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Marsilio

andrea palladio and the architecture of battle with the unpublished edition of polybius histories

edited by Guido Beltramini

centro internazionale di studi di architettura andrea palladio

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The Provost and Fellows of WorcesterCollege Oxford: essay by Beltramini,gs7, 8.riba Library Photographs Collection:essay by Beltramini, gs2, 3, 22. rmn / Thierry Le Mage: essay byBeltramini, g.1.Soprintendenza Speciale per il PatrimonioStorico, Artistico ed Etnoantropologicoe per il Polo Museale della citt di Firenze:essay by Beltramini, g.27. The Trustees of the British Museum:essay by Beltramini, gs45, 47, 49.

Translation from the ItalianDavid Kerr

Photographic acknowledgements Archivio fotograco del Comune diCaldogno. Photo by A. Dagli Orti: essayby Beltramini, g.15. Archivio Fotograco / Museo Correr ePalazzo Ducale / Fondazione Musei Civicidi Venezia: essay by Beltramini, gs52-55.Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mnchen:essay by Fiore, gs4-17.Biblioteca del Centro Internazionale diStudi di Architettura Andrea Palladio:Caesars Commentaries, pls1-42; essayby Beltramini, gs12, 19, 31, 34, 38-39 [photo by Lorenzo Ceretta],41; essay byFormisano, g.1; essay by Povolo, g.1.Biblioteca Universitaria di Genova /courtesy of Ministero per i Beni e le Attivit Culturali: essay by Fiore, g.1.The Bodleian Library, University ofOxford: essay by Fiore, g.2.Lorenzo Ceretta: essay by Beltramini,g.16.Courtesy of Biblioteca civica Bertolianadi Vicenza: essay by Beltramini, gs4, 10,11, 13, 14, 17, 24, 25, 40, 42-44; essay byPezzolo, gs1-3; essay by Povolo, gs3, 4;essay by Fiore, g.3.Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Milan:essay by Beltramini, g.6.Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice:essay by Beltramini, gs5, 18, 28, 29, 32,46; essay by Formisano, gs2-5. British Library Board. All RightsReserved: Polybius Histories, pls.1-43;essay by Beltramini, gs9 [C.55.b.13],20-21-23-26 [293.g.20], 35 [Mapsc.25.d.9.(1)]; essay by Parkin, gs1-2 [293.g.20]. 2008 . Foto Scala, Firenze/bpk ,Bildagentur fuer Kunst, Kultur undGeschichte, Berlin: essay by Beltramini,g.37. The Hebrew University of Jerusalem& The Jewish National UniversityLibrary: essay by Beltramini, gs33, 36.Musei Vaticani: essay by Beltramini,g.30.Pinacoteca Civica di Vicenza: essay byBeltramini, g.51 [photo by LorenzoCeretta]; essay by Povolo, g.2.

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andrea palladio and the architecture of battle

with the unpublished edition of polybius histories

Palladio and Polybius HistoriesGuido Beltramini

A note on the copy of the Dellimprese de Greci... of Polybius (293 .g.20 ) in the British Library Stephen Parkin

andrea palladio. texts and illustrations for polybius histories

andrea palladio. texts and illustrations for julius caesar s commentaries

The Renaissance Tradition of the Ancient Art of War Marco Formisano

The Organisation of Warfare and the Military Milieu in the Republic of VeniceLuciano Pezzolo

Honour andVirt in a Sixteenth-Century Aristocratic RepublicClaudio Povolo

Sebastiano Serlio and the Roman EncampmentFrancesco Paolo Fiore

appendix

12

78

85

177

226

240

254

272

299

contents

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It would also be desirable that one might nd Palladios work on Polybius which, together with the wrote on Julius Caesar, could provide a ne treatise on the militia composed by an excellent thus wrote Francesco Algarotti in September1759.

It has taken all of250 years, but Algarottis wish has nally come true in this book. Alongside Palladiofor his edition of Julius Caesars Commentaries , here, for the rst time, his preparatory materials for an illuedition of Polybius Historieshave been published. Palladio worked on this edition in the last years oand it remained unpublished at his death in1580. Long thought to have been lost, his original Polybius hbeen recomposed by drawing on three manuscript copies: the mock-up used by Palladio to plan thrediscovered by John Hale in the British Library, London, in1977; a second copy put up for sale by Gonin Florence in1986, now in a private collection; and a third exemplar only very recently found in the NPublic Library. Thanks to these copies, today scholars and connoisseurs can admire the43 etchings illustrathe stories narrated by the great Greek historian as well as reach a fuller understanding of them thamanuscript legends and original introductory texts.

In 1575 Palladio had published an illustrated edition of Julius Caesars Commentaries . It is likely that hetended the Polybius to be the second volume in an ideal series of books with similar aims and expresOn these grounds, here the reproductions of the43 etchings for the Polybius have been accompanied 42 etchings which Palladio dedicated to Caesars deeds. This offers us a complete picture of his effostruct those excellent features of ancient warfare on which he wished to base his own proposals forthe contemporary Venetian militia.

This volume also includes contributions from several scholars aimed at reconstructing the contextPalladios project developed. Stephen Parkin retells the complex story of how Palladios Polybius in the British Library and Sara Mazzarino describes some of the results of her ongoing studies on thproperties of the London copy. Marco Formisano explores the reception of the ancient military traditRenaissance world, while Luciano Pezzolo provides an inside view of the Venetian Republics militation which Palladios two publishing ventures aimed to help reform. Claudio Povolo reconstructs theand cultural background to Palladian Vicenza and its aristocratic men at arms, highlighting the practiof Palladios strategies for social advancement, achieved also through his intellectual output and nprofessional work as an architect. Paolo Fiore illustrates the other great Renaissance venture involvinSebastiano Serlios manuscript on the Roman castrametation. I should like to thank them all for theirand very scholarly contributions.I am indebted to the two people who inspired me to begin this study. First, John Hale, the English hwho died in1999. He not only found the copy of Polybius in the British Library but has contributethan anyone else to our knowledge of military culture in Renaissance Italy, and especially in Pallad

foreword

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This book is dedicated to his memory. Second, Howard Burns, because three illuminating lines on page44 of his seminal catalogue for the1975 Palladio exhibition sparked off my studies of Palladio on the battleeld.Of the many people who provided indispensable support in my research which resulted in this publication,I should rstly like to thank Donata Battilotti and Ornella Foglieni, directors of the Soprintendenza BeniLibrari della Regione Lombardia. With their assistance I managed to reach the copy of Polybius now in a privatecollection, to whose owner I offer my sincerest thanks for the courtesy of allowing me to consult it. Among thescholars with whom I have discussed parts of this book, I should like to mention Nick Adams, Jeremie Barthas,Francesco Benelli, Michael Bury, Marco Collareta, Pierre Gros, Sergio Marinelli, Laura Nuti, Francesco Pontarinand Mauro Zocchetta. I am also deeply indebted to many colleagues and friends. Ilaria Abbondandolo, SimoneBaldissini, Roberta Colla, Elisabetta Michelato, Marco Riva, Laura Sbicego and Daniela Tovo all contributed tomaking my work much easier. David Kerr not only translated a complex book with great skill, but his commentsled me to make improvements in the Italian text. Emanuela Bassetti and Rossella Martignoni at Marsilio sup-ported me, as always, doing much more than fullling their duties as publishers. I wish to thank Cristina Settifor her assistance in archive and library research as well as Francesca Caf and Maria Cristina Ciscato.

I was able to work on this book as a Fellow of the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America at ColumbiaUniversity and, for this, I should like to thank its director David Freedberg and the Kress Foundation.Lastly, I wish to express my gratitude to the Fondazione Cariverona and its President Paolo Biasi, for havingbelieved in and supported the publishing project, and to Amalia Sartori, President of the Centro InternazionaleStudi di Architettura Andrea Palladio, as well as the Scientic Committee and Board of Directors, for the trustthey have placed in me.

guido beltramini

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andrea palladio and the architecture of battle with the unpublished edition

of polybius histories

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.Vincenzo Catena, Portraitof Giangiorgio Trissino circa1525 (Paris, Muse du Louvre)

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concrete contribution to a practical debate involvingintellectuals and men at arms of the Veneto aristoc-racy bent on reforming the Venetian army on the basisof knowledge evinced from the study of the ancientGreek and Roman militia.

palladio and the principlesof the ancient militia

In my youth, when I rst read the saidCommentaries ,I imagined . This is how Palladio introduces his re-construction of Caesars famous bridge over the Rhinein the Quattro Libri . He is telling us that his interest inancient warfare went back to the years of his educationwith Giangiorgio Trissino, i.e. from the late1530s (g. ).Trissino did not only introduce the young master builderto the classics of architecture, but provided him with anoverall view of the ancient world, in which the art ofbuilding, hydraulics, agriculture, theatre and the organi-sation of the militias were inseparable integral parts ofthe same vision.10 This militant classicism turned to theexcellent models of the past for ways of transforming thepresent.Tiny pieces of the mosaic of Palladios education atthis stage have come down to us, such as the myste-rious rhombus constructed with Greek lambdas in themargin of a drawing of the Colosseum from the1540s(gs , ). Here Palladio was not practising writingthe Greek alphabet, but as Burns pointed out in1975 he was jotting down a diagram taken from oneof the books that he had been studying, namely Ae-liansTactics(second century AD), one of the sourcesfor the sixteenth-century culture of warfare (g.).11 Aelian had preserved the memory of the formations andstrategies of Alexander the Greats successors and likea twentieth-century Futurist book the written text

was illustrated with battalions of letters of the alsymbolising the various types of soldiers on the eld.12 In the printed editions of Aelian, horsemealways represented by the Greek letter lambda, his jotted note Palladio is probably reecting aborhombus formation of a squadron of horsemen, wmay be ordered in horizontal, vertical or oblique As we will see, he tackled this issue in his introdto Polybius. Palladio would have had no difcunding a copy of Aelian, available in various pLatin translations since the fteenth century (thItalian translation is from1551); we know, howethat in the Library of St Mark in Venice there wfourteenth-century manuscript exemplar, whicangiorgio Trissino would seem to have consultesonally, noting down its contents, just as Palladin the margin of the sheet with the Colosseum5, 6).13 A second piece in the mosaic of Palladios inteancient armies is found on another sheet, now iford, also dating from the1540s (g.7). This is nodrawing, but a paragraph of text, which runs alows:

