200110 American Renaissance

American Renaissance - 1 - October 2001

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There is not a truth existing which I fear or would wish unknown to the whole world. — Thomas Jefferson

Vol. 12, No. 10 October 2001

Rearing Honorable White Children

American Renaissance

Instilling racial identity intoday’s children.

by Robert S. Griffin

During the past several years,while working on a bookabout white nationalist Wil-

liam Pierce, I became acquaintedwith a number of white coupleswho are rearing their children in aracially conscious manner. I havenoticed a pattern in the way theseparents bring up children, and I be-lieve their approach would interestthose who align themselves with theviews expressed in American Re-naissance.

What links these parents is a con-viction that they are bringing uptheir children in hostile territory. Asthey see it, their kind has been ham-mered relentlessly in the culturewars waged against whites in thiscountry for decades. Their heri-tage—Western history and tradi-tions—has been denigrated, their racelinked to oppression and racism, andtheir racial consciousness, pride, andcommitment demonized. The shallow-ness and egoism of modern life runcounter to their values of dignity, disci-pline, and responsibility.

These parents are right to worry. Forexample, just after interviewing a ra-cially conscious couple who spoke oftheir concern about the influence ofpopular music and the youth culture, Ifound an article in Talk magazine aboutrap music impresario, Dr. Dre (realname, Andre Young). “Dre,” the articlereported, “watched from the stage of aconcert as blacks and whites chanted thelyrics in a single voice and moved to themusic as one. He has seen the races be-come a single happy entity as surely asif they had been on turntables and runthrough a mixer. The music is what

blends the races together as decades ofpreaching never did.”

Rap music does bring black outlooksand values to young white people. In-deed, it blends the races, as does popmusic generally. Clearly, to Talk maga-

zine as well as most others in America,this is a good thing, but for whites whowant to maintain their racial and culturalidentity, what happened at that concertwas not a good thing at all. They will doeverything they can to keep their chil-dren out of Dr. Dre’s audience.

Greg and Kathryn, as I will call thiscouple, have concluded that the best wayfor them to deal with a society that runscounter to what they most treasure is towithdraw from it. Morris Berman in hisrecent book The Twilight of AmericanCulture writes about what he calls the“monastic option.” Professor Berman

writes of monks who lived in the disin-tegrating landscape of the Roman Em-pire, and who saw themselves as strang-ers in a strange land. What the culturesaw as worthwhile, the monks saw asstupid and destructive. As the lights of

their own culture faded, they turnedtheir backs on what was taking itsplace and took upon themselves thetask of preserving the treasures ofGreco-Roman civilization.

Although the parents I have metwould not use the term “monasticoption,” this essentially describeswhat they are doing. They are dis-tancing themselves and their chil-dren from the dominant culture andtrying to preserve their race and itsheritage.

How do they insulate their chil-dren from a poisonous world?Through their basic approach tobeing parents, and through theirstance towards the media, school-ing, and their children’s relationswith peers.

They believe that to be effectiveas parents they must be authoritarian.They are not lenient or indulgent. Theydo not hold to the currently fashionableidea that children are basically good, andthat a parent’s job is to support a child’sinclinations. They see all human beingsas having the potential for both good andbad, and their view is that, ideally, par-ents and society should share the job ofensuring that children realize their posi-tive potential.

These parents know that children arestrongly influenced by the forces thatsurround them: primarily the mass me-dia, the peer group, and the school. Sincethey disdain the direction in which theseincluences push their children, they wantto be the most powerful forces in theirchildren’s lives, and to protect themfrom what will hurt them. They arehands-on parents, who do not turn their

How do racially consciousparents insulate their

children froma poisonous world?


Letters from ReadersSir — Referring to Stephen Webster’s

“Writing on the Wall” (AR, August2001), how do children of mixed racefit into his analysis? How are theycounted and what is their effect? I wouldlike to read more on this subject andhope AR will look into it.

Ben Quatrano, Clearwater, Fla.

The 2000 Census was the first to in-clude a multi-racial category. 6,826,228people, 2.4 percent of the population,listed themselves as being of “two ormore races.” The census bureau recog-nizes 63 racial categories—white alone,black alone, American Indian andAlaska Native alone, Asian alone, Na-tive Hawaiian and other Pacific Islanderalone, some other race alone, and 57possible combinations of the above sixcategories.

The number of mixed-race childrenhas doubled in each of the last threecensuses. There were 460,000 mixedchildren in 1970, 996,070 in 1980, andalmost 2 million in 1990. In 1990, chil-dren in mixed-race households ac-counted for 4 percent of all children inhouseholds. The 2000 numbers have notyet been released.

Sir — The simple answer to ThomasSunic’s question, “Can Europe Learn theLesson of Yugoslavia?”(AR, September2001, is “probably not.” Judging by thereaction of political decision-makers inEurope, the omens of future disasterseem likely to go unheeded.

In Britain, where I live, we are cur-rently playing host to some 150,000 newasylum seekers every year, drawn fromacross the globe. At the time of writing,

one Lebanese refugee is being accom-modated in a £100-a-night hotel in Cen-tral London. Prof. Richard Lynn hasdescribed most of our inner cities as ina “state of low-level civil war,” and thissummer the civil war heated up consid-erably in northern towns like, Oldham,Burnley and Bradford. The response ofour elected representatives has veeredfrom the abysmal to the comical. TheHome Office has proposed increasedfunding for immigrants to learn English,on the assumption that if we have a lin-gua franca our problems will be solved.Our rulers forget that every citizen ofwhat used to be Yugoslavia could un-derstand Serbo-Croatian.

John Atkinson, Whitehaven, England

Sir — Greetings from Mexico CityNorth, Texico (formerly known as Dal-las, Texas). I left Texas for a few yearsin 1991 to do some postdoctoral work.When I returned in 1996 I was aston-ished at the changes I saw. Mexicanswere literally everywhere. In just a fewyears there had been a major demo-graphic shift. I simply don’t understandthis insatiable need the ruling class inthis country has to commit cultural sui-cide.

I appreciated your appearance on theMark Davis show. It is great to hearcommon sense on the radio.

Joe Capehart, Dallas, Texas

Sir — I read with great interest ScottTrask’s September review of the classicPrescott accounts of the conquests ofMexico and Peru, and I appreciate hispointing out how different the spirit ofthe conquistadors is from that of today’swhites. Although I do not wish to de-

tract from the extraordinary achieve-ments of Cortes and Pizarro, surely theirsuccess was due as much to the tenor ofthe times as to their own toughness anddaring. One does not have to go backthat many years to find whole genera-tions of whites who were, by today’sstandards, incredibly tough and daring.

The waves of whites who settled theWest led lives of great exertion and dan-ger. The men who fought the War Be-tween the States were also, by today’sstandards, incredibly tough and daring.Even the generation that fought the Japa-nese in the Pacific seems like a differ-ent species from today’s pamperedwhites. In fact, there is a certain conti-nuity of spirit that stretches from ancientGreece up until perhaps 50 or 60 yearsago, when we entered an age in whichwhites suddenly begin to act denatured.

Perhaps, with a little more historicalperspective, we will better understandthe causes of this collapse, but I am cer-tain wealth has something to do with it.For the huge majority of whites, physi-cal labor—the exhausting struggle forsurvival—ended with their parents’ or

grandparents’ generation. By historicalstandards whites live lives of unimag-inable pleasure and leisure and this,surely, drains them of some of the tough-ness and daring of their ancestors. To-day, there might be a single man as ex-traordinary as Cortes, but could he find600 others willing to risk everything tofollow him? Nothing weakens and dis-tracts men more than an easy life.

Alex Herbert, Newport News, Va.

Sir — I was interested to note yourSeptember O Tempora item about a fed-eral appeals court ruling that under cer-tain circumstances prison authoritieshave a duty to segregate prisoners toprevent racial conflict and violence. Itis only good sense to do this, just as it isonly good sense for the races to remainseparate generally. I feel great pity forwhite prisoners forced into close quar-ters with often predatory blacks, butperhaps we can hope their suffering maylead to insights about human nature andthe realization that we should build a so-ciety that does not always try to defy it.

Mary Cartenour, Philadelphia, Pa.


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Continued from page 1

American RenaissanceJared Taylor, Editor

Stephen Webster, Assistant EditorJames P. Lubinskas, Contributing Editor

George McDaniel, Web Page Editor

children over to the influences of oth-ers.

As these parents see it, the major taskof childhood is to pave the way to a re-sponsible and productive adulthood, andthey don’t hesitate to direct that process.They assert power and control. They setstandards and limits. They transmit theirfundamental values and what they con-sider to be the overall purpose of theirchildren’s lives, which is to carry for-ward the best of their heritage and race.These parents teach their children thatthey are not isolated beings, but rather acontinuous part of what their people rep-resent and have accomplished over thecourse of history, and that they are re-sponsible to their people as a whole, notjust to themselves and their own happi-ness and well-being.

Although they are the authorities intheir children’s lives, these parents arenot harsh or cold. They can be stern, butthey are affirming and loving. They ex-ercise firm control, but also encouragecuriosity and creativity. They encouragehardness and toughness, but also gentle-ness and compassion.

These parents think the media—tele-vision, movies, popular music, videogames—promote everything they don’twant for their children: baseness, vul-garity, multi-racialism, egalitarianism,cosmopolitanism, materialism, rude-ness, passivity and vicariousness. Per-haps there is a History or DiscoveryChannel program parents and childrenwatch together, or a classic film; but noNickelodeon, no MTV, no Disney films(or at least no recent Disney films—theold ones, when Walt was still around,are OK), no mind-infecting videogames, and no Internet-surfing.

The first contact I had with parentsof this sort was with a German couple,Frank and Hanna. They invited me todinner at their home with their two boys,Marius, age thirteen, and Dirk, sixteen.After dinner, we all went into the livingroom. Contrary to my expectation, theboys did not immediately head for theirrooms or out the door. Dirk sat ready totalk with the adults. Marius picked up abook and began reading. Later, after theboys excused themselves, I mentionedto Frank I had noticed that the childrendidn’t sit in front of the television or playa video game.

