers (Herzenberg 2010, Zirin 2010a).

In major zones around host cities and stadiums, the South African Constitution was

suspended for the duration of the tournament to produce

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a sanitised and securitised world of private accumulation where only certain signs, symbolsand behaviours are permitted. Worse, this FIFA-world is controlled by public and privatesecurity forces that act to ensure the smooth production of a global spectacle. (Gaffney 2010b)

The ‘South African Government was obliged to enforce FIFA’s laws, including the

curtailing of democratic rights such as peaceful marches and protests’, which hark back to

the apartheid era (Bond et al. 2010, p. 422). As Zirin (2010b, p. 1) has succinctly argued, in

the ‘hands of FIFA and the ruling ANC, the World Cup has been a neoliberal Trojan

Horse, enacting a series of policies that the citizens of this proud nation would never have

accepted if not wrapped in the honour of hosting the cup’. Street traders and hawkers were

banned from the so-called FIFA zones. Consequently, as Cheche Selepe, a spokesperson

for the World Class Cities for All Campaign (WCCA) contended:

The World Cup has been a missed opportunity for the people who are employed in this so-called informal economy . . . It has delivered poverty, eviction and children who find theirparents now income-less. Many of the hawkers and traders have been moved [from thestadium areas] without any alternative. The traders at Soccer City were there before the WorldCup was announced, were there as the stadium was built, and were then moved on when thetournament started. You cannot move people without giving them proper alternatives to makea living. (Dawon 2010)

South Africa has competing demands for health, welfare, housing and education to

address problems relating to poverty and unemployment. Official unemployment was

estimated at 26%, although the UN has suggested that this is likely to be closer to 40%.

In terms of the Human Development Index (which measures education, life expectancy

and standard of living), South Africa was ranked 129 of 182 countries (Human

Development Report 2009). Instead of using scarce state resources to reduce such high

levels of socio-economic inequalities, the government diverted R25 billion to the

Gautrain project, which excluded commuters in areas such as Soweto and Diepsloot (Bond

et al. 2010).

Conclusion

Since the successful bid in 2004, the 2010 World Cup was persistently punted by the South

African Government and FIFA as an African event that would benefit the entire continent.

However, as this paper has argued, this was mere rhetoric. As Runciman (2010, p. 25) has

argued, ‘for all the hype about an African tournament the 2010 World Cup is still shaped

by a European elite and run in its interests.’ The South African case demonstrated how

‘FIFA trump constitutional rights, cementing the organisation’s status as a sort of traveling

oligarchy, enjoying all the benefits of power with none of the disadvantages, like having to

. . . be remotely accountable’ (Hyde 2010, p 1).

The 2010 FIFA World Soccer Cup was an outstanding technical success, and Sepp

Blatter rated South Africa 9 of 10 (‘because nobody is perfect... but South Africa was

close’). It could not fail, after all, at least R60 billion (‘R1250 per citizen’) from the public

purse had been spent on this event (a conservative estimate) to subvent FIFA’s profits

(Amato 2010, p. 5). The costs of the stadiums had increased by 100%.

Scarce South African resources were used to fund FIFA’s flourishing fortunes.

Although hosted in a developing country in 2010, South Africa was so compliant with

FIFA’s every whim and fancy, and meekly pliable, that its profits increased by 50%

compared with the 2006 event in Germany. Also, insufficient consideration had been given

‘post-event utilisation of facilities’, especially in a developing country context ‘where

prudent allocation of limited resources is critical’ (Goliger 2005, p. 176).

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Notwithstanding the government and FIFA’s promises, the different 2010 projects

paid rhetorical lip service to reducing the socio-economic inequalities in South Africa, and

addressing the needs of the poor, were largely driven by corporate interests and were

underwritten with public funds, with limited or no public participation. The FIFA 2010

mega event did produce benefits, and in keeping with the international experience with

such projects, the privileged benefited at the expense of the poor, and the socio-economic

inequalities in South Africa were further entrenched. There are many reasons for the

failure of such projects, all of which centre around the unequal relationship between the

political and business elite and the poor. As Gaffney (2010b, p. 4) has argued, the ‘World

Cup and Olympics need to be massively reconfigured, re-scaled and re-thought, or they

will continue to destroy environments, economies, communities and lives around the

globe’.

Mega-sporting events such as the 2010 FWC should create zones of opportunity for

those who had been historically disadvantaged, integrate the city so that urban resources

are accessible to all citizens and ensure popular participation in the planning process.

Greater emphasis should be placed on policies that sustain growth through redistribution.

This will also require a more direct intervention by the state than that currently envisaged

by international agencies such as FIFA.

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