Note that each legion is of four thousand200 infantrymand 300 horsemen: in all there are16 thousand800 inftrymen and one thousand200 horsemen, without [countthe extraordinarii infantry and the extraordinarii horwhich are800 infantryman and400 horsemen. Each leis divided into four parts: the rst is called hastati anare one thousand200, the second is called principethere are one thousand200, the third are called triariithere are600 in number; and all of these are armedheavy weapons; then there are one thousand200 raplight-armed [velites].14

Palladio is summarising for his own purposes som

, . Andrea Palladio, sheet with studies of theColosseum, the pronaos of the Templeof Saturn, and cavalry in a rhombusformation (London,riba Library,Drawings and Archives Collection,

viii/14 verso)

. Aelianus Tacticus,De Instruendis Aciebus ,Rome1494 (Vicenza, Biblioteca CivicaBertoliana)

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5

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7

Freed from the Goths), printed in Rome (1547) andVenice (1548) after a long period of gestation, the rstillustration of Booki is the plan of the Byzantine Gen-eral Belisarius encampment, which is clearly based onthe text by Polybius ( vi, 27-34); it would be hard toconceive of anyone else having made this illustrationthan Palladio himself (g.).18 A few years later, the Roman army put in a eeting ap-pearance in the pages of Palladios Antichit di Roma ,published in Rome and Venice in1554.19 The armythen appeared in esh and bone on the stage, in a per-formance of TrissinosSofonisba in 1562, under the di-rection of Palladio, in a temporary theatre constructedinside the Palazzo della Ragione in Vicenza.20 Pub-lished in1524, Trissinos tragedy is based on Book xxxof LivysHistory of Rome . It begins with one of the lastepisodes in the Second Punic War, the Battle of Cirta,where Syphax is captured after various clashes with theRomans, also narrated by Polybius and illustrated byPalladio (Attack on the encampments and the Battleof the Great Plain, see Plates40 and 41, respectively).The production of the play had been promoted by the Accademia Olimpica, which was presided over by thecavalry colonel Valerio Chiericati, a professional sol-dier and scholar of the ancient militia. The productionof the play is documented as having been very carefulabout details, especially as regards the dress and theweapons of the Romans and Numidians, based on an-cient texts and illustrations in books, such as theDis-corso di Guglielmo di Choul(g. ). These works musthave led Palladio to reect on how to present ancienttexts in images.21 In fact forSofonisba Palladio set theancient world on the stage and thirteen years later thesame interest led him to make the revolutionary se-quence of images which brought back to life the deedsof Caesar, Hannibal and Scipio in theCommentariesand in PolybiusHistories .

sages in PolybiusHistories , i.e. those on the size of thefour urban legions which then formed the two consulararmies (Polybius, vi, 19-26).15 The diagrams beneath thisparagraph, however, do not refer to Polybius text, nordo they come from Aelian. They are probably Palladiosown designs for troop formations (gs7, 8). The sym-bols used to identify the two kinds of armies come fromtexts, such as Machiavellis Arte della Guerra (Florence1521, g.9) or Battista Della VallesVallo (the rst Vene-tian edition was published in1524, g. 0 ), authenticbestsellers of Renaissance literature on warfare. I haveused the term designing the formations of troops be-cause in the young architects mind the forms of the bat-talions could be superimposed like the plans of complexbuildings. Soldiers become bricks and, vice-versa, thegurative sources for the designs of more than one Pal-ladian villa complex seem to include images found inVallo, such as the battalion of400 pikes in Chapter xxiifor theV illa Badoer at Fratta Polesine, or the Battalionof300 pikes with two lunettes in Chapter xv for theVilla Mocenigo (gs, ).16

In those same years of the1540s, in addition to Cae-sars bridge over the Rhine, Palladio imagined anothergraphic reconstruction based on the pages of Polybius:the legions encampment or, to use the technical term,the castrametation.

The ancient Romans used many ne things in the art ofwar, but to my mind two are particularly ne: that is, Cae-sars bridge to be placed over a river with great ease and theother, Polybius castrametation to lodge an army in splendidorder; several rare minds have worked on these subjects.17

This paragraph written by Sebastiano Serlio in1546 seems almost to be the young Palladios study pro-gramme. In Trissinos LItalia liberata da Goti(Italy

5.Clashes between infantry and cafourteenth-century manuscript oTactics , presented by Cardinal Bethe Libreria di San Marco, Venic(Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale M

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the patron of the Palazzo Garzadori (g.6 ),27 whthe members of the Accademica Olimpica had sof themselves in Roman garb set on the stage theatre whose construction they had helped nOthers may simply have been totally engrossethe ancient world, as Fabio Monza was with thebetween the Jews and Romans described by GiuFlavio, one of the sources cited by Palladio in thComentaries : 11 March1586. I did not leave home as Iinadvertently detained in reading Gioseffosde b judaico .28 But the interest was not conned to in books. A cursory glance at the short biographillustrious citizens published in Bookii of GiacoMarzaris Historia di Vicenza reveals how membethe Vicentine aristocratic houses were engagedquest for glory on the battleeld in the Italian in the service of the Pope, Spain or France. Oseven sons of Leonardo da Porto, the author ofDe Stertio, at least three became professional soldierstborn Giovanni fought at Vienna, in Francein Piedmont; Lodovico was also at Vienna, andfollowed Charles v to Tunis, and eventually diePiedmont at the age of20, slain by an arquebus to the immense grief of the whole Imperial APietro, who served under Guidobaldo della Rfought the Turks, defended Cuneo when besiegthe French and also died in battle.29

caesars COMMENTARIES , 1575

In 1575 the Venetian publisher Pietro de Francprinted a book entitledCommentari di Caio GCesare, con le gure in rame de gli alloggiam fatti darme, delle circonvallationi delle citt ealtre cose notabili descritte in essi, fatte da Anladio per facilitare a chi legge la cognition de(Commentaries by Caius Julius Caesar, with c

In sixteenth-century Vicenza, some members of fami-lies for whom Palladio constructed palazzi and villasalso pursued sophisticated studies on the ancient worldalongside Trissino, the great director of the revival.In 1520 the Venetian scholar Giovanni Battista Eg-nazio editedDe Sestertio by Leonardo da Porto, a bookon ancient Roman coins, weights and militias, whichrivalled the work of the French philologist and histo-rian Guillaume Bud, who was to claim that he hadbeen plagiarised.22 The proofs of the1547 Latin editionof De Sestertio were personally corrected by GianalviseValmarana, patron and protector of Palladio.23 GiulioBarbarano, a cousin of Montano, for whom Palladiobuilt a palazzoin the late1570s, published aPromp-tuarium in 1567. This erudite study of Roman civiland military life included a large section with an ana-lytical description of the army: from battle formationsto the armament, recruitment and so on. Barbaranoeven went to so far as to criticise those who turned tolate Latin sources, such as Gellius and Vegetius, whohad described a different type of militia compared tothat of Republican Rome, whose order was thought tobe superior to subsequent ones.24 Montano Barbaranomay well have discussed with his cousin Giulio theidea of decorating his palazzowith the feats of Scipio,especially given that Giulio had expressed his love ofLivy several times in thePromptuarium.25 In the six-teenth century, the work of the professional scholarstook place in a general climate of enthusiasm for re-exploring ancient Roman history. The aristocracy, butalso other social classes, baptised their children withthe names of illustrious ancient men and women Silla, Leonida, Scipione, Zenobia, Porcia, Deidamia much more often than in any other Veneto city atthe time. They also had themselves portrayed dressedup as ancient Romans on the faades of their palaces.This was the case with Iseppo and Leonida Porto26 and

6.Giangiorgio Trissino(?), studiesof infantry formations (Milan,Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense)

following pages

7. Andrea Palladio, studies of infantryformations confronting each otherand an annotation from Book vi of Polybius (Oxford, WorcesterCollege Library, n.c.6, recto)

8. Andrea Palladio, studies of infantryformations confronting each other(Oxford, Worcester College Library,n.c. 6, verso)