“Oh, I forbid those things,” Frankresponded. “Forbid”—that is not a wordI expect to hear these days.

“But you have to offer them otherthings to do,” he quickly added. “Weread together and play chess, and wecross-country ski, and the boys and Iwork in my workshop in the basement.”

Since that time, I have witnessed thesame control of the media in the UnitedStates. “Our television has a numericalcode for activating the set so the kidscan’t simply switch it on or off,” reportsKeith, a parent of three. “We put a capon television time. There are some de-cent programs, but even in those caseswe mute out the advertisements. We donot buy video games. We filter every-thing that comes in—music, radio, ev-erything. We believe it is a parent’s re-sponsibility to do this. Raised right, chil-dren will make the right—and for us,

that means the racially responsible—choices.”

Ken and Elizabeth live in New Hamp-shire and have four children ranging inage from five to thirteen. This NewHampshire family has, in effect, secededfrom the mass culture. There is a televi-sion set in the home, but I have neverseen it on except a few times when thefamily watched a classic film. I have notheard any popular music. I asked ten-year-old Helen whether she ever wantedto watch television, go to the movies, orbuy a popular music CD. She respondedto the effect that those things are lowand not worth her time.

“It is inconceivable to us,” Ken toldme, “that people actually sit in front ofthe television—videos included—hourupon hour, letting this degrading mate-rial into their homes. Something eitherinspires the soul or destroys it. For mu-sic, we listen to classical music. Ourchildren read good books, play chessand backgammon, draw, paint, and sew.We take hikes as a family, go on pic-nics, cycle, and go to museums and con-certs. We do things together in order tocement our bonds as a family.”

Just as significant is what the chil-dren do not do in this home: they takeno interest in the personae and careersof pop musicians; they do not press theirparents for cash for the latest videogame; they are not preoccupied with theplot of a Fox television show; they donot stew over the fate of a professionalsports team, or chatter on about a sum-mer blockbuster film.

As far as I can tell, these parents havesuccessfully embargoed the mass me-dia. Before meeting people like this, Iwould have said that whatever the mer-its of getting the popular media out ofthe lives of children, as a practical mat-ter it was impossible. Now I think ifparents are committed, Hollywood, popmusic, television, and websites can bekept out of children’s lives.

Education

Another pattern I see in racially con-scious white parents is homeschooling.If they are not now educating their chil-dren at home, it is because of theirpresent circumstances, and they hope todo so in the future.

Elizabeth, the New Hampshire par-ent, interrupted a career in investmentsto take over the education of her fourchildren. “There is nothing more impor-

As far as I can tell, theseparents have successfully

embargoed the massmedia.


tant I could be doing with my life thanwhat I am doing now,” she explains.

I asked her what she wants most forher children. “Honor,” she immediatelyanswered. “I want them to live honor-able lives.”

“Yourhonor meanseverything,”Ken, who was sit-ting nearby, added.“Today, too few people under-stand that.”

“There is an old concept of wantingmore for your children than you, your-self, had,” Elizabeth told me. “And partof that is you want them to have bettereducations than you did, or at least asgood. With today’s schools that isn’tgoing to happen. Standards have beenlowered. Kids aren’t being pushed inschool. When Ken and I were goingthrough school, you would fail if youdidn’t do your work. But now everyonepasses. There is a leveling going on inthe schools. They operate so that no oneis lower and no one is higher. The giftedchildren aren’t really encouraged to ex-cel. The students don’t spend enoughtime reading, and they aren’t taught tothink and analyze.”

“The worst kind of child abuse is todeny a child a decent education,” Kenadded. “One of the strengths of thiscountry used to be our public schoolsystem, but not now. We’ve lost some-thing terribly important. Today’s gradu-ates couldn’t compete with the gradu-ates of the turn of the last century. And Ithink integration of the schools and im-migration patterns since the 1960s havehad something to do with that. Ourschools are reflecting the needs andstyles of a new clientele, and people likeus are paying the price for it.

“You aren’t going to understand whatis going on in education if you don’t takerace into account—the direction federalprograms take, the problems with cityschools, what content is stressed, test-ing, whatever you are talking about. The

schools are providing what amounts toan education for menials, not a greatpeople.

“We point out more things to our chil-dren than the schools would. Theschools are producing clones, everybody

the same. A superior edu-cational system promotesdifference, not sameness.This whole egalitarianpush that is the currentfashion works against theadvancement of the race.It is anti-selection. It keepseverybody at the level ofthe mediocre.”

“The problem from a ra-cial standpoint,” Elizabeth

offered, “is that we aren’t, as weonce were, with our own. I want my

kids to be in a stable environment, notone where there are various factions.Kids need stability. We used to havepride in our race and our heritage. Wewere proud of our forefathers. Now, if awhite child says he is proud of his lines,proud of his race, he is considered a rac-ist.”

“Before, Washington and Jeffersonwere our heroes,” Ken added. “Now,our idols are being wiped out and re-placed by people like Martin LutherKing. If you want to bring down apeople, you rewrite its history andteach that to its children. You cutoff children’s roots so they havenothing to tie into. They have abol-ished the study of Latin in theschools. Knowledge of Latin is es-sential to an educated person, andit is part of our racial and cultural roots.Over eighty percent of English wordsare derived from Latin. The Latin lan-guage has greatly influenced the devel-opment of the West. We make sure ourchildren study Latin. There has beenmore than just a dumbing down in theschools. There has been a twisting down.The story of our race is being twisted. Itis being perverted.”

I talked to James, their 13-year-old,about what he is reading. He said he islearning about Alexander the Great,whom he greatly admires—“He madehistory. I want to do that.” He told mehe recently read Quo Vadis, ThomasJefferson and His World, a book aboutJohn Paul Jones, some books about ex-plorers, the Hobbit series, Alice in Won-derland, Arundel, by the historical nov-elist Kenneth Roberts, and some of thewritings of Dostoevsky, Chekhov and

Joseph C. Lincoln. He recommendedthat I read Roberts’ book, The North-west Passage, and gave me his copy totake with me. What I gather from Jamesis that he is on a quest: he is reachingout to learn; he is studying things. Somany other youngsters his age go toclass and do assignments, but do notactually study anything.

“We teach our children about theirheritage,” says Ken, “the heritage ofWestern man. We give them the best ourcivilization has produced. The publicschools aren’t doing that. We don’t getinto every culture and subculture, be-cause we don’t think those things areimportant. The schools impose doctri-naire opinions about the irrelevance ofrace. They push a concept of the role ofwomen that in our view is unnatural.They promote internationalism. Schoolsare brainwashing white children to feelguilty about their heritage and turn awayfrom it. Our children’s heritage includesHomer, Plato, Michelangelo, Shake-speare, and Beethoven. They have ev-ery right to be overwhelmingly proudof their people, but schools are molding

them into raceless, his-toryless, malleable citi-zens of the world.”

It is true that teachersbelieve they have a re-sponsibility to teach stu-

dents new truths in theface of reactionaryforces. This view isbest articulated by theteaching profession’s

most revered figure, JohnDewey, who wrote, “Children must beconditioned, through gradual indoctri-nation, to reject the thought processestransmitted by their parents andchurches, so that they may be preparedfor the new world social order.”

Although Ken and Elizabeth areCatholic, they would not consider send-ing their children to parochial schools.In their view, Catholic schools reflectthe same raceless view of man as thepublic schools, but add a religious aurathat demands even more acquiescence.

Moreover, schools are where childrencongregate, all day, every day, year af-ter year, and this has a big influence onthem. School is where teenagers, espe-cially, come to see themselves as a tribeapart, separate from their parents, fromthe larger culture, from the past and thefuture. The youth culture stresses whatis happening now, with us, with our age


group. The peer group has become socentral, so consuming that the writerJudith Harris argues in her book TheNurture Assumption that culture is nowbeing transmitted to a greater extent bypeers than by parents and teachers. Ac-cording to Mrs. Harris, the members ofthe older generation who most influencecultural transmission are those who havethe attention of the peer group: productmarketers and celebrities.

Ken and Elizabeth believe childrenare like sponges: absorbent and easilyshaped. They want their children to havefriends their own ages, but they chartdirections and impose controls. Theyapprove and disapprove of activities andassociations. They want to know, at ev-ery moment, where their children are,whom they are with, and whatthey are doing. They screenthe families with whomtheir children associate.

Elizabeth says her sonJames has become natu-rally selective in hisfriends: “He says there area lot of children he has nointerest in. He has nothingin common with them. Helikes history and math, andall they want to talk aboutare CDs and sports.”

For people like Ken and Eliza-beth, physical activity tends to bethings like boating, hiking and swim-ming, or perhaps tennis or golf. Theybelieve school and professional sports,television networks, and athletic shoemanufacturers make something trivial—team sports—appear vitally important.One parent described the physical ac-tivities for his children: “The great out-doors: hiking and camping and climb-ing. With us, there is no emphasis onorganized sports.”

Elizabeth points out that there is noneed to get along with everyone. “Un-less you want to be a life insurance sales-man,” adds Ken. “We want our childrento make friends,” he continues, “but wewant them to do it honestly and withintegrity, and without losing their souls,which could easily happen. Life can bevery unforgiving. Getting in with thewrong people can ruin someone’s lifeforever. That is why we set up protectedenvironments and train our childrenfrom the beginning on correct socializa-tion, correct interaction, and correct ac-tivities, so that when we are no longerthere they can be proud of themselves

and carry on their heritage and theirrace.”

As time went along, I noticed that thetwo girls in the New Hampshire family,ten-year-old Helen and eight-year-oldSuzanna, always wore dresses. Ken ex-plains that it underscores what he andhis wife believe to be natural and healthydifferences between boys and girls. “Weteach our girls that the most importantthing they can possibly do is be goodmothers. We believe that the careers be-ing pushed on girls by the feminists andthe schools and the entertainment indus-try are a dead end. For our boys, we pro-mote the manly virtues: responsibility,courage, hard work, and leadership.”