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focuses on views of the city: Brundisium (BB) and,especially, Alexandria (GG).The fact that it was Palladio who applied for the copy-right of fteen years implies he played an active role inthe overall publishing project and also that he madea joint investment with the publisher.33 The work isrevolutionary in terms of the way it presents readerswith an ancient text previously only basically enjoyedin written form. In1513, in editing the publicationof CaesarsCommentaries for Aldo Manuzio, the Ve-ronese architect Fra Giovanni Giocondo had includedsix images in the text: a map of France, the sieges of Alesia (g.7 ), Uxellodunum, Avaricum, and Mas-silia (Marseilles) and a reconstruction of the bridgeover the Rhine.34 Inspired by Fra Giocondo, Palladionot only increased the number of plates six-fold butthanks to the vividness of the etchings, the birds-eyeview perspectives and the decision to include doublepage illustrations rather than insert them in the text,readers could enjoy the series of Caesars deeds andthe theatres of war in a way which today we mightcall cinematographic, and which was truly unprec-edented at the time. Jacopo Stradas version of CaesarsCommentaries was published in Frankfurt in1575 and,therefore, around the same time as Palladios work(g. 8 ). It thus enables us to make a useful compar-ison between two editorial approaches which, how-ever, reveals the superiority of Pallados work.35 Stradasson, Ottavio, was of a completely different opinion. As Fiore mentions in his essay in this book, in1574 Ottavio wrote to his father: I know ours will be nerthan that of Palladio: we may still be able to obtain abetter market than his.Stradas Commentaries followed the conventionalmethod for illustrated books of inserting the imageswithin the written page. Palladio tried out a newmethod in the Commentaries , whereby the pictures

gures of the encampments, battles, circumvallationsof cities and many other notable things described inthem, made by Andrea Palladio to facilitate the readersunderstanding of history).30 Pietro was the brother ofand heir to Domenico, who had publishedI QuattroLibri dellArchitetturain 1570. 31 Palladio only person-ally applied for the copyright for the edition, however,in the last months of1574. In the text he referred tothe expense, vigils and labour that he had investedin making the drawings and in writing the introduc-tory texts.32 They were to form the core of the pub-lishing operation. To an Italian translation publisheda decade earlier, and therefore free of copyright, Pal-ladio added a lengthy study on the Roman army asan introduction and42 etchings, which were insertedbetween the pages of the text. He took special careover linking up the words and images: on the upperleft margin of each plate is one or more letters of thealphabet, also found at theincipit of the text besidethe relevant passage. On the back of each etching, alegend lists the key places featured in the image andrepeats the page number of the illustrated passages(g. 9 ). Of the 42 plates, two show archaeologicalmaps of Spain and France at the time of Caesar. Fiveprovide more specic explanations: the Roman en-campment (+), the deployment of the legion and ofthe phalanx (2), Caesars bridge over the Rhine (K), asection of French-style walls, woven with trunks andplugged with stones (P), and a close-up view of thedouble trenches of Caesars fortied camp at Alesia(V). The other35 plates all feature battles and sieges,at times with several plates in sequence, as in the twostages of the battle of the river Axona (F and G) orthe three stages of the siege of Alesia (T, X and Y). Inother cases, such as the plate on the Battle of Bibrax(C), three successive stages of the battle are set sideby side in the same picture. In two cases the images

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.Formation of pikes and two lunettes,in Battista Della Valle,Vallo, Venice1539 (Vicenza, Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana)

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7

.Leonardo Mocenigos villa on thin I Quattro Libri dellArchitettdi Andrea Palladio, Venice1570 (Vicenza, Bibliotecacisa Andrea P

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.Belisarius encampment,in La Italia liberata da Gotthiby Giangiorgio Trissino, Rome1547 (Vicenza, Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana)

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9

. A Roman legionnaire, inDiscorsodel S. Guglielmo Choul gentilhuomolionese , Padua1558 (Vicenza,Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana)

.Scipione orders Massinissa to deliverSophonisba , fresco by Giovanni Antonio Fasolo in the Sala di Sofonisba,the Villa Caldogno at Caldogno, c.1565

. A statue of a member of the Garzadorifamily dressed as an ancient Romanon the faade of his own palazzo in Vicenza

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are like a parallel text interlocking with the text of theancient writer. Stradas book had to be read, whereasPalladios work could be viewed.

the purloined plates

Given they were reprinted in1598 and 1619, the Com-mentaries of 1575 must have been something of a pub-lishing success, also because Palladio immediatelybegan work on a new venture, an illustrated editionof PolybiusHistories .36 But his death in August1580 halted the production process and the work disap-peared without trace, giving rise to an intriguing,paradoxical story that lasted over four centuries. Thetale of the rediscovery of Palladios Polybius begins in1977, when the great historian John Hale mentionednding in the British Library in London an unusualcopy ofPolibio historico greco. DellImprese de Greci, de gli Asiatici, de Romani, et daltri , published in Venicein 1564. Unlike all the known copies of this work, inthis exemplar someone had inserted43 etchings and sixsheets with a manuscript introduction. On theretro of35 of the 43 etchings, there were handwritten legendsreferring to letters of the alphabet found in the images,plus a brief comment on the scene depicted. AlthoughHale did not identify Palladios hand anywhere in themanuscript, he realised that it was his unpublished il-lustrated edition of Polybius. This was a brilliant pieceof guesswork by the historian, who, alluding to Edgar Allan Poes The Purloined Letter , observed that the lostPalladian materials were actually in the most obviousplace inside an edition of Polybius and thats whythey had been overlooked for such a long time.37 In fact the story of how this edition of Polybius arrivedat the British library is so unusual that perhaps along-side Poe, we should also ask for help from one of Jorge

Luis Borges librarians. The news of the existenwork by Palladio on Polybius had become pub1749, when the Vicentine Count Giovanni Montpublished theVita di Andrea Palladio scritta daGualdo (Life of Andrea Palladio written by Gualdo) in the second edition of his book on thatro Olimpico in Vicenza.38 Apart from Vasaris liPalladio of1568 and Marzaris brief medallion of15Gualdos work was thus the earliest known biogof the architect. As a Vicentine, Gualdo (1553-16had very probably met Palladio and is known tobeen a friend of Palladios professional heir, ViScamozzi. Drafted in1616, Gualdos text remainemanuscript form and in the early eighteenth ceit was owned by the erudite Venetian Apostolo who had kindly allowed it to be published by Mnari. In the biography, after praising Palladios eof CaesarsCommentaries , Gualdo adds:

He [Palladio] similarly did some very worthy work obius, dedicating it to Francesco, Grand Duke of Tuwho showed he was very fond of it.39

Awareness about the existence of Palladios Pgrew a few years later, not so much due to Gualdography as to a summary of it which Apostolo Zecluded in his Annotazioni alla Biblioteca dellElitalianaby Giusto Fontanini. The book with thenotations was published posthumously in1753, thryears after Zenos death. In his commentary undentry on theQuattro Libri , Zeno had written:

He also worked on and wrote about Polybius, and hiswhich I believe to be unpublished, was well receiveGrand Duke Francesco de Medici, to whom it wacated.40

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Arguably Smith and his friends must have thought thatthe unpublished Palladian work was a manuscript anddid not expect a printed text, but in any case, the Poly-bius bad luck did not stop here. At the end of the eight-eenth century, the Royal Librarian Frederick AugustaBarnard identied Palladios authorship of the volumeand included it as such in the printed author cataloguein the Kings Library. But this information was omittedin the subsequent general catalogue, and the volume re-mained anonymous until Hales discovery. Even morefurther surprising developments were to ensue.In the meantime, while Palladios Polybius was en-gulfed in a sea of papers in the Kings Library, new cluescame to light in Vicenza. In1845 Antonio Magrini de-nitively demonstrated the existence of the Polybius.He published a document of1588 in which Silla, An-dreas lastborn son, gave a proxy to his brother Mar-cantonio so that he could proceed with the sale orhire of thedesigna in ramo [probably copper printingplates], gured and set by the said Excellent Signor An-drea on the History of Polybius.43 Together with thisdocument, Magrini published a letter of18 January1579 [Venetian Calendar =1580],44 in which Palladiothanked the Grand Duke of Tuscany for having agreedto give his patronage to the book of Polybius. But here,too, there is nothing straightforward. In fact the letteritself bears the date1569 and it is not clear what Pal-ladio is thanking the Grand Duke for. This was no ob-stacle to Magrini, who cleverly solved the puzzle andhighlighted the various links between Palladio and theMedici: his admission to the Accademia Fiorentinadel Disegno (created by Cosimo himself) in1566; thededication to Cosimo in the last volumes of TrissinosLItalia liberata da Goti;and the marriage of Cosimosson, Francesco de Medici, to Bianca Cappello, theniece of Giovanni Grimani for whom Palladio had de-signed the faade of San Francesco della Vigna.45

This text prompted Francesco Algarotti to publicly re-gret the loss of Palladios Polybius:

How I wish that Signor Temanza, with all the diligence hebrings to bear on scholarship, could have rediscovered whatPalladio wrote on Polybius: our very learned Zeno mentionsthis work in his Annotazioni alla Biblioteca del Fontanini.41

In 1762, this information was also provided by Te-manza in his life of Palladio, without, however, addingany fresh clues.42 I have pedantically listed these texts because the surprisingthing is that the greatly sought-after wanted person Palladios Polybius was actually in Venice itself at thetime. Indeed, the book was preserved in the library ofthe art collector and dealer Consul Joseph Smith, whowas not only a potential witness well known to all theinvestigators but also a founding father of eighteenth-century Palladianism. As Stephen Parkin recounts in de-tail in this book, the Polybius had actually been in theSmith collection at least since1751, and only arrived inLondon in 1762-1763, when the collection was sold toGeorgeiii . Smith was clearly unaware that he owned theunpublished Palladian work, which is somewhat bafingto say the least, given the visual afnities between thePolybius plates and those in Caesar and the fact that thelink between the two works is also stressed in the manu-script introduction to the Polybius:

Having dwelt at length in Caesars Commentaries uponthe Roman way of drilling soldiers, and how their armieswere positioned and ordered in battles and combats, and

having representing in drawings all those circumvallations,orders, armies and all those deeds achieved and describedafter Caesar himself, I now believe that it would be point-less to repeat similar things, so I will move on to anothermatter

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In 1977, as we have seen, John Hale identied the copyof Polybius thanks to his knowledge of all the key ele-ments. But then nine years later there was another sur-prising twist to the story. The Florentine antique book-seller Gonnelli put up for sale a copy of Polybius of1564.This book contained the same43 plates and the samemanuscript introduction as the London edition, plus adedicatory letter by Palladio to the Grand Duke of Tus-cany, Francesco de Medici, dated15 September1579.46 What then was this copy? The main difference betweenthe two copies is that the Florentine version is writtenwholly by one hand identied by the Florentine an-tiquarian as that of Silla Palladio and that there arelegends on all43 plates. Lionello Puppi, who examinedthe copy before it was sold to a private collector, wasalso persuaded that the manuscript parts were autographSilla Palladio. On the basis of the fact this exemplar wasmore complete and of the extraordinary freshness of theetchings, he then suggested it was the original mock-upof the edition and that the London exemplar was thusa copy arguably made for precautionary reasons at theend of the sixteenth century or in the early seventeenthcentury.47 In keeping with the intriguing nature of the story, an-other twist came during the preparatory studies for thePalladio exhibition of2008. On checking the BritishLibrary Polybius again, something which had previ-ously eluded everyones attention came to light: i.e. thevolume contains29 autograph interventions by Pal-ladio. In the legend of the etching inserted betweenfolios200 and 201 he corrects the copyists mistake ofAsdrubale (Hasdrubal) to Anibale (Hannibal) and onthe top margin of28 of the 43 plates he indicates thepages in which the plates are to be inserted, startingfrom the rst, to be added after carte13, up to the lastwhich was to go after carte537 (gs0, 1 ).48 On comparing the Florentine and London exemplars,

we note rstly that although both have the same43 plates, the quality of printing is poorer in the Londonexemplar, not so much in terms of the vividness ofthe images as the care taken over them: the plates areplaced irregularly on the sheet and have some lacunaeand abrasions. Secondly, in the English exemplar the28 plates with Palladios indications of where they areto be positioned have legends written by a sixteenth-century hand, which we will call A, while of the re-maining fteen, six have legends written by anotheruniform hand, B, one by the same hand as the In-troduction, C, and eight plates have no handwrittenadditions. Moreover, as regards the positioning of theillustrations in the body of the book, only36 of theFlorentine plates are inserted in the same position asin the English edition in which they all relate logi-cally to the text. Of the seven in different places, oneis brought forward by nine pages, ve are placed twopages later and the last is in a completely different po-sition, over400 pages later (despite the fact that theBritish Library exemplar has Palladios indications fortheir position; see theComparison in the Appendix).The language of the legends and the short summa-ries is slightly different in the two exemplars. In theFlorentine exemplar all the corrections made on theLondon manuscript have been added, some dialectturns of phrase have been eliminated and on the wholegreater care seems to have been taken over the writtenlanguage.The most plausible hypothesis is, therefore, that theEnglish exemplar was the working copy used per-sonally by Palladio to edit the work. The Florentinemanuscript, on the other hand, appears to be a faircopy. But why was it made? Given the mistakes inthe positions of various etchings, it could hardly havebeen used for editing purposes. Lionello Puppi sug-gested that Palladio may have sent it to Francescoi

17.The fortications of Alesia, in CCommentaries edited and illustratby Giovanni Giocondo, Venice151(Vicenza, Biblioteca Civica Ber

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18.The Siege of Alesia, in CaesarsCommentaries produced by JacopStrada, Frankfurt1575 (Venice,Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana)

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19.The system of cross-referencesbetween the plates and text on a pageof theCommentaries illustratedby Andrea Palladio, Venice1575 (Vicenza, Bibliotecacisa Andrea Palladio)

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arises from Palladios prints. In this copy there areonly40 etchings (plate numbers3, 8 and41 are missingcompared to the British Library copy), all printed onvery thick paper, similar to the heavier paper identiedby Mazzarino in the British Library copy. None of theetchings have Palladios autograph additions, althoughall do have the hand-written indication of the preciseposition in a copy of the1564 Polybius. The plates havebeen inserted inaccurately, however, with several mis-interpretations of the hand-written indications, almostas if they had been added some time after the etch-ings had been printed. As we mentioned, in1588 thecopper printing plates for the etchings were probablystill in the hands of Palladios sons. Thirty years later,in July 1618, the French scientist Nicholas-ClaudeFabri de Peiresc (1580-1637) made a surprising requestto the Paduan antiques scholar Lorenzo Pignoria (1571-1631).53 In a long letter discussing books, drawings andantiquities, he asks his friend to send him the recentlypublished new editions with commentaries ofIm-magini degli Dei by Cartari (Padua1615) and Emblemi by Alciato (Padua1618), together with a copy of AlviseCornaros, Discorsi (Rome 1616), CaesarsCommen-taries and a work by Palladio on Polybius:

I beg you to put in unbound copies of your Cartaro andyour Emblemi by Alciato and one of Luiggi Cornaro il vec-chio with Palladio on Caesar and on Polybius.54

In the letter Peiresc often refers to their mutual friendPaolo Gualdo, who was well acquainted with Pal-ladios Polybius and must certainly have informed thetwo antiquarians about it.55 Given the context of theletter, Peiresc could hardly have been inquiring aboutthe copper plates, but was more likely referring to aspecimen copy, or to a new reprint of the etchings. We know very little of the details of the production

with a member of the Venetian delegation, whichwent to Florence for the wedding of the Grand Dukeand Bianca Cappello in autumn1579.49 More recently Amedeo Belluzzi has corroborated this idea by sug-gesting that Palladio himself was a member of the del-egation.50 The idea of the fair copy is very attractive,but it fails to explain why a certain embarrassmentcomes through in Palladios reply in the letter to theGrand Duke published by Magrini. It is as if he was indifculty for not having completed the work, whereasthe Florentine exemplar is basically complete.51 Onepossible answer is that Palladio was worried aboutthe printing schedule: although the text was ready interms of its contents, it would have to be typeset againto add the cross references to the images. In the case ofthe Commentaries of 1575, they are found both in themargin of the illustrated passages and in the body textat the incipit(g.19 ).In any case we must conclude that not even the Eng-lish exemplar can be considered the nal stage of themock-up, given that the position of the insertionsoften differ in the two editions and the fact that thetexts for as many as fteen legends are missing. More-over, in the English copy different kinds of paper areused. As Sara Mazzarino remarks in the Appendix tothis book, at least seven illustrations with no additionsby Palladio were printed on heavier paper and mayhave come from a different print run.Very recently new elements have emerged with the re-discovery of a third copy of Palladios Polybius amongthe Rare Books of the New York Public Library.52 Thiscopy was acquired in1785 by John Peachey, later LordSelsey, a collector and connoisseur of Italian art who,in an annotation on the volume, reveals he was awareof Palladios authorship of the engravings: This bookis very scarce. Cost nine pounds AD1785; only onecopy known, that is in the Kings Library; its value

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9

gions, the arms and the orders of the Romans). In thisstudy, in addition to Vegetius, Josephus Flavius, Aelianand Caesar, he often cites Polybius, referring to pas-sages from Book vi on the composition and weaponsof the army and Book xvii which narrates how theRoman legion was confronted by the Macedonianphalanx.56 The latter subject was depicted on the platemarked 2. Similarly, the plate on the castrametation,marked +, was based on Book vi of Polybius. Pal-ladio does not use the rst plate again in the Polybius,but has no hesitation in using the second copper plate,on which the + sign of theCommentariessurvives.On these grounds we can say that42 plates were spe-cically made for Polybius, which is exactly the samenumber as the plates in Caesar.One interesting novelty is found on Plates2 and 4 inthe British Library Polybius,57 which are dedicated tothe Roman quinquereme, as Palladio anticipates in hisintroduction:

because it seems that until now the form of the Quinqueremehas not been shown according to the ways of the ancients, Isimilarly wished to set it out in drawing, again according tomy opinion, but always submitting to better judgement, byexhorting anyone who so wishes to complete that which Imay have omitted, and so make the truth known.

The reconstruction follows Polybius text, which care-fully describes thecorvus invented by the Romans tograpple Carthaginian ships (i, 22)58 and illustrates thebattle of Cape Ecnomus (Plate6). Palladios cautionin announcing his reconstruction of the quinqueremeis very understandable. In fact he was taking part in along-standing debate, which had involved historiansand architects, such as Giuliano and Antonio da San-gallo (g.7 ).59 The rst practical result of this interesthad been seen in Venice: in May1529, a quinquereme

process of the second edition of CaesarsCommen-tariesof 1598, or the third, which was printed in1619,the year after Peirescs letter. Given that all the booksrequested by the Frenchman from his Paduan friendwere new publications dating from1615 to1618, Peirescmight have had an inkling that a new edition of thetwo Palladian works on warfare was in the ofng. Butthis later only turned out to be the previously pub-lished text, reprinted in Venice by Niccol Misserini.

andrea palladios POLYBIUS

Palladio conceived of the illustrated Polybius as a con-tinuation of theCommentaries of1575 a second volumein an ideal series. The two works share the same edito-rial logic, with an atlas of images inserted between thepages of the text, and the same effective number of platesand method of drawing and etching them. The link be-tween the two works is underscored in the manuscriptintroduction to the Polybius, where Palladio says that hewishes to move on to another matter after the experi-ence of theCommentaries , and in fact he goes on to dealwith the cavalry. This decision was justied by the deedsof Hannibal, whose cavalry was his best arm. Palladiodedicates the rst illustration to this subject, providingan image of the techniques of deploying the horsesa giughi [yoked in rows], inversi[vertical lines] andother possible variations. In this case the image is one ofthe few illustrations which are purely explicative, and Pal-ladio uses a set of symbols of small toy soldiers on horse-back, inspired by Robortellos edition of Aelian (1552);Palladio was very familiar with this work, to which wewill return later (gs, , 5, ). At the beginning of the book of theCommentaries ,Palladio had added his own long study entitledDellelegioni, dellarmi e dellordinanze de Romani(Of the le-