The last time I visited the New Hamp-shire family I spent a good amount oftime with Helen. She has the bearing ofa twelve- or thirteen-year-old, and I had

to keep reminding myselfshe is only ten. Sheshowed me some storiesshe had written, alongwith the illustrations shehad drawn to accompanythem, and I read aloudfrom her stories. She toldme of the impressive listof books she had read andwas reading, and of herlove for horses. Through-

out our time together, Helen was steady-eyed, positive, considerate, confident,unthreatened, respectful, self-expres-sive, and interested in me—and just tenyears old.

At one point, I asked the questionadults invariably ask: “I know it’s a longtime off, Helen, but have you thoughtabout college and what you want to dowhen you are older?” It has been myexperience that most girls these daysaspire to college and a career such aspilot, lawyer, or business executive. NotHelen. She matter-of-factly replied,“No, I don’t want to go to college. I wantto train and board horses. I want a fam-ily.”

James says he plans to be a mathema-tician, and perhaps take over his father’sbusiness providing actuarial advice toinsurance companies. Like Helen, Jamesseems older than other children his age.He has the bearing of a fifteen-year-old.My contact with Helen and James, aswell as other children in similar fami-lies, has made me wonder whethertoday’s parents, schools, the media, andtheir peers keep children unduly imma-ture.

James strikes me as a proud and in-dependent young man. I mentioned tohim that my students at the universityassume that since he hasn’t been part ofa school-based group he lacks socialskills. “That’s ridiculous,” he quicklyand forcefully replied. “If you’re con-genial you can get along with anyone.”I found myself trying to remember thelast time I heard a thirteen-year-old usethe word “congenial.”

Keith, the father of three, describeshis overall perspective on being a par-ent in a way that seems to speak for allthe racially-conscious parents I havemet. He says he and his wife are meet-ing what they consider to be their fun-damental responsibility to rear childrenproperly. They cannot count on the restof society—schools, media, politicians,churches, journalists, intellectuals; noneof them—to help. They are doing ev-erything they can to pass on to their chil-dren, in his words, “racial idealism, thedifference between right and wrong,personal responsibility, and strength ofcharacter—all the things our ancestorscherished and passed on to their chil-dren. We teach our children they belongto a great race of people. We teach themthey should learn their own history, heri-tage, and culture before studying theways of others. We teach them that theirgenetic inheritance and traditions mustbe protected and preserved and ex-tended, and that they have a personalresponsibility to do this.”

Robert S. Griffin is a professor of edu-cation at the University of Vermont. Heis author of The Fame of a Dead Man’sDeeds: An Up-Close Portrait of WhiteNationalist William Pierce, availablefrom 1stBooks Library (www.1stbooks.com).

ΩΩΩΩΩ


When Whites Hunted BlacksMark Bauerlein, Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, $25.95, 337 pp.

American race relations of100 years ago.

reviewed by Thomas Jackson

Since the 1960s, race riots haveconsisted of blacks burning andlooting their own neighborhoods,

and attacking any whites they find. Ra-cial mob violence has become a blackmonopoly threatened only occasionallyby Hispanic rioters.

It was not always so. From the pe-riod after the War Between the Statesuntil the 1940s, race riots meant whitesattacking blacks, usually in black areas.The last such riot took place in Detroiton June 20, 1943, when white mobsfought blacks in various parts of town,and even launched motorized raidingparties into black neighborhoods.Twenty-five blacks and nine whitesdied, in a culmination of tensions thatarose from a sharp increase in the blackpopulation.

Today, Los Angeles, Seattle, and Cin-cinnati remind us that blacks still riot,but it is now almost impossible to imag-ine the reverse: whites stampedingthrough a city attacking blacks. Recentrace riots are therefore the exact oppo-site of what they once were. Whites, whoused to pursue and terrorize blacks arenow, themselves, pursued and terror-ized. What has changed in the last 50years to turn prey into predator?

Outwardly, very little. Whites are stillthe majority population and hold mostpositions of power. Blacks are still morecrime-prone, and more likely to be poorand uneducated. Psychologically, how-ever, American race relations have beenturned inside-out, and to reconstruct theracial context of 60 or 70 years ago is topaint a picture of what might as well bea foreign country. This is what makesNegrophobia so interesting. A book-length account of a famous, early 20th-century race riot that relies on contem-porary documents cannot help but re-construct a social order that has van-ished. Mark Bauerlein, who teachesEnglish at Emory University in Atlanta,cannot forego a certain amount ofshocked commentary, but his study of

the 1906 Atlanta race riot largely letsparticipants and observers speak forthemselves.

In 1906, Atlanta had approximately150,000 inhabitants, of which about onethird were black. The city had never hada race riot. As it does today, it liked toadvertise itself as more interested inmoney-making than race-baiting. In1895, Booker T. Washington had given

his Atlanta Compromise Speech at theCotton States and International Exposi-tion, in which he denounced blacks whoclamored for political and social equal-ity. Negroes, he said, would make bet-ter progress by working hard and win-ning the genuine respect of whites than

by agitating for voting rights and theabolition of Jim Crow.

Atlanta was, of course, segregated.Ponce de Leon Park had a prominentsign saying “Colored persons admittedas servants only.” There was very littlesocial mixing of the races and no inter-racial “dating.” Even chain gangs andprisoners the state rented out to privateemployers might work together but hadsegregated housing. Whites were mat-ter-of-fact about the failings of blacks.An 1899 report by the Georgia Prison

Commission concluded that “after fortyyears of freedom and education,” thenegro is “more criminal than when hepossessed no education whatever.”

Just as they are today, black slumswere hives of degeneracy, and bothwhites and respectable blacks were pre-pared to say so. A city council report ofthe period described the Decatur Streetarea close to downtown as full of“squalid negro hovels that teem withvice and vermin.” Here were the flophouses, cheap bars, and prostitutes thatattracted a large, exclusively black cli-entele. Even the Voice of the Negro de-scribed Decatur Street as “a dark, almostimpenetrable mass of humanity writh-ing in the densest ignorance and lowestmorality,” and another black authorcalled Decatur Street blacks “the dregs,the scum, the menace of municipal life.”

It was Decatur Street that promptedthe Atlanta Evening News to ask, in aneditorial, “Who will penetrate the dark-ened recesses of the negro mind?” TheAtlanta Georgian (there were four dailynewspapers in 1906) ran the headline“What is the Destiny of the Negro Race?Extinction?” and went on to speculatethat health conditions were so bad in theslums that blacks might well die out.

At the same time, people of all racesmade a clear distinction between theunregenerate “Decatur Street negro” andthe industrious, church-going “AuburnAvenue negro.” Blacks provided usefulservices as domestics and understrap-pers, and the more capable and ambi-tious had established a genuine middleclass. According to an 1899 count, At-lanta had 61 businesses owned byblacks. Auburn Avenue was the favoredaddress for black high society.

Despite the existence of a blackmiddle class, this was not an era inwhich Southerners had illusions aboutracial equality or the desirability of in-tegration. On August 4, 1906, the editorof the Atlanta Georgian wrote: “The bestand only way to provide a political free-dom for the white man and a social pro-tection for the white race and sanctityfor the women of the white race . . . isby reducing the negro for his own pro-tection and for his own welfare, to theacceptance of a place of inferiority un-

1943 Detroit riots. Whites overturn a car,which they are about to set on fire.

Any book-length accountof a famous, early 20th-century race riot that

relies on contemporarydocuments cannot helpbut reconstruct a socialorder that has vanished.


til such time as he can be separated fromthe white race and removed to anotherterritory.”

This was a time when politiciansvoiced sentiments about race unimag-inable today. In his 1906 campaign forgovernor, Hoke Smith said: “Thosenegroes who aspire to equality canleave; those who are contented to oc-cupy the natural status of their race, theposition of inferiority . . . will find them-selves treated with greater kindness.”The press attributed his victory to astrong stand on the need to keep blacksfrom voting. In his victory speech, hesaid “a constitutional amendment mustbe passed . . . providing for the protec-tion of the ballot box . . . against igno-rant and purchasable negro votes.”

Even in a period when blacks wereheld in a distinctly subordinate position,there was still enough black crime todrive whites out of the city. Prof.Bauerlein reports that by the turn of thecentury Atlanta had already seen con-siderable white flight. Young familiesfled to the suburbs, away from the negromenace, but lived in areas with plentyof shrubbery that could conceal prowl-ers. Men took the streetcar into town towork, leaving wives and children athome, and this proved an irresistabletemptation to black criminals.

Newspapers put crime stories on thefront page and did not pretend, as theydo today, that the race of victim or per-petrator were unimportant. It was com-mon to find stories with headlines like“Miss Mittie Waits Given Bad Fright byNegro at Spring,” “$1,600 Reward toCapture Negro,” “Girl Jumps Into Closetto Escape Negro Brute,” or “Bold Ne-gro Kisses White Girl’s Hand.”

Black crime was much on the mindsof whites, and many took justice intotheir own hands. When a rape was re-ported, hundreds of white men—manyof them armed—descended on thevictim’s home. Some combed the arealooking for blacks who matched theperpetrator’s description, while otherswaited at the house, hoping to servesummary justice. One 1906 headline inthe Constitution claimed, probably withsome exaggeration, “Mob of 2,000Gathered at the Lawrence Home Anx-ious to Burn Negro.”

Search parties would return with ter-rified blacks, whom they exhibited to thevictim. If the woman said he was theculprit, it was touch and go whether theauthorities could save him from the mob.

Prof. Bauerlein writes that policemenoften showed great courage and finessein spiriting black rapists out of the handsof vigilantes. Another 1906 newspaperaccount described a case in which theyfailed: “In less than two seconds afterthe negro brute . . . had been identifiedby the young woman . . . six bullets weretearing their way through his heart andhe fell dying amid a solemn shout fromhalf a hundred avengers.”

Although Southerners were sharplydivided about the propriety of lynching,they were united in the view that viola-tion of a white woman was a capital

crime. They saw it not only as defile-ment of their women but as a deliberateattempt to humiliate whites as a race.Even at high levels of society, there wassome support for mob justice which,through promptness and ferocity, was nodoubt a strong deterrent. RebeccaLatimer Felton, who later became aGeorgia state senator wrote: “If it needslynching to protect woman’s dearestpossession from the ravening humanbeasts—then I say lynch; lynch a thou-sand times a week if necessary.” TheGeorgian editorialized that “the negrohas a monopoly on rape” and that iflynching didn’t stop them perhaps per-petrators should be surgically mutilated.

The early part of 1906 saw an effortto clean up the Decatur street “dives,”which many saw as a breeding groundfor criminals and rapists. Reporters wentalong on inspection tours, and theEvening News described the discoveryof a picture of a “horribly disgustingcombination of a nude white womanwith a negro man,” noting that such pic-tures were “the favorites among thenegro frequenters.” (At the time, “nude”meant partially clothed and suggestivelyposed.) The Georgian wondered aboutthe typical rapist: “Has he been in the

habit of looking at the pictures whichcover the walls of these low dives ofiniquity?”

As was often the case with early raceriots, it was reports of assaults on whitewomen that sparked the violence on thisoccasion, and Prof. Bauerlein describesin detail how events unfolded. On Sat-urday, September 22, newspapers re-ported no fewer than three attemptedrapes, with special “extra” editions onnew developments. By the afternoon,men began to gather on street corners todiscuss what should be done, and somebeat up a few blacks. Mayor JamesWoodward, who was in the crowd,climbed onto a box and is reported tohave said:

“For God’s sake, men, go to yourhomes quietly and leave this matter inthe hands of the law. . . . What you maydo in a few minutes of recklessness willtake Atlanta many years to recover from.I implore you to leave this matter in thehands of the law . . . .”

The mob was in an ugly mood, andpaid no attention to the mayor. A num-ber of whites ran off towards DecaturStreet to warn blacks there could betrouble. A crowd soon gathered at thecorner of Decatur and Pryor Streets, butfiremen set up water cannon to keep itout of the Negro quarter. A man is re-ported to have jumped onto a box andshouted: “It’s an outrage for men to leta little water scare them. I will lead thecrowd right up Decatur Street.”

By 9:30 in the evening there were yetmore newspaper “extras” predicting arace riot. Men poured into hardware andpawn shops to buy weapons. AndersonHardware Company stayed open allnight and sold its entire stock of 400pistols and 100 rifles. The mayor andpolice chief ran from one end of townto another trying to cool passions, butthe crowds only grew. Many men tookstreetcars in from the suburbs when theyheard something was afoot, and by 10:00p.m. there were an estimated 10,000white men in the streets.

Rioting began in earnest, and contin-ued through the night. There was someproperty damage, but the primary ob-jective was to hunt blacks. The mobseems to have killed blacks who showedfight or shouted abuse, but did not gen-erally beat to death those who simplycowered in fear. Most blacks fled, orfound protection in the homes and busi-nesses of white employers, and down-town was soon empty of blacks. The

Detroit, 1943. Police arrest a white lady rioter.


mob began to lie in wait for arrivingstreetcars, and pounced on unsuspect-ing black passengers. More than oneconductor reportedly prevented furtherviolence by pulling a pistol on assail-ants. Indeed, part of Prof. Bauerlein’saccount reads like a tribute to an armedcitizenry. Time and again, rioters look-ing for blacks sheltering in buildingswere stopped by white proprietors whoproduced guns and announced theywould shoot any man who stepped in-

side. Some police officers arrested riot-ers and saved blacks at considerabledanger to themselves, while others letthe mob have its way. Prof. Bauerleinnotes that the mob was not indiscrimi-nate; it seems not to have attackedwomen, and little black boys darted un-scathed through the crowd, selling yetmore “extras.” The death toll is esti-mated at 16, with perhaps 50 seriouslyinjured.

By Sunday morning, the Fifth Geor-gia Infantry was on the streets, and themob had spent its force. Streetcars ranaccording to schedule, but with extraconductors armed with shotguns. Peacereturned to the city, but there were noshoeshine boys or porters at the railwaystation, and many black cooks, maids,and handymen stayed home.

All of the better element appear tohave been outraged by the violence. ByMonday, a number of whites were al-ready in court for prosecution, whereJudge Nash Broyles called them “a dis-grace to Atlanta and the state in whichyou live.” Charles Hopkins of theEvening News board of directors wrote,“We have boasted of our superiority andwe have now sunk to this level—wehave shed the blood of our helplesswards.” He spearheaded a drive thatraised $3,782 for the victims and theirfamilies. A committee of ten city no-tables issued a declaration saying: “The

rioting of last Saturday night is a bloton the good name of the country, and anoutrage on our Anglo-Saxon civiliza-tion.” The Evening News tried to explainthe bloodshed this way: “There werethousands swept along by curiosity andwith no intention of crime who addedby their mere presence to the ferocity ofthe mob leaders, who saw these menbehind them and imagined themselvessupported by an army.” The Northernpress was unanimous in condemnation,

with the PhiladelphiaPress calling the riots “themost deplorable exhibitionof race ferocity and sav-agery that this country hasseen for many years.”

The police boardcharged several officerswith dereliction of duty,and fired three, suspendedtwo, and reprimanded one.Eventually, riot victims re-ceived more than $5,000 incompensation, both publicand private. The book does

not cite a single person, high or low, whois recorded as expressing the view that“the niggers got what they deserved.”

We find, therefore, another importantdifference between riots then and now.Today, virtually no one condemns blackrioters in the blunt terms they deserve.Instead, black “leaders” point proudlyto the savagery as proof of “institutionalracism,” while whites fret about howthey failed to “reach out” or “do more.”The contrast with white riots of the pastcould not be more striking. Even in aperiod of strict segregation, when poli-ticians spoke about the necessarily “in-ferior position” of blacks, and newspa-pers discussed colonization, no onecountenanced mob violence. No oneagonized over the “root causes” of may-hem. No one thought rioters were any-thing but vicious thugs.

Today, in an era of invasive anti-dis-crimination laws and racial preferences,of celebrations of Black History Monthand M.L. King Day, of constant glorifi-cation of diversity and black “culture,”at a time when white-on-black crime isso rare it makes headlines, politiciansand commentators compete to see whocan invent the most far-fetched excusesfor black mobs. In the aftermath of theCincinnati riots in April—or of anyblack riot—one would have searched themainstream press in vain for the wordswith which whites condemned Atlanta

in 1906: “shame,” “ferocity,” “outrage,”“savagery.” Indeed, for most blacks, theLos Angeles violence of 1992—inwhich blacks killed ten whites—was nota riot but an “uprising.” Like the anti-white violence in Cincinnati it was a“wake-up call,” an expression of legiti-mate grievance whites had better re-dress. Needless to say, Prof. Bauerleinnotes none of these contrasts.

Bits of racial history

Like any detailed study, however,Negrophobia turns up fascinating bitsof racial history that run counter to cur-rent stereotypes of unanimous Southerncontempt for the Negro. In setting thescene for the Atlanta riot, Prof. Bauer-lein reports that Thomas Dixon’s TheClansman was a stage play before D.W.Griffith turned it into the movie Birth ofa Nation. Many Southerners dismissedthe play as “race baiting,” and the Chat-tanooga Daily Times called it a “riotbreeder . . . designed to excite rage andrace hatred.” It had toured Atlanta notlong before the riots, and afterwardsMontgomery, Savannah, Macon, and anumber of other Southern cities tried toban performances.

When the movie version came out in1915, the city of St. Louis and the stateof Ohio managed to prohibit it entirely,and children were kept out of screen-ings in Chicago. The New York EveningPost, along with the presidents ofHarvard and the American Bar Associa-tion tried to prevent distribution, andBooker T. Washington called for a boy-cott. Today, “riot breeders” of a differ-ent kind—movies like Mississippi Burn-ing, Malcolm X, and Amistad—face notthe slightest resistance.

Negrophobia also gives interestingaccounts of the career of Populist TomWatson, of the struggle between the fol-lowers of Booker T. Washington andW.E.B. Du Bois, and of the racial un-dercurrents of the 1906 governor’s racein Georgia. Whatever its ideologicalslant, there is much to be learned fromany serious history that relies as heavilyon primary sources as this one.

Atlanta newspaper “extras” from September 22, 1906.

The book does not cite asingle person as express-

ing the view that “theniggers got what they

deserved.”

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Race in “The Real World”Public humiliation ofwhites.

by David Gancarz

Since 1991, MTV has been runninga program called “The RealWorld.” It is considered the fore-

runner of “reality-based” television.(This should more accurately be called“situational stress” TV, since strangersare thrown together in a difficult envi-ronment to see who “survives” best).

In “The Real World,” seven volun-teers from different backgrounds, races,ethnicities, erotic orientations, etc. livetogether for approximately five monthsin a luxury house or apartment whiletheir interactions are taped. Dependingon the mix of personalities and individu-als, the scenes edited into each weeklyepisode can range from bland to titillat-ing to explosive.

“The Real World” is now in its tenthseason, and has returned to the city ofits inception, Manhattan. The cast in-cludes two black women, one blackman, two white men, one white women,and one mixed-race Filipino-Irishwoman. (I once wrote to the productioncompany, Bunim/Murry Productions, toask why they always choose stereotypedpersonalities such as the surfer dude, theangry black male, and the scatterbrainedblonde. I also said I thought an all-blackcast would be very interesting to watch.I got a terse reply, saying they did notcast “types” but chose people to matchthe demographics of the MTV audience.They also said they thought an all-blackcast would have limited appeal).

Since the producers tailor the cast forracial mixing, race inevitably erupts asan issue. Usually, it takes a good four orfive episodes before people feel com-fortable enough to talk about it, but inthe latest installment, conflict begins inthe very first episode.

Each season, MTV picks one wide-eyed, naïve young white man or womanwho knows nothing about the eti-quette—or, more properly, the mine-field—of race. Last season, the victimwas a young Mormon girl, Julie, whohad to be told that, as a white person,she was never ever to use the word

“nigger” or “nigga” at any time for anyreason. Two black cast members ex-plained that even if she heard blackpeople use the word, if she used it shewould be seen as an “oppressor” andwould deserve whatever happened next.(Of course, Julie only awkwardly re-peated the word “nigga” as used bysomeone else, but the two blacks thoughtit important to teach her this humiliat-ing lesson, presumably for her own sur-vival).