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1

In his Polybius, Palladio presents two variations of thequinquereme. In Plate2 he draws a plan of the deckand a section, which presupposes all the rowlockswere aligned on the same level. In Plate4 he shows aview of the side of the ship and a section of anotherversion, with the rowlocks arranged on ve differentlevels. The technique of representation is very precise,producing a thoroughgoing ship design, comparableto the drawings of Alessandro Picheroni, the authorof a manuscriptDisegni di architettura navale , in theBiblioteca Marciana, which Ennio Concina considersto be the rst naval designs in the strict sense in theEuropean Renaissance (gs8, 9 ).64 Palladio men-tions having discussed with Picheroni the subject ofwooden bridges with no piers in the water and the ar-chitect was also well known for the care he took overthe carpentry of the complex roofs for his buildings.65 Evidence of his interest in naval carpentry is foundin a letter of31 July1560, now in Budapest, in whichhe agrees to survey the large oating structure cre-ated to salvage a galleon which had sunk just outsidethe port of Malamocco.66 Daniele Barbaro also men-tions Picheroni in the second edition of his Vitruvius(Venice1567), in which includes a drawing of a forti-ed city by Picheroni to replace Palladios illustrationof 1556.67 We must remember that inDe architecturaVitruvius also deals with shipbuilding. In Booki, inexplaining the concept of symmetry, he refers to thediameter of pillars in temples, and the space betweentwo rowlocks on ships.68 In Book x Vitruvius alsodwells on ships while discussing siege machinery andraising devices. Many intellectuals tried out their ar-chitectural learning in these passages, from Giocondoto Philandrier, Rusconi and Barbaro.69 Jacopo Con-tarini Palladio lived in his house in Venice owneda manuscript dated before1570, entitled Arte de farvasselli(The art of making vessels). This book in-

designed by the Humanist Vettor Fausto won a raceagainst a narrow galley in the Bacino di San Marco.60 A Greek teacher at the Scuola di San Marco, Faustohad built the prototype on the basis of his antiquarianstudies. This was not the triumph of an isolated in-tellectual, but of a group of Venetian scholars andpoliticians convinced that knowledge of the excellentexamples of the past would enable them to win thechallenges of the present. They celebrated Faustos suc-cess as a collective victory, and this comes through in aletter from Pietro Bembo to Andrea Navagero:

One can now also convince the uneducated that men ofletters know how to do more than read or write, afterFausto having never tried his hand at making galleys orships or other forms of vessels, has now been seen makingthe Cinquereme as his rst work, which was no longer notonly so far from the customs but also the memory of menthat no one could even have imagined how it should havebeen made I say therefore that all men of letters must begreatly obliged to him. Because they can no longer be told,

as they used to be in the past, go and stay in your study andin your letters, when discussing other things than booksand inkpots, wherever they are.61

The letter is dated1529, and thus belongs to Palladianprehistory. But the men close to Fausto, from Bemboto Navagero, and Giovan Giacomo Leonardi, belongedto a circle of which Giangiorgio Trissino was also a veryactive member, as well as men at arms like Mario Sa-vorgnan or Valerio Chiericati, who looked for practicalways of applying the ancient orders to modern warfare.62 Palladios intellectual formation took place in this kindof milieu (also found elsewhere in Italy, as described byVerrier),63 rst in Vicenza, and then in Venice, and theillustrated editions of Caesar and Polybius were deeplyinuenced by his educational background.

.Cavalry formations on theverso of the third sheet of the introducfor the illustrated edition of PolybHistories (London, The British Li

.Cavalry formations in the Greek eof AeliansTactics edited by FrancRobortello, Venice1552 (Vicenza,Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana)

5 .Cavalry in a rhombus formationin the Greek edition of AeliansTactics edited by Francesco RoboVenice1552 (Vicenza, BibliotecaCivica Bertoliana)

.Cavalry in a rhombus formation1 of the illustrated edition of PolHistories (London, The British Li

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good example of the kind of sources Palladiohave had access to: it was sent by Stefano Angthe son of Giacomo, dedicatee of theQuattro Libto Giacomo Contarini, begging him to show it toladio, who was living in Contarinis house at th(g. 9 ).71

On comparing Palladios images with contempcartography, one does not have the impressiotook special care over the geographical contexmost faithful image is arguably that of Brund(included in theCommentaries , gs 0, 1 ), while site of Tarentum is generic, and those of Lilyb(Marsala) and Trapani even more so. Palladio rthe features of the site (a rushing river difcult ta steep hill that must be gone round or a slope sldown the cavalry), at times also indicating the otion in terms of the principal winds since it wasin describing the military operations. He basicagins from Polybius text and this often leads to vresults. Thus in the case of Thebes, when the detion is minimal, the image is generic. In the cPsophis (Plate30), the result is slightly more accu

On its western side there descends a violent torrent,impassable for the greater part of the winter, prevecitadel from being reached on that side On the eside of the town ows the Erymanthus, a large andriver of which many fables are told by poets and hisThe said torrent falls into the Erymanthus to the sothe city, so that the third side is also very secure. Throf the city are thus surrounded and protected by the while on the fourth rises a steep hill: in addition tevery part is enclosed by large excellently made wal72

The descriptions of New Carthage (Plate37)73 and leucia (Plate33) are much more effective. For the Palladio invents a system of stairways up fro

cluding a description of the quadrireme, another ofFaustos inventions. Moreover, as provveditore (super-intendent) at the Arsenale shipyards, Contarini cor-responded with Galileo on the subject of the drivingpower of oars.70

The ensuing39 illustrations, on the other hand, areall stills from Polybius narrative. With the effective-ness of an atlas, they represent the sequence of warevents which led to the Roman conquest of the Medi-terranean dominion in the period from220 to 146 BC.The theatres for the battles moved from Italy to Spain,Greece and as far as Asia Minor. Palladios readerswere thus able to see the reconstructions of cities thathad been wiped out or greatly modied by time, likeThebes in Greece, New Carthage in Spain or SeleuciaPieria in Asia Minor, and also less exotic places, likeTaranto or Agrigento.Palladio chose the birds-eye view for all the plates,which enabled him to describe the landscape andalso to create compelling images. The cities can beunderstood in terms of their layout and geographicalcontext, while the description of individual buildingsis only sketchy. Palladio examines sites with the eyesof a military man, taking into account the orographyand the defensive or offensive potential of each site,rather than with the gaze of a traveller interested inarchitecture or natural beauty spots. For the Italiancities but also for those in Morea (Peloponnese) Palladio could very likely have turned to printed im-ages in atlases. Or, through his powerful friends, likeMarcantonio Barbaro or Giacomo Contarini, he mayhave had access to the detailed manuscript equivalentof Google Earth housed in the reserved archives of theVenetian Republic, which held the maps and reportsmade by ambassadors, soldiers or travellers. A drawingof the Lisbon area during the siege of1580 provides a

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7 . Antonio da Sangallo the Younger,study for the arrangement of rowlockson a quinquereme (Florence, GabinettoDisegni e Stampe degli Ufzi,1114a recto)

8 . Alessandro Picheroni, scale planof the deck of a galley containing onehundred benches with three oarsmenper bench, and a study for rowing agalley,1570s (Venice, Biblioteca NazionaleMarciana,ms it., cl.7, cod.379 (7588),fols2 recto and 18 folded)

following pages

9 .Survey of the deployment of the Imperialtroops at the Siege of Lisbon, madeby the Vicentine noble Stefano Angaranoand sent to Giacomo Contarini and Andrea Palladio in Venice on25 July1580 (Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Cod. Marc. It. vi, 181 (5841), fols22 verso

and 23 recto)

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Battles in the eld account for the majority of thages. The principal subjects are the deeds of Hanwhich feature in as many as fteen plates, and of which are described in four plates, while in the of Zama, the armies of the two bitter enemies ardepicted. Two plates feature the battle of Cannarst shows the deployment of both sides in theand the second is devoted to Hannibals succstratagem of luring the Romans into a pocket cby the apparent yielding of the Carthaginian linIn short, the illustrators hand is always guided ancient text. Moreover, like Caesar, Polybius hasonally visited many of the places described aPalladio he has the value of a primary source. This stressed in the introduction, as Palladio descriefforts to represent faithfully Polybius words b

going to great lengths to preserve all the sayings and wthis divine Historian [Polybius] so admirable in desall the battles and all the sites of the cities, mountairivers, having wished, as he himself says, to see aplaces and also to speak of them with those men whpresent during Hannibals crossing of Italy.