In this 10th season, the yokel is Mikefrom Parma, Ohio, a Cleveland suburb.Mike frequently describes his home-town as “white” or “really white.” In thecasting preview in which Mike was in-terviewed, he said he had little contactwith black people and that based on hav-ing met the select few chosen for theprogram he really wanted to get to knowmore. He said this was important, andwould help him later in life. This inno-

cent was not prepared for what he en-countered.

In the first installment, Mike is seengoing to breakfast with Coral (a blackwoman) and Malik (a black man). Coraland Malik start talking in general termsabout how blacks in the past were de-nied access to education, and that it isimportant for them get into the bestschools. Mike jumps in, agreeing that

blacks have been denied good educa-tions. With hopeless naïveté, he goes onto say he knows blacks in Clevelanddon’t get quality education, because hisuncle told him he won’t hire blacks. Hehad hired them in the past, but foundthem “slow,” and their educational back-ground made them “slower.”

The race bomb explodes, and no oneis safe from the shrapnel. Coral tries toremain calm but reverts to ebonics.“That ain’t got nothing to do with theireducation. Your uncle don’t like blackpeople. You’re uncle’s a racist.”

Mike protests and tries to explain, butthe damage is done. Coral demands thatshe have the last word, and that the con-versation end immediately. “Do youunderstand me?” she asks aggressively.Mike sheepishly withdraws.

Though he agrees that blacks do notget good educations the fact that a whiteman would even notice differences inresults is enough to brand Mike as thisseason’s racist. Coral and Malik leaveMike behind. Malik, to his credit, triesto calm Coral by saying he thought itwas refreshing someone could be thatignorant and therefore honest.

Coral will have none of it. Later inthe program, she is on the phone sayingthings like “Once someone gets on mybad side, it’s very difficult to cross backover,” “I can’t see Mike and me havinga ‘relationship’ where I’m not remem-bering ‘past errors,’ ” and that Mike is“going down.” She starts mockingMike’s white mannerisms and speech,and makes fun of his hair.

The entire cast is put on notice thatsince Mike is a “racist,” he needs seri-ous reeducation and that there will beno redemption unless he sincerely ac-knowledges his sins. The three blackcast members naturally side together,though only Coral is directly confron-tational. The white members all giveMike lessons in the fine art of racial sur-vival. They take him on walks or to din-ner, and explain to him that when hetalks about race, he must think aboutwhat the other person may believe be-fore saying a word. Basically, the whitesexplain that in order to maintain the ap-pearance of good race relations, whitepeople must censor everything they sayto conform to what blacks may think.

Mike: back row, center. Malik: back row,right. Coral: front row, left.

Each season, MTV picksone wide-eyed, naive

young white who knowsnothing about theminefield of racial

etiquette.


There must be general agreement on thethoughts we must profess in order topreserve a façade of racial harmony. Thelesson seems to be that when a personof color is present or speaking, keepyour mouth shut, nod in agreement, andkeep your opinions to yourself.

Mike is left with his head spinning.He doesn’t understand how speakinghonestly can get you into such serioustrouble, but this, of course, is one of thegreat racial contradictions. Blacks saythey want honest dialogue but that is not

what they mean at all. What they reallywant is for whites to admit they are rac-ists who oppress people of color. Any-thing resembling honesty is “racism.”Blacks don’t want an honest dialogueon race; they want a confession.

After much introspection and advicefrom others, Mike grovels. Coral for-gives him but also makes it clear Mikeis to watch every word he says. “Feelbad, be embarrassed,” she tells him.

The tragedy is that it is Mike’s intrin-sic honesty and forthrightness, which in

an all-white environment might haveearned him respect, that do him in. Ayoung man full of joy and excitementlearns that to preserve a precarious ra-cial balance, he must censor what hesays and temper his enthusiasm. In justhis first week on the program Mikelearns an important lesson: that he isnever to speak honestly about race.

David Gancarz lives in Buffalo, NewYork. “The Real World” is broadcast onMTV Tuesdays at 10 p.m. EST.

A Reply to Dr. TraskChrist’s injunctions areharder than Dr. Traskwould have us believe.

by Ronald K. Tacelli, SJ

H.A. Scott Trask [AR, July] hasoffered a startling and unique in-terpretation of Christ’s injunc-

tion to love one’s enemies. Jesus’ words,he tells us, sound “radical” and “all-em-bracing”—but only in English. Greek,he writes, “distinguishes between per-sonal enemies and foreign en-emies.” There is a specific Greekword—polemios—for one’s for-eign enemy; but when “Christcommands Christians to ‘lovetheir enemies’ (Matthew 5:44;Luke 6:27, 35), he uses the wordfor one’s private enemy [ech-thros], that is to say someone withwhom a Christian has quarreled.Never is this injunction applied to for-eign enemies, the enemies of one’speople” (my emphasis).

This cannot, I think, sustain closescrutiny. The word echthros is used allthe time in the Greek translation of theOld Testament for the enemies of theJewish people: idolaters, those outsidethe covenant, foreigners (Egyptians andCanaanites, for example) whom the Is-raelites looked upon with (sometimesjustified) suspicion and hostility. Thesewere not necessarily people with whomthe Jews were actually at war; that wouldhave made them polemioi (from theGreek word for war). No, this attitudetoward the other, the unchosen and un-circumcised, cut far deeper than officialdeclarations of war and peace, or alli-ances forged and broken. The Lord him-

self hates those who worship idols, andfor the faithful believer the enemies ofGod are his enemies, too (cf. Pss. 31:7;139:22). The natural expression of deep-seated enmity is war. But before nationsbecome full-fledged foes in battle(polemioi), they can still be foes of an-other, equally dee kind. That kind of en-mity is what the word echthros normallyconveys.

The opposite of enmity is love. Andin Leviticus 19 Jews are commanded tolove their neighbors [Gr: plêsion]. Thismeans they are to love their fellow Isra-

elites, the brethren of the cov-enant. They are not thereby com-manded to hate non-Jews; and infact the same chapter of Leviticuscommands Jews not to molest theresident alien, to love him as theylove themselves. The point is: lov-ing one’s neighbor can (and did)co-exist with despising one’s en-emy—especially nations and eth-

nic collectivities powerful enough topose a possible threat to God’s chosen.In practice this surely meant that somesegments of Jewish society instinctivelyviewed the Gentile world with mingledfear and loathing; in the Qumran com-munity, for example, fully active at thetime of Jesus, we find explicit expres-sion of this attitude: One is to love allthe children of the light and hate all thechildren of darkness.

Thus, when Jesus says, “You haveheard it said, love your neighbor[plêsion] and hate your enemy,” he musthave been making reference to attitudesprevalent among Jews of his day. Andthus the word enemy cannot plausiblybe taken to mean merely—or mainly—private enemy. He is saying that eventhose outside the covenant do not de-

serve instinctive hatred and contempt;that even they should be approachedwith love—i.e., with a will directed totheir true good.

This does not mean Christians haveto spurn the things that naturally claimtheir loyalty—family and nation andpeople. The love of these things is asnoble and beautiful as anything in thecreated order. But the primary loyaltyof Christians is to something—Some-one—that may divide us from nationand family. The unifying life Christiansshare is deeper than these naturally goodthings and transcends the divisions in-trinsic to them. That is why St. Paul

makes the extraordinary claim: “Herethere is not Greek and Jew, circumci-sion and uncircumcision, barbarian,Scythian, slave, free; but Christ is all andin all”(Col. 3:13). That claim is extraor-dinary. Only a miracle of grace couldbring it about.

But that miracle of grace does noteliminate nature with all its richness ofdistinction and division. Nor does iteliminate the need to respect the naturalorder of things and make decisions inconformity with it. The universal out-reach of Christian love tells us nothing,for example, about immigrationpolicy—except this: any such policymust genuinely cherish and seek to pre-serve the culture into which it invitesothers; it cannot have as its likely endsocial disruption and cultural decay.That would betray a callous indifference

The word enemy cannotplausibly be taken to

mean merely—ormainly—private enemy.

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toward one’s own things, the things onehas a natural duty to protect, as well asa lack of love for the other. After all,inviting people into a burgeoning socialchaos—a chaos that the invitation itselfhelps set in motion—can hardly becalled an act of willing their true good,can hardly be called an act of love.

The true love of enemies—the kindthat includes “outsiders” and “foreign-ers”—need not therefore “do away withethnic or national differences.” It is fullycompatible with them. It is not, how-ever, compatible with a vicious, dehu-manizing contempt that can sometimeswear the mask of ethnic pride.

According to St. Paul, one of the glo-ries of Christianity is the key it providesfor overcoming ethnic hatred—and es-pecially the bitter hostility between Jewsand Gentiles displayed throughout sa-cred history. You Gentiles, he says,“were separate from Christ, excludedfrom citizenship in Israel, and foreign-ers to the covenants of the promise,without hope and without God in theworld. But now in Christ Jesus you whoonce were far away have been broughtnear through the blood of Christ. For Hehimself is our peace who has made thetwo one and has destroyed the barrier,the dividing wall of hostility...” (Eph.

2: 11-4). The Greek word for “hostil-ity,” by the way, is echthran.

Mr. Trask is right: self-hating mad-ness has gripped many Christians in ourtime. But the antidote to madness is notself-delusion; and love for the faith isnot shown by rejecting or diluting partof its message—sanding down the hardsayings to a scandal-free smoothness. Ifwe Christians have to compromise thetruth in order to defend ourselves, thenwe have already made the ultimate con-cession to the “enemy.”

Fr. Tacelli teaches philosophy at Bos-ton College.