In rendering cities and places transformed ovcenturies, Palladio reconstructed the original ings on the basis of the ruins, just as he had dohis drawings of the Roman baths.76 I feel a very telcomparison can be made between three views oandria published in the same year (1575): the pedanimage in Jacopo StradasCommentaries,the sixteencentury city and its ruins portrayed by Braun angenberg inCivitates Orbis Terrarum, and the poweview of the city at the time of Cleopatra inventPalladio (gs32, 33, 3 ). Clearly Palladio doessimply take on the secondary role of the illusbut makes an academic contribution as a philol

markets to the acropolis based on the model of thoseat the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia at Palestrina:

The situation of Seleucia and the nature of its surroundingsare as follows. It lies on the sea between Cilicia and Phoe-nicia, and below it is a hill called Coryphaeum, washed on itswestern side by the waters of the sea separating Cyprus fromPhoenicia, but overlooking with its eastern slopes the terri-tories of Antioch and Seleucia. Seleucia lies on its southern

slope, separated from it by a deep ravine with no roads. Thetown descends to the sea and is surrounded on several sidesby cliffs and precipitous rocks. Beneath the side overlookingthe sea lie the markets and a suburb defended by very strongwalls. The whole of the main city is similarly fortied byvery secure walls. Beyond this, it is very well equipped withships and all kinds of machinery. On the side looking to thesea there is only one entrance and a very steep one made byhand. Stairs are thus required for its ascent. Not far from thetown, the river Orontes enters the sea.74

Agrigentum (Plate) is a special case because, althoughthe image refers to the siege by Lucius Postumius andQuintus Mamilius described in Booki (Chapters17-19), Palladio takes the description of the city and itscontext from Bookix (Chapter27):

It [Agrigentum] stands at a distance of eighteen stades fromthe sea, so that everyone enjoys its benets. Because of thenatural site and constructed parts, the walls are excellently for-tied. The wall partly by nature and partly through construc-tion is thus set on a steep ridge of rock. It is also surroundedby rivers, because on the southern side there ows a river withthe same name as the town and along the west and south-west

sides ows a river called the Hypsas. The citadel overlookingthe town is south-east from it, being surrounded on its outerside by an impassable ravine and having on its inner side onlyone approach to the town. On its summit stand the templesof Athena and Zeus Atabyrius, as in Rhodes.75

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32. Alexandria of Egypt, in CaesarsCommentaries produced by JacopoStrada, Frankfurt1575 (Venice,Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana)

33. Alexandria of Egypt, inCivitates OrbisTerrarumby Georg Braun and FranzHogenberg , Cologne 1575

3 . Alexandria of Egypt, in CaesarsCommentaries illustrated by AndreaPalladio, Venice1575 (Vicenza,Bibliotecacisa Andrea Palladio)

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3 .The reconstruction of ancient Romeby Pirro Ligorio ( Anteiquae Urbis Imago),Rome 1561 (London, The British Library)

3 .The reconstruction of ancient Jerusalem,in Biblia polyglotta by Benito AriasMontano, Antwerp1572, viii , fol.7 verso

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3

3 . Albrecht Altdorfer,The Battle of (Munich, Alte Pinakothek, BayeStaatsgemldesammlungen)

3 .The Battle of Zama , painting by AMichieli, called Vicentino, on thof the Salone dei Cesari in the PBarbaran, Vicenza

3 .Scipio and Massinissa Destroythe Carthaginian Encampments,painting by Andrea Michieli, caVicentino, on the ceiling of the dei Cesari in the Palazzo BarbarVicenza

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This was nothing new for an architect like Palladio,who in the late1530s had worked on representing Vit-ruvius words in images: I have described it as bestI could understand it is what he wrote alongside hisreconstruction of Vitruvius Monopteral Temple in adrawing from his early years.77 What basically emerges in the Polybius plates is an an-tiquarian geography: the reconstruction of the scenesof the past. Palladio uses the tools and, when possible,the information from a particularly lively cartographicculture in Venice, but generates paper cities, close toPirro Ligorios reconstructions of ancient Rome, madealso on the basis of antique coins, or the those of an-cient Jeruslaem (gs3 , 3 ).78

palladio and the narrative of battles

Before the editions of Caesar and Polybius, no Italianillustrated text on war had ever used a kind of imagewhich was both hot, i.e. dramatic for the reader, andcold in terms of the effective hard facts. Palladio nevershows the clashing of massed armies and the heroicdeeds of the commanders, who are never recognisable inthe images. In this sense his views are diametrically op-posed to the painting of deeds, also when we considerthe grandiose paintings celebrating Antiquity, such as Altdorfers Battle of Issus (g.3 ) or Burgkmairs Battleof Cannae.79 His choice of a specic viewpoint providesthe best way of seeing the deployments of troops inthe eld and the orography of the site, which is of cru-cial importance in winning battles. Palladio shows usthe architecture of the battle, almost its anatomy, wemight say, alluding to the gures that Andreas Vesaliusset in a landscape. This is an entirely different approachcompared to that of the images of ancient battles whichgurative artists were painting on the walls and ceilings

of Palladian buildings, like the Battle of Zama (c42 in Polybius) or the attack on the Carthaginiacampment (cf. Plate40) painted by Andrea Vicenin the salone of the Palazzo Barbaran from1580 to 1(gs3 , 3 ).80 Palladios lm stills for Caesar and Polybius, hare also equally remote from traditional illustrin books on war which, from Machiavelli on, sented military events with symbols and diagfollowing the model of Aelians text.81 The gureslustrating Machiavellis Arte delle Guerra (Floren1521) make use of a complex set of symbols, wbook published just before the Palladian revo Il Soldato by Domenico Mora (Venice1570) dscribes the battle of Pharsalus between PompeCaesar in such an abstract way that the page islike a computer programmers diagram. The iltion on the same subject in CaesarsCommentariquite the opposite of this kind of image (gs0, 1 ) Where did Palladio learn to narrate battles in thiThere are several sources, but yet again the omodel must be sought in his education alongsidangiorgio Trissino. Palladio explains how he wtroduced to the subject of the ancient militia ipreface to CaesarsCommentaries :

I learned the rudiments from signor Gio. Giorgio Tra very learned gentleman, who to the many disciplhad mastered had also added a perfect knowledge [discipline], as can be clearly seen in his Italia libera

Trissinos hefty neo-Homeric poem,LItalia liberatGoti , had a very long gestation period. Palladisonally brought back some freshly printed copieRome to Vicenza in July1547, to deliver them to CTrissino, Giangiorgios son.82 As John Hale remaTrissinos description of General Belisarius

0 .The Battle of Pharsalus betweenCaesar and Pompey, inIl Soldato by Domenico Mora, Venice1570 (Vicenza, Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana)

1 .The Battle of Pharsalus between Caesarand Pompey, in CaesarsCommentaries illustrated by Andrea Palladio, Venice1575 (Vicenza, Bibliotecacisa Andrea Palladio)

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Rubicon and Wallia, his sergeants / and trusty heraltold them to quickly / put their men in formation cording to what the good Fabalt had said; / but theynot how, they were ill versed / in the orders and thewar: / so Gradivus, who realised this, / quickly set ofplace / and there he divided all the squadrons / andordered them in giughiand versi/ in the twofold phaantistomus.86

The Phalanx duplaris amphistomus, occepscupatur comes straight from a page of Aelian.87 Trsino thus give the ancient writers text a narrativand the capacity to narrate battles through imagnot only diagrams is one of the new features oladios Caesar and his Polybius. In1552 a sophisticadouble edition of Aelian (the original Greek wLatin translation) was published in Venice, basthe manuscript in the Biblioteca Marciana, whicbeen studied by Trissino. The editor of the workFrancesco Robortello (1516-1567), a Humanist frUdine and a member of the same Classicist cfrequented by the Vicentine aristocrat.88 For the time the battalions of the letters of the alphabet in earlier editions were replaced by groups ofgures of armies, making it possible to recognroles and weapons immediately: in the image twofold phalanx antistomus we seem to see thdescribed inLItalia liberata(g. 2 ).The Greek edition of Aelian of1552 is dedicatedMario Savorgnan (1513-1574), a distant relative avery close friend of Giangiorgio Trissino.89 The dedition does not seem to be the result of a genericcaptabenevolentiae , but of a publishing policy, giventhree years earlier Savorgnan was also the dedia selection of military fragments from PolybiuHtories , taken from Book vi , Book x on Scipios skila commander, and Book xvii on the comparison

against the Goths are based on a profound knowledgeof the ancient tacticians texts.83 In Book vi , for ex-ample, the ofcer Paulo illustrates to General Belisariushis troops skills in manoeuvring, and his description isin fact a transposition of AeliansTactics :

They know how to form and change each phalanx, / theycan make it oblique, transverse or straight, / they can makeit into a wedge, into a rostrum, or inected at the front / orbehind or in a plinth or wholly inected or curved; / andsimilarly the horsemen know how to form / into a square,rhombus, pendulum or egg.84

Similarly, the description of how General Belisarius or-ganises his army, with the the various units, the hier-archy and weapons, comes straight from the pages ofPolybius ( vi , Chapters21-25).85

One passage in Book xii of LItalia liberatapresents indramatic form a formation described by Aelian:

Here the excellent captain halted, / and made all the Romanhorsemen / immediately form a rhombus; / and he posi-tioned himself at the top / in front of all the others, andon the right / he placed Aquilinus, and he placed on theleft / Constantius and at the rear Trajan, / who looked tothe city of Rome. / The Goths, who saw that order, / heldtheir reins in hand; so that Gradivus, / who had assumedthe semblance of Haldibald, / said this to Prince Fabalt:/ Fabalt, go to Vitiges, and tell him / to come here to therear and bring all the infantry; / tell him to make them intotwo phalanxes / that turn all the fronts against each other, /and that the space between one and another / is wide at thebeginning and narrow at the end / in the shape of a tailors

scissors / so that we can slay all / those horsemen ordered ina rhombus. / Gradivus said this; and the good Fabalt / didnot hear those words in vain, / but went running towardsthe crowd / that had just crossed the bridge / and gave thisembassy to his king, / who, on hearing it, called Serestes, /

2 .The twofold phalanx antistomus,in the Greek edition of AeliansTactics edited by Francesco Robortello,Venice1552 (Vicenza, BibliotecaCivica Bertoliana)

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43.First stage of the Battle of Cannae,in Arte militare terrestre e maritima by Mario Savorgnan, Venice1599 (Vicenza, Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana)

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Palladio expresses the same concept in the dedito Giacomo Boncompagni in CaesarsCommentastressing that the importance of the drawings,submitting to the sense [of sight] that whicmind alone had understood, greatly facilitates thderstanding of the Commentaries. In the dedicletter to Polybius he also remarks that he hadtrated military deeds on land, sieges of citiesbattles and the like, which to be easily intelligibthemselves to being represented in drawing, thpealing to the sense of the eyes as the best waymind (almost paraphrasing Savorgnan).Hale suggested that Savorgnans approach woutcome of discussions in intellectual circles whcluded Trissino, and possibly also the young PallMoreover, it is also worth noting that in BaldCastiglionesCortegiano, the Veronese noble Ludodi Canossa considered drawing and painting among the requisite skills for a gentleman. His nation is particularly relevant for our purposeshe says that from painting

great benets can be had, and especially during wadrawing towns, sites, rivers, bridges, forts, fortressimilar things; for although they may be preservmemory, which however is very difcult, [as succannot be shown to others.97

Mario Savorgnans work as man of letters andrian was certainly a model for Palladio; althoubook was not a direct source, Palladio must havit taking shape. Given the close links with Trissimay have had access to the materials before prineven have discussed them with the author. Althwe have no documented evidence of this, we doSavorgnans materials circulated in manuscriptIn 1562 he sent a copy to Alvise Cornaro: And

the Macedonian phalanxes and those of the Romanlegions.90

A professional soldier and son of one of the heroesof the War of the League of Cambrai, the young Sa-vorgnan had won the affection of Pietro Bembo who,seeing him as a potential husband for his daughterElena, provides a attering portrait: The most virtuousyoung man ever in our nobility, learned in Latin andGreek, as handsome as a ower, thoughtful and well-mannered, who has seen a great deal of the world, wise,polite, and in short, capable of pleasing every King.91 Savorgnan was to spent most of his life working ona book on the great battles past and present, whichwas published posthumously in1599 with the title Artemilitare terrestre e maritima .92 The work is divided intofour books: the rst describes the preparations for war,the second encampments, the third battles in the openeld and the fourth fortresses and sieges, includingBelisarius defence of Rome, which is also describedin Trissinos LItalia liberata.93 A new feature in pub-lishing terms was that the work had a series of23 illus-trations, all on double pages, and in three cases set ina sequence of pairs to illustrate the stages in the battlesof Pharsalus, Cannae and Trebbia (these battles werealso included by Palladio in theCommentaries and inthe Histories , gs43, 44).94 In the preface, Savorgnan stresses the importance ofillustrations as an aid to understanding the text:

Because the writings per se are not adequate and powerfulenough to make an impression on our spirits, because they leavethe statements and things heard static and almost sculpted, itwill not be thankless nor useless also to set them before our eyesby means of signs and paintings, which by almost becomingpart of the company of the bodys feelings convey them withgreater power to the spirit and to the mind.95

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4 .Giuseppe Maria Mitelli, A Street Seller of Popular Prints , 1684 (London, The British Museum)

4 .Giovanni Francesco Camocio, thepositions of the Christian and Turkisheets at the Battle of Lepanto,1571 (Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana)

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47. Anonymous,New and LastDrawing of Malta , Rome1565 (London, The British Museum)

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3

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48. Albrecht Drer, Siege of a City , 152

49.Domenico de Franceschi, the Chrisand Turkish armies at Vienna, 156(London, The British Museum)

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.Valerio Chiericati, diagramof orientation accordingto the four principal winds,in Della Milizia (Venice, MuseoCorrer, ms 883, particolare)

4 .Valerio Chiericati, schemeof movements to be madeby the battalions to forma single front, inDella Milizia (Venice, Museo Correr,ms 3 ,detail)

3 .Valerio Chiericati, movementsof battalions, inDella Milizia (Venice, Museo Correr,ms 883, detail)

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Polybius, he astutely focused on two areas of themarket, books on warfare and prints of battles, which,as we have seen, were particularly ourishing busi-nesses in Venice in those decades. A fascinating studyby David Woodward gives a good idea of the quantityof printing plates used to produce maps in Venice andRome, thus highlighting how in the period1560-1575 Venice was the leading international market, until busi-ness was brusquely interrupted by the plague.107 In theseyears the printer Paolo Forlani began to bind prints inalbums, produced according to customers specic re-quests.108 What Palladio produced in his own editionswere military atlases, in which the double-page images no longer simply inserted between the columns ofthe text created a continuous narrative. Working according to these editorial criteria, Palladioproceeded to design full-blown images. Firstly, he iden-tied the passages to be illustrated by thoroughly exam-ining the ancient writers text and grasping his spirit.This task was made even more complicated by the lackof signicant previous illustrated editions of Caesar andPolybius. He thus had to decide how to frame the imagesaccording to the information available in the text andpossibly also from other sources. The apparent lack ofuniformity in the style of the plates in Caesar, noted, forexample, by Isermeyer and by Hale,109 is not due to theinvolvement of several hands, but reects the continualchanges in viewpoint from one image to another as Pal-ladio zooms in and out from the action as dictated bythe narrative and his information. We can image thatat this stage Palladio made some simplied sketches.They would have the same kind of relationship to thenal image as the mannequin sketches of statues in hisentirely autograph architectural drawings have to thehighly polished nal drawings made by artist friends forthe designs to be presented to patrons. Especially in theedition of Caesar, these sketches may even have survived

set outside the images themselves. The fact this book wasfrom the German-speaking world would not have beenan obstacle for Palladio, since it was used as a source forsome frescoes in the Vicentine villa of Ippolito da Porto,a high-ranking ofcer who had served honourably withCharles v , winning distinction at the Battle of Mlbergin 1547. The artist for these frescoes from the early1560sprobably came from the workshop of Battista Zelotti,who had worked with Palladio for almost30 years invillas and palazziin the Veneto (g. ).106

figure in ramo made by palladio

In the frontispiece to theCommentaries we read thatthe book has gure in ramo [images from copperplates]made by Andrea Palladio to help the readerunderstand history. Similarly in the application for theprinting privilege (copyright) for the edition he says:I Andrea Palladio having with much expense and longvigils transformed into gures all the Romans militaryorders taken from the Commentaries of Julius Caesar.The vigils (and the labours mentioned in the dedi-catory letter in the Polybius) clearly refer to the timespent by Palladio in personallyproducing the images.Does this mean that Palladio made the drawings for theedition with his own hand?Of what we know of Palladio as a gurative artist, wecan hardly attribute the drawings for the etchings tohim. And yet Palladio claims to be theauthor of thetwo works: thedesignof the volumes, which beganwith well-dened editorial choices, can thus be attrib-uted to him.Thanks to Giangiorgio Trissino, Palladio had grown upin the world of books, from the early guides to Romeof 1554, to Barbaros Vitruvius in1556, and theQuattroLibri in 1570. In planning the editions of Caesar and

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rative.112 At least as far as the Polybius is concerwas almost certainly the printer who bore the core-setting the text and printing.

palladio and the practice of the militia

There is a link at least in metaphorical terms tween architecture and organising troops. Likarmy, builders must be co-ordinated. Large mamust be constructed and supplies procured. Yhis last two publishing ventures, Palladio was moved from the strictly professional eld of arture. Investing his own resources, he worked man intellectual-entrepreneur than as an architecwas driven by a passion that dates from his earland by an entrepreneurial spirit. They alone, howdo not fully explain his motivation; nor does a academic interest.In the Proemio to the Commentaries , Palladio write

And although most of our principal Captains say thmies cannot be governed with the order and skill Ancients, which we would like for our artillery andbuses, at least in this they are mistaken, since theyoperate much better with order than with confusion.also say that the ancient orders are difcult and impto adapt to the customs of our times, but in this other matters) they are again mistaken, because tcient soldiers were peasants and craftsmen, for thpart uncouth and uneducated, and neither were theitains demigods, but men like us, and the manoeuveasy and clear to those who understand their prin

This having been claried to me, since I found mythe company of some gentlemen well versed in theof war, I ordered (for their pleasure) some galley oand pioneers, who were here, to do all those manoand military drills that can be carried out, without cr

here and there. This would explain why in Plate xviiiof the Commentaries Labienus encampment is only asimple two-dimensional diagram. At the end of the de-sign process, a gurative artist would then transformPalladios diagrams into the nal images. We can sur-mise that this artist was from Zelottis workshop, sincethe maestrohimself would hardly have been called onfor such ultimately straightforward work. The fact thatZelotti settled in Mantua after becoming the supervisorof the fabbriche ducali (ducal constructions) in1575 andthat he died in August1578,110 might explain the poorergraphic quality of the Polybius plates compared to thoseof theCommentaries . We cannot claim with any certainty that Palladio himselfchose copper etching as the medium for reproduction,rather than woodcut, which was used for theQuattroLibri . As far as the Polybius is concerned, Palladio per-sonally met the cost of the production of the copperplates, which were still owned by his heirs in1588. Butwe do not know if he had a similar nancial involve-ment in the edition of Caesar.111 The editorial projectinvolving a portfolio of independent double imagesoutside the text certainly meant Palladio depended lesson the printer. Domenico de Franceschi, the skilled xy-lographer and publisher of theQuattro Libri , had diednot long after and copperplate etching was probablybetter suited to the format of the illustrations. Com-pared to engraving with the burin, etching is certainlyfaster and cheaper, especially considering that the platesof the Commentaries and the Histories were made in asingle etching, i.e. with no more work being carriedout after the rst acid bath. The operation was furthersimplied by setting the caption outside the image in alegend on the retro of the sheet, which could be printedat a later stage. Moreover, the versatility and malleabilityof etching allowed Palladio to achieve those expressiveeffects required for his aim of providing a visual nar-