O Tempora, O Mores!Special Forces to SaveWhites

In South Africa, a former member ofthe special forces has founded a newsecurity company to protect farmers.Wynand du Toit points out that morethan 1,100 white farmers have beenmurdered since the ANC took power in

1994, and has no doubt about the pur-pose of the killings: “There are no tra-ditional criminals involved in the farmattacks. It is well-planned, military-styleoperations that are taking place. It is awell-planned action [aimed at forcing]white farmers to abandon their farms sothat blacks can move in.” Lately, he says,attackers let their victims call neighborsfor help and then ambush and kill therescuers as well. He adds that it is noaccident blacks target children for rapeand torture: “Children are the future.Destroying children prevents us fromhaving a future. Of course, the killing

of children is also a psychological on-slaught against the farmer, which mightforce him to leave his farm in order toprotect them.”

Mr. du Toit’s new security company,Lanseria Protection Services, has teamsof ex-special forces men on call 24 hoursa day, who can be helicoptered any-where in the country or parachute out

of airplanes. He says the attackers havebeen frightened away from the areas inwhich his men have been active, and thatlocal farmers look on his service as theironly hope for survival.

Mr. du Toit thinks the killings are or-chestrated by the Pan African Congress,and that the ANC is not yet at the stageof systematically killing whites. At thesame time, police morale is so low, andso many experienced white officers arequitting, he thinks that within severalyears it will not be possible to solvemajor crimes. He notes that whites can-not count on help from abroad: “I have

not noticed any response from the U.N.,U.S. or the UK to the killings by blacksof white farmers in South Africa. Re-member, we are white. Only whites canbe racist. Blacks can’t be racist. Theydo not lie, and in the eyes of many over-seas people, these attacks must be seenas a justification of the past. I do notthink that the U.N. will spend one

minute a month onthe murders in SouthAfrica.” [Anthony C.LoBaido, Wynand duToit, a Special ForcesHero Committed toSaving Farmers atRisk in Southern Af-rica, WorldNetDaily.com, Aug. 15, 2001.]

One of the morehideous recent at-tacks took place onJuly 27, when eightblacks attacked Mr.and Mrs. Johan leGrange, an impover-

ished rural couple in their 80s. They tor-tured both victims with hot irons andtore out fingernails before beating Mr.le Grange to death. Mrs. le Grange sur-vived but remains severely traumatized.The men then went next door to thehome of the le Grange’s daughter andher four-year-old daughter, whom theyraped and tortured for several hours—but did not kill.

Henda Wolfardt, a South Africanfarmer who lives near Ventersdorp withher husband and two sons has noticed aworld-wide pattern: “The blacks are kill-ing whites in Zimbabwe, Kenya, South

Record of the injuries of a white, Eastern Transvaal farmer who was tortured for six hours before he was finally killed.

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Africa and even in the U.S. in the re-cent riots in Seattle and Cincinnati. InAustralia, the Aborigines are calling forthe blood of the white farmers. The Rus-sians are fighting against Islam inChechnya. White Christians are attackedin the Balkans and Macedonia. Whatwill it take for people to wake up?”[Anthony C. LoBaido, Killing of SouthAfrica Farmers Intensifies, WorldNetDaily.com, Aug. 1, 2001.]

Zim: Bad to WorseDeterioration continues in Zimba-

bwe. On August 26, the British news-paper The Telegraph reported that it hadreceived a copy of a secret governmentdocument called “Operation Give upand Leave,” which outlined a terrorstrategy for ridding the country ofwhites. “The operation should be thor-oughly planned so that farmers are sys-tematically harassed and mentally tor-tured and their farms destabilised until

they give in and give up,” it read in part.It says the “Pamire-silencing method”should be used on any farmer who re-sists, a reference to Chris Pamire, a busi-nessman who fell out with PresidentRobert Mugabe and died in a mysteri-ous road accident.

A Zimbabwe government spokesmansays the document is rubbish, but eventsseem to be following its plan. Thoughthe area around the town of Chinhoyihas been particularly hard hit by blackslooting and vandalizing white farmhouses, the town itself has been safe.Recently, Pres. Mugabe’s followersforced all whites off the streets ofChinhoyi, beating up any they couldfind. Joy Moolman, a white farmer’swife, has circulated an e-mail messagereporting that blacks later went on anespecially nasty tear through the coun-tryside, turning out whites and makingoff with wagon loads of their posses-sions. Mrs. Moolman writes that herhusband is a pilot and flew over the areareporting which way the gangs were

headed so farmers could evacuate theirfamilies.

Under the title “Whites Finished inZimbabwe,” the August 12 issue of theBritish newspaper Daily Mail published

a letter from a white Zimbabwean thatread, in part: “There is a fin de atmo-sphere among white people now, a sad,bitter resignation to the fact that ourworld is crumbling around us. It’s likegoing through a bereavement for thebeloved country many of our familiescame to from England 100 years ago.It’s an agonising process: anger, denial,bargaining—then maybe death.

“The entire younger generation ofwhites know they are not wanted andhave left or are leaving. The older gen-eration is still desperate to live out whatremains of their lives in what is left ofBritish colonial style. . . .”

“Suburban street signs have been re-moved wholesale—we think they arebeing melted down and made into cof-fin handles. Graves have been opened,corpses dumped in the bush and coffinstaken for resale, spruced up with the alu-minium from the signs.”

He writes that the whole country feelslike one big departure lounge, as whitesclear out. At 50,000, whites are 0.6 per-cent of the population, down from200,000 when Robert Mugabe came topower and asked whites to stay. Evenface to face with hatred, whites seemunwilling to shed their illusions. Theman writes that one white “revealed thatwhat really depressed him was the seem-ing indifference of most black Zimba-bweans to what is happening to thewhites.”

He continues: “The governmentknows if it can drive whites out of Zim-babwe the rest of the world, and par-ticularly the Western media, will loseinterest and then it will be able to deal

with its political opposition in no un-certain terms. If that happens, there willbe a descent into poverty and terror fromwhich Zimbabwe, once a civilised andsophisticated nation, may never

emerge.”What has been the reac-

tion in white nations to thisclear example of ethniccleansing? Australian MPshave discussed the possi-bility of asking Mr.Mugabe not to come to theOctober CommonwealthHeads of Governmentmeeting in Brisbane.Members of the EuropeanParliament have urged the15 member states to freezeany bank accounts held byMr. Mugabe, to refuse to let

him visit, and to consider suspending fi-nancial aid to Zimbabwe. American con-gressmen have considered—but notpassed—legislation to impose financialsanctions.

In the latest round of pusillanimity,Britain has agreed to head up a group tocompensate whites for the farmland tobe taken from them, if Mr. Mugabe willonly agree to an orderly, non-violentprogram of dispossession. Mr. Mugabesays he will study the agreement, an-nounced September 7 in Nigeria.

Meanwhile, in late August, Britaindenied asylum to a white Zimbabweanfruit farmer who was beaten uncon-scious by Zimbabwean authorities whoalso murdered his girlfriend. Roy Pagesays he is afraid to go home, and says anumber of his 300 former employeeswere killed simply for saying theywanted him back. The British positionis that Mr. Page has nothing to fear if hereturns, but has permitted him to appealthe ruling. [Christina Lamb and DavidBamber, Mugabe’s Secret Plan to EvictAll Whites, Telegraph (London), Aug.26, 2001. Zimbabwe Denies It Plans toEvict All White Farmers, Reuters, Aug.27, 2001. Kathy Kittley, Beaten-upFarmer Pleads to Stay Here, Telegraph,Aug. 30, 2001. David Blair, The LastGamble of Zimbabwe’s White Tribe,Telegraph, Aug. 18, 2001. GlennMcKenzie, Zimbabwe to Stop Occupy-ing White Farms, AP, Sept. 7, 2001.]

Durban DebacleMeanwhile, the nine days of bile and

blather known as the World Conference

War “veterans” invade a white farm.

“Veterans” load loot from a white farmer’s house.


Against Racism, Racial Discrimination,Xenophobia and Related Intolerancestaggered to a close in Durban, SouthAfrica. After a day of overtime, theSouth African foreign minister abruptlydeclared the conference over, since theinterpreters had gone home. Many of the9,000 participants were upset that theconference was dominated by argu-ments over Israel and reparations forslavery, which overshadowed theirclaims to victimhood. Kurds, Indianuntouchables, homosexuals, and “refu-gees” said they didn’t get the attentionthey deserved. Arturo Sanchez came allthe way from Mexico to alert the worldto the troubles of “multiple minori-ties”—who may be young, black, poorand homosexual—but says no one no-ticed. “The governments aren’t seeingus as a priority because we aren’t Pales-tinian,” he says. There was a huge fightbefore the conference to make sure ev-eryone talked about “indigenous peo-ples” (with an “s”) rather than “indig-enous people,” and Eskimos and Indi-ans were distressed that the “s” didn’talways appear in the final documents.Needless to say, no one had much to sayabout anti-white atrocities in SouthernAfrica.

There was unhappy compromise onthe big issues of the day. Israel was notofficially declared a “racist” state, butconcern was expressed “about the plightof the Palestinian people under foreignoccupation,” and there was a call to letrefugees—understood to be Palestin-ians—return to their homes. The trans-Atlantic slave trade was dubbed an “ap-palling tragedy” and current slavery wascalled “a crime against humanity,” butno one offered reparations. A half-dozenmembers of the U.S. CongressionalBlack Caucus left early when prospectsdimmed for a shakedown, but JesseJackson stayed to the bitter end, hopingfor handouts.

Nigeria was the only African coun-try officially to oppose reparations, butthere have been other dissidents.Abdoulaye Wade, president of Senegaland descendant of slave-holders, says heis insulted by demands for reparations.“If one can claim reparations for slavery,the slaves of my ancestors or their de-scendants can also claim money fromme, because slavery has been practicedby all people in the world,” he says.

Although the conference never men-tioned it officially, some people weregraceless enough to point out that al-

though the Atlantic slave trade went onfor a couple of hundred years, Arabs andEast Africans trafficked humans for1,000 years. One of the best-knownslavers was nick-named Tippu Tip fromthe sound his guns made. Based in Zan-zibar, this son of an Arab slaver andblack mother led expeditions of up to4,000 men into the interior to bring outslaves and ivory. His great-great-grand-daughter, Ummi Hammid, says she isneither proud nor ashamed of herancestor’s slaving but notes “He was avery good businessman.”

Jesse Jackson sees no subtleties orcomplexities. He says the United Statesonly pretended to walk out of the con-ference because of Israel-bashing, andthat what Americans feared most wastalk of reparations. He says he will makereparations the number-one Americancivil rights issue for the fall. [SteveMiller, Jackson to Make Reparations forBlacks in U.S. a Priority, WashingtonTimes, Sept. 7, 2001, p. A1. Betsy Pisik,Racism Parley Irks Overlooked Groups,Washington Times, Sept. 8, 2001, p. A5.Betsy Pisik, Bid to Censure Israel atRacism Summit Foiled, WashingtonTimes, Sept. 9, 2001, p. A1. GeorgeMwangi, Slaver Descendant Not Proudor Ashamed, AP, Sept. 6, 2001. Sene-gal’s Leader ‘Insulted’ by Slavery De-mand, AP, Aug. 30, 2001.]

Escalation in FranceAt about 11:30 p.m. on September

1st—Saturday—police in Béziers insouthern France got a call about a fightin a tough neighborhood between Gyp-sies and North Africans. When four of-ficers pulled up, a round from a rocketlauncher blew off the back of their pa-trol car. Miraculously, no one was hurt.The assailant disappeared, but tele-phoned Béziers police to say he was lay-ing siege to police headquarters and wasgoing to “kill cops.” The officer incharge called the mayor’s chief of stafffor security matters at home, and JeanFaret got out of bed to drive to head-quarters. By chance, two assailants sawhim stop for gas. They killed him with amachine gun and escaped into the nightto make more taunting calls to the po-lice.

At 11:00 in the morning, officers per-suaded the caller to meet them at theparking lot of the town’s conventioncenter for “a real duel.” Safir Bghiouia,a 25-year-old North African showed up

in a stolen BMW, stepped out of the carand pointed a machine gun at police whopromptly killed him. Inside the BMWwere the rocket launcher, an assault rifle,a sawed-off shotgun, explosives anddetonators. Police knew Mr. Bghiouiaas a small-time car thief but do not know

how he managed to acquire an arsenal.His accomplice has disappeared.

“This is war,” says Raymond Cou-derc, mayor of Béziers. “They have at-tacked police headquarters and killedmy chief of staff in cold blood. Eventsof this kind strike at the very founda-tions of the republic.” [Catherine Ber-nard, A Béziers, Coup de Sang auLance-roquettes (Bloodshed by RocketLauncher), Libération, Sept. 3, 2001.]

Tunneling to EnglandEach night, hundreds of Third World-

ers try to sneak into the railway tunnelunder the English Channel, which linksFrance and Britain. They try to hopfreight or passenger trains, or even hikethe 31-miles to England. If they hopwrong they can be killed or lose a leg.The ones who are caught aren’t repatri-ated—they go home to the Red Crossrefugee camp at nearby Sangatte,France, where they rest up for the nextattempt to get across. Although theyhave already managed to make it toFrance—where they could apply forpolitical asylum—the word is out thatthe British are an easier touch, and thatBritain is a good jumping-off point forthe United States. During the first sixmonths of this year, police caught18,500 illegals trying to get to Englandthrough the tunnel. During that period,


3,200 made it, and promptly applied forasylum. The British government wantsto fine the Eurotunnel company $2,905for each illegal alien who gets through,and a bill to that effect was to go beforeParliament on September 18. [Keith B.Richburg, Perilous Passage: RefugeesTry to Flee Via Eurotunnel, Washing-ton Post, September 3, 2001, p. A14.]

Judicial RestraintJudge Charles R. Jones of the Loui-

siana Fourth Circuit Court of Appealswas upset because he thought the courtdidn’t hire enough blacks. On January31, 56-year-old Judge Jones arrived atwork to help interview lawyers whowanted a staff job at the court. Insteadof interviewing, Judge Jones, who isblack, started swearing at the two fel-low judges on the hiring committee,Miriam Waltzer and Steven Plotkin,both white.

“He called me a bitch, he called me aliar, he called me a conniver, that I pre-tended to be as innocent as the drivensnow, and I was in on the conspiracyand on and on,” Judge Waltzer told theLouisiana Judiciary Committee, whichinvestigated the incident. Every one ofhis sentences, she said, started with anexpletive. When Judge Jones turned to-ward her, Judge Waltzer thought, “Is hegoing to hit me? What is he going todo?”

Judge Plotkin, 64, tried to interveneon behalf of his lady colleague. He sayshe called Judge Jones a bully and toldhim he resented his foul language. JudgeJones replied with another string ofexpletives. “He was just rageful, loud,screaming, yelling, angry. I mean, it wasa demonstration on his part . . . of rage,as best as I can describe it.” A courtdeputy who witnessed the encountersaid Judge Jones was “cussing andhollering and going on. The words werecoming out of his mouth so fast. He wassaying ‘You all are sons of bitches, youare all f***ing sons of bitches. You allare after my job, you all have alwaysbeen after my job.”

Judge Jones then told Judge Plotkin,“Get out of my face,” and pushed him.Judge Plotkin pushed back. The six-foot,200-pound Judge Jones then took aswing at the 5-foot four-inch, 155-poundJudge Plotkin, picked him up, and, ac-cording to Judge Waltzer, threw him ei-ther on or against a table. “And all thetime he was cursing. I mean, he never

stopped cursing,” Judge Waltzer told thejudiciary committee. Judge Plotkinended up on the floor in a daze, bleed-ing from a gash on his head.

Despite the testimony of witnesses,Judge Jones maintained that JudgePlotkin was the aggressor and threw thefirst punch. He denied arriving at themeeting angry, and further denied thathe cursed at Judge Waltzer or was“spewing obscenities.” He did admit,however, that he did use “the F word.”“And I know I used it more than once,”he told the judiciary committee. JudgeJones also admitted he had problemswith his temper. “I’ve been trying to userestraint,” he said. “And [in] that inci-dent with Judge Plotkin, I thought I wasusing restraint.”

On August 8, the Louisiana JudiciaryCommittee ruled that Judge Jones dis-graced the judiciary, and has recom-mended to the Louisiana Supreme Courtthat he be suspended for three monthswithout pay and ordered to pay the$4,772 costs of the investigation. JudgeJones was unavailable for comment af-ter the committee ruling, but his lawyersays the court’s record of minority hir-ing deserved more public attention thanthe fight. “Hopefully,” she adds, “nowthat the recommendation and entirerecord of the matter are public, this topiccan be afforded the focus it deserves.”[Gwen Filosa, Suspension Endorsed forJudge, Times-Picayune (New Orleans),August 9, 2001, p. A-1.]

Another Hoax32-year-old Camille Fulton made

headlines in August after she showed upat a Texas hospital with bumps, bruises,and the letters “KKK” carved on herchest. She claimed she was abducted bytwo hooded white men in a pickup truck,who held her for 17 hours, sexually as-saulted her, and scratched the letters intoher skin. Miss Fulton made fewer head-

lines in September when she admittedto Cass County police that she made upthe story and defaced herself with a pairof scissors. Police got suspicious whenthey noticed the letters were backwards.Miss Fulton, who says she doesn’t know

why she faked the attack, was chargedon September 6 with felonies for filingfalse information and fabricating evi-dence. A warrant was issued for her ar-rest, but she has disappeared.

Meanwhile, the Texas NAACP is sus-picious of Miss Fuller’s recantation, andis conducting its own investigation inlight of the area’s “history of racial in-cidents.” Miss Fuller’s family says au-thorities made her change her story.[Woman Says Men Carved KKK on HerChest, AP, September 4, 2001. WomanRecants KKK Attack Story, AP, Septem-ber 4, 2001. Kidnapping “Victim” Ad-mits to Making the Whole Thing Up,KTLV.com, September 4, 2001. WomanCharged With Filing False Claim ThatShe Was Abducted, Beaten and Sexu-ally Assaulted, AP, September 6, 2001.]

Burn Down the Fire HouseFiremen in the overwhelmingly black

town of East St. Louis, Illinois, often putout fires deliberately set in abandonedbuildings. Recently, they got three callsbetween midnight and 1:00 a.m. at atime when only three men were on duty.As they were busily putting out a blazeat an abandoned building, they got an-other call—their own firehouse wasburning. By the time they got back, itwas almost completely destroyed. Thebuilding appears to have been burgledand then set ablaze. [Arsonists HitFirehouse, International Fire Fighter,March-April, 2001.]

Strictly Local NewsOn May 8, 2000, Leo Cavallaro, Jr.

and his son, Leo III, were driving toWest Memphis, Arkansas, to pick upsome auto parts. The elder Mr. Cavallaronoticed that a friend had been pulledover by an Edmonson police officer,who was issuing a ticket. Officer DavidTurner, who is black, was out of his ju-risdiction, and Mr. Cavallaro stopped toexplain to his friend that he could there-fore get the ticket revoked.

As Mr. Cavallaro approached, OfficerTurner told him he was interfering witha traffic stop and to return to his truck.Officer Turner and Mr. Cavallaro, whowas white, began arguing. Mr. Cavallaropointed his finger at Officer Turner,whereupon the policeman grabbed hisfinger, bending it all the way back. Hethen struck Mr. Cavallaro several timesin the head with his fist. Mr. Cavallaro


suffered a fractured skull from the beat-ing. He went into a coma and died onNovember 10, 2000, never having re-gained consciousness. When theyounger Mr. Cavallaro tried to help hisfather, he says Officer Turner told him“to get back to the f***ing truck or I’dbe in the same situation.”

In August, Officer Turner was triedfor second-degree murder but got a hungjury. Crittenden County prosecutors saythey will try him again. [Kenneth Heard,Son Testifies on Blows Fatal to Dad,Arkansas Democrat-Gazette (LittleRock), August 8, 2001, p. B1.]

‘He Loved His Children’George McHeard, III was a Pratt City,

Alabama, black who left behind at least16 children when he was murdered onApril 3, 2000, at age 21. According tohis mother, Audrey Williams, Mr.McHeard had children by at least ninedifferent women. She says her son wasa good father: “He loved his childrenand took care of them. He bought themwhatever they needed.”