55.Valerio Chiericati, geometrical diagramof a battalion, inDella Milizia (Venice, Museo Correr,ms 883, detail)

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Chiericati wrote a92-chapter treatise on the MiliIn this unpublished manuscript he adapted the anorders to contemporary practices, especially therearms (gs5 , 53, 54, 55).116 Palladio mentions in the Commentaries as a great knight, an ancienample of ancient valour, and in theHistories , as the ample of a commander who more than any otheput into practice the lessons of the ancient GreekRomans. Chiericati died on Crete in1576. He had besent there to organise the Venetian troops in Oc1574 (thus providing us with a terminus ante quemthe manoeuvres with Palladio). In the passage qabove, Francesco Patrizi stressed that the manodirected by Palladio and Chiericati, did not follocontemporary practice of warfare, but were entirspired by ancient treatises.Matteo Bandello describes a similar episode in thlogue to hisNovella xl , in which he mocks Machilis failed attempt to put his own theoretical prinon the orders into practice in the eld. The daperemptorily saved by the expert Giovanni delleNere:

That day Messer Niccol keep us waiting in the sun ftwo hours to order three thousand infantry accordingformation he had written, but he never managed tothem. Yet he spoke so well and clearly and showed wwords what seemed to be extraordinarily easy, that know nothing about it, believed on hearing his explanand talk that I could have ordered the infantry B[Giovanni delle Bande Nere], on seeing that Messer Nwas not about to solve the problem so quickly, said Bandello, I am going to get us all out of this bother

can go and dine. And having said this to Macchiavewithdrew to let you do it, in a wink with the aid of you ordered those men in various ways and forms admiration of all those who were there.117

any disorder or confusion whatsoever; thus, with less dif-culty than many imagine, the Ancients orders and rulescould be introduced to our armies.

In a passage made celebrated by Hale, Francesco Patrizi(1529-1597), an intellectual who published Polybiusafter Palladio (Patrizi had actually tried to beat him toit)113 wrote:

The Vicentine Andrea Palladio, an architect by profession,and Valerio Chiericato who had never seen war in our day,but books by Aelian, and Leo and Caesar, were able to amazethose present. They saw the rst disembark the crew and sol-diers from a galley in marvellously good order. And [then] thesecond had500 infantrymen do all of Aelians military drills ingreat order and with ease. And I was one of the spectators.114

The two quotes may refer to the same episode: a dis-embarkation of troops and their manoeuvres on land.Thanks to Patrizi, we know that Palladio was at the sideof the cavalry colonel Valerio Chiericati (1528-1576).115 A cousin of the Chiericati who owned a famous Pal-ladian palazzo, Valerio is the prototype Vicentine aris-tocrat combining an interest in arms and letters in theTrissino mould. He was also a rustic poet celebrated inGiambattista MaganzasRimewith the name Chiavellin,as well as being a founder of the Accademia Olimpicaand its principal in1561-1562, and thus involved in pro-moting the production of TrissinosSofonisba directedby Palladio. At the same time he was a professional sol-dier and, like Mario Savorgnan, was convinced that theVenetian army should be reorganised also by studyingthe ancient tacticians. When, in1573, he was sent bythe Venetian Senate to Friuli to train the peasant ter-ritorial militia, he organised the ranks according tothe model of the Roman legion and the Macedonianphalanx. Having studied Greek and Roman warfare,

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3

is of great importance is that the architect conquers with afew men, and without the loss of troops.9

In this book Claudio Povolo discusses in depth how inthe Veneto society in the second half of the sixteenthcentury, but also elsewhere, the idea of nobility ofconduct began to emerge alongside the concept of no-bility of blood. Social progress was thus made possible to use Cesare Campanas words through virtuousactions aimed at public utility.In a dispute between a craftsman and the Vicentinenoble Claudio Muzani in Vicenza in May1571, thelatter refused to pay the costs for the design of somework on his country villa, arguing that:

we are not in the habit in this country of paying others thanPalladio for designs, because the truth is that all the designsof any importance made by other people in the Vicenza arearefer to the said Palladio.120

This claim was promptly rebutted by the craftsman,but it is a telling indication of the prestige of the manperceived as the city architect, or the architect of theres publica , to continue with Povolos words, and also thoseof Palladio himself in Bookii of theQuattro Libri.121

In 1580 Palladio revived an ancient tradition to builda theatre for the Accademia Olimpica, the associationbringing together the Vicentine cultural lite. Signi-cantly, the Accademia had accepted him as a member,despite the fact he was not a noble, right from its foun-dation in1556. In the same years Palladio reconstructedthe battles of the ancient world, and discussed strategywith military aristocrats. Theatre, architecture and mi-litia. Giangiorgio Trissinos teaching had completed thetransformation of Mastro Andrea into Messer AndreaPalladio: the skilful master stonemason had become anarchitect and a virtuous intellectual.

In the episode retold by Patrizi, however, the soldierand the scholar successfully jointly organised the ma-noeuvres.118 In Chapter 68 of Militia , Chiericati actu-ally meticulously criticises Machiavellis theories onthe military techniques of the ancient Roman armies,citing Livy and Vegetius, and accuses the Florentine ofbeing unrealistic and unable to adapt what he had readin books to the changes in contemporary warfare andthe use of rearms, the theme mentioned in PalladiosProemio fom which we quoted earlier. Just as Palladio had turned in the practice of archi-tecture to the examples of ancient Rome as a modelfor constructing buildings in his own time, so too hemade available his knowledge of the military orders ofCaesar, Hannibal and Scipio as a source from which topursue contemporary practice. He did so again as inhis architecture without neglecting the experience ofhis own age, whether the source was Della Valles textor the unfolding of real military campaigns on whichhe was kept up to date by friends like Stefano Anga-rano.Defending the dominions and cities is what is mostimportant. In hisPreface to theCommentaries , Palladiothus reveals a civil commitment driving his interest inwarfare. For Leon Battista Alberti, it is one of the ar-chitects major duties. Palladio may have read Albertisstriking words on the subject in his preface toDe Re Ae-dicatoria , in the Florentine translation by his friendCosimo Bartoli, published in Venice:

And if you were to examine the expeditions that have beenundertaken, you might well nd that most victories were

won more through the art and skills of the architects, thanthrough the conduct or fortune of the commanders; andthat the enemy was more often overcome and conquered bythe architects wit, without the commanders arms, than bythe commanders arms without the architects wit, And what

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22 Leonardi de Portis iurisconsulti Vicentini De sestertio pecumensuris antiquis libri duo, Venice circa1520.23 H. Burns, Valerio Belli vicentino, inValerio Belli Vicentino1468 c.-1Scultore della luce , edited by H. Burns, M. Collareta and D. GaspaVicenza2000 , p. 27.24 G. Barbarano,Promptuarium rerum quam plurium in re pramana , Venice1567.25 H. Burns, Prefazione, inGuida a palazzo Barbaran da Porto, edited bBeltramini, Vicenza2000 , p. 7.26 G. Beltramini, Palazzo Porto, inPalladio2008 , p. 74.27 H. Burns, Studies of the Roman theatre as described by Vitruother sketches, inPalladio2008 , p. 252.28 Cronaca di Fabio Monza , edited by L. Puppi, Vicenza1988, p. 14.29 G. Marzari,La Historia di Vicenza , Vicenza, Giorgio Greco,1604, 164-167. I am indebted to Claudio Povolo for having reminded mepassage.30 T. Temanza, Vita di Andrea Palladio Vicentino, Venice1762, p. lxi , 33; A. Magrini, Memorie intorno la vita e le opere di Andrea Pa, Pa1845, appendice pp.29-43, annotazioni , pp. xlvii-xlix , no.65; Burns, AnPalladio1508 -1580. The Portico and the Farmyard, p. 110; Hale, AnPalladio, Polybius and Julius Caesar, pp.240-255; C.A. Isermeyer, I mentari di G. Cesare nelledizione palladiana del1575 e i suoi precedenBollettinoCISAAP , xxi (1979), pp.253-271; Testimonianze veneziane d palladiano. Mostra documentaria , edited by M.F. Tiepolo, Venice1980, 71-72; L. Puppi, Palladio e larte della guerra, inContributi su Andrladio nel quarto centenario della morte ( 1580-1980 ), Venice1982, pp. 11-32Puppi, Andrea Palladio. Scritti sullarchitettura ( 1554-1579 ), Vicenza1988, 175-196; Puppi and Battilotti, Andrea Palladio, pp. 523-526.31 G. Bacci, Arte veramente rara, stupenda e miracolosa: i Quadi Andrea Palladio e il contesto editoriale-gurativo, inSimposio2008 , 202-207, especially pp.204-206.32 Testimonianze veneziane di interesse palladiano. Mostra dpp. 71-72; Bacci, Arte veramente rara, stupenda e miracolosa , p. 2note25.33 C. Witcombe,Copyright in the Renaissance. Prints and theSixteenth-Century Venice and Rome , Leiden2004, pp.252-283, especiall264-265.34 Gaius Iulius Caesar,Commentariorum de bello Gallico libri8 . De bcivili Pompeiano libri4. De bello Alexandrino liber1 . De bello Africa1 . De bello Hispaniensi liber1 . Pictura totius Galliae, diuisae in parcundum C. Caesaris commentarios. Venetijs, in aedibus Aldi, 1513 mense aprili . G. Beltramini and P. Gros, Il ponte di Cesare sul R John Soane e i ponti in legno svizzeri. Architettura e cultura teai Grubenmann, edited by A. Maggi and N. Navone, Mendrisio2002, 178-179; P.N. Pagliara, Giocondo Giovanni, inDizionario Biogr