Mr. McHeard also loved fast cars andmotorcycles, and had some kind of busi-ness buying and selling them, though thebusiness had neither a name nor an of-fice. One of his children is namedMercedes and another is named Infiniti.The program for his funeral devoted afull page to pictures of fancy cars he hadowned. The service was marred by abrawl involving at least three of themothers of Mr. McHeard’s children.Police restored order.

At the time of his funeral, police stillhad no leads on killer or motive, but Mr.McHeard’s mother could tell somethinghad been wrong. During the week be-fore his death she said her son was un-usually quiet. “He just wasn’t sayinganything,” she said. “It was like he knewhis time was up.” [Toraine Norris, SlainFather Left 16 Kids at Age 21, Birming-ham News, April 12, 2000.]

Rat AttackOn July 11, Kevin Jordan, a black

cocaine dealer, hit Elizabeth Garcia inthe back of the head with a fistful of keysas she pushed her 17-month old daught-er’s stroller down the sidewalk onManhattan’s First Avenue. Mr. Jordanthen kicked over the stroller, whichtumbled into traffic. Several cars man-aged to swerve out of the way, and the

baby was unhurt, but Mrs. Garcia washospitalized. Mr. Jordan, on the run frompolice for three weeks after skipping outon a presentencing examination, says heattacked her because she is white.“White people treat me like a rat!” hetold police. Mr. Jordan will undergo apsychiatric examination to determine hisfitness to stand trial. [Larry Celona andLaura Italiano, Racism Behind StrollerAttack: DA, New York Post, July 13,2001, p. 2.]

Rodney Gets HighOn August 28, a motel clerk in

Claremont, California, called police toreport a guest acting strangely. Whenpolice arrived, they discovered the guestwas Rodney King, the black criminalwho won $3.8 million in a civil rightslawsuit against the city of Los Angelesafter police beat him in 1991. Accord-ing to Lieutenant Gary Jenkins of theClaremont police, “The officers deter-mined that King was possibly under theinfluence of PCP and [he] was subse-quently arrested without incident.” Mr.King was booked for PCP use, a misde-meanor. This is only the latest arrest forMr. King, who has been convicted ofdrunk driving and hit-and-run-driving,and plead guilty to misdemeanor spou-sal abuse. [LAPD Beating VictimRodney King Arrested, AP, August 28,2001.]

The policemen who stopped Mr. Kingin 1991 thought he was on PCP, whichwould have explained why he was sodifficult to subdue.

Border CasualtyThe following letter appeared in

American Legion:“As a property owner in southern

Arizona, I am familiar with the prob-lems facing our country on the U.S.-Mexico border. The problem is escalat-ing and has hit my home radically.

“On Feb. 12, my husband was mur-dered in our home by drug smugglerswho were upset that he patrolled ourproperty with a million-candle-powerlight. They lost a sizable drug load andassumed he was responsible for the bust.He was not responsible, but was killednonetheless. . . .

“On the border in the Douglas/Nacosector, where my home is located, localranchers are threatened with litigationby the Mexican government if they de-

fend their own property. Yet my husbandcan be murdered in cold blood in hisown bed and we can do nothing?

“If the U.S. government doesn’t sendthe military in, they are negligent in pro-tecting citizens, especially those livingclose to the border. My husband’s lifewas taken from him at 47, leaving be-hind six children, four stepchildren anda wife. How many more families mustsuffer before the government takes con-trol of our borders?” [Deborah Divver,Letters, American Legion, May, 2001.]

Blacks LeavingLarge numbers of blacks are leaving

San Francisco. Since 1990, more than18,500 have left, a decline of 23 per-cent. In 1970, 96,000 blacks lived in SanFrancisco, but today there are only60,515—eight percent of a total popu-lation of 776,773. Whites are just under50 percent and Asians 30 percent. Atmore than 150,000, there are two-and-a-half times as many Chinese in SanFrancisco as blacks.

Population experts say blacks areleaving because of high housing costs,and a desire to be with people like them-selves. According to William Banks, ablack studies professor at the Univer-sity of California at Berkeley, manywant to be closer to family or want theirchildren to grow up with other blacks.“People will move where they can feelat home,” says Prof. Banks. “There youhave the institutions intact.” Prof. Bankslives in Hayward, a suburb across SanFrancisco Bay, whose black populationhas risen 40 percent since 1990. SanFrancisco’s one black neighborhood—Bayview-Hunters Point—is becomingless black all the time, as more Asiansand Hispanics move in. [Olga R.Rodriguez, Blacks Leaving San Fran-cisco in Droves, Census Shows, AP,September 7, 2001.]

Cultural Misunderstand-ing

Last year the State Department de-cided to resettle 3,800 Sudanese men intheir late teens and early 20s—the so-called “Lost Boys of Sudan”—in vari-ous places around the United States.Before coming here, the Lost Boys hadspent a decade in refugee camps, andwere unfamiliar with electricity, motorvehicles, and cold weather. Two dozensettled in Arlington, Massachusetts, with


the help of the nearly all-white congre-gation of St. Paul’s EvangelicalLutheran Church.

On August 24, 19-year-old Lost BoyDaniel Majok Kachuol was loungingoutside his apartment when a 20-year-old woman walked by. According to her,Mr. Kachuol introduced himself, thengrabbed her by the arm and pinned heragainst the side of the building. “You’rebeautiful, I love you,” he said, andburned her finger with a cigarette. Thewoman says Mr. Kachuol then threw herto the ground and began raping her withhis finger. Another resident of the build-ing heard her yelling, and pushed Mr.Kachuol off of her. Mr. Kachuol pleadnot guilty to charges of rape and assaultand battery with a dangerous weapon.The Lutherans vowed to stand by him,and posted $50,000 bail. As Pastor Su-san Henry explains, “He’s a member ofthe congregation. He’s part of the fam-ily.” Susan Bailey, 28, who lives acrossthe street from the apartment building,has a theory about what happened. “Wefeel it was probably a cultural misun-derstanding,” she says. [Ellen Barry,One of Sudan’s ‘Lost Boys’ is ChargedWith Rape, Boston Globe, Aug. 28,2001. Farah Stockman and Ellen Barry,Charges, Racist Flyers Test Church,Boston Globe, Sept. 3, 2001.]

Raping Australian WhitesLast month we reported a spate of

gang-rapes of white Australian teenagegirls in Sydney by men described as“Middle-Easterners.” The culprits who,in some cases, told their victims theydeserved to be raped because they wereAustralian, are now known to have beenLebanese. In one case, a teenage girl wasraped over a period of six hours by atleast 15 men, some of whom used cellphones to ring up friends and invite themto the party. The first two gang-rapiststo plead guilty got sentences of six yearsand 18 months respectively. Robert Carr,premier of New South Wales has ledopposition against the lenient sentences.He also says current rules for identify-ing crime suspects—“aborigine,”“white,” or “Asian”—are too narrow,and should include “Middle Eastern.”

Talk show callers are promising re-venge, and have hardly been mollifiedby the explanation of one criminal—who came from Lebanon in 1993—thathe didn’t realize rape and forcible fella-tio were crimes. Pauline Hanson, the

leader of the anti-immigration One Na-tion party, called for Australia to intro-duce “Singapore-style” justice, withflogging of rapists. “A lot of thesepeople are Muslims,” she says, “andthey have no respect for the Christianway of life that this country’s based on.”[Patrick Barkham, Crime Pays for Aus-

2002 AR Conference!

The next AR Conference willbe held over the weekend ofFeb. 22 to 24, 2002, at the

Dulles Hyatt Hotel, at Dulles Inter-national Airport, near D.C. Therewill be a reception on Friday even-ing, Feb. 22, and the conference willend at noon on Sunday, Feb. 24.

Registration is $75.00 until Jan.1, after which it is $100. Please makehotel reservations by calling (800)233-1234, and ask for the “Ameri-can Renaissance” rate of $79.00 pernight. There will be a banquet Sat-urday evening for an additional$25.00, but it is optional for thosewith other dinner plans.

Speakers will include:Samuel Francis, syndicated col-

umnist.Jared Taylor, editor of ARNick Griffin , chairman, British

National PartyGlenn Spencer, host of Ameri-

can PatrolGlayde Whitney, Professor of

NeurosciencePhilippe Rushton, Professor of

Psychology . . .. . . and there will be others.An AR conference is a wonder-

ful opportunity to meet and ex-change ideas with like-mindedpeople from all over the country.

We will be sending additional in-formation in later issues, but we en-courage readers to plan ahead andmake your reservations and sendregistration checks now. Please call(703) 716-0900 if you have ques-tions.

tralian Right, Guardian (England), Aug.27, 2001. Melissa Fyfe, Ethnic CrimeDebate Rages Out of Control on SydneyAirwaves, The Age (Australia), Aug. 25,2001.]

Kill the ‘Racists’Simon Sue, a 19-year-old mixed Chi-

nese/Indian whose parents immigratedfrom Guyana, lives in Colorado Springs,Colorado. He organized a paramilitary-style organization called OARA, in-spired by insurgency groups in Guyana,and had several white high school stu-dents as members. He reportedly madethem pass inspections, file monthly re-ports, and turn over part of their earn-ings from after-school jobs. The groupwas opposed to drugs, “racism,” alco-hol, and homosexuality.

One day, when a white member, IsaacGrimes, was visiting a classmate, TonyDutcher, he heard Tony’s grandfatherrefer to Mr. Sue as a “chink.” He re-ported this to Mr. Sue, who decided theDutchers would have to be killed. Heallegedly told Isaac to draw up a plan tokill the “racists,” but was not satisfiedwith it, and had another white member,Jonathan Matheny, draw up a better one.

Reportedly acting on this plan, Isaacand Jonathan visited the Dutchers onNew Year’s Eve and had dinner with thefamily. Late that night, Isaac slit TonyDutcher’s throat while he lay in a sleep-ing bag. Authorities think it was hisfriend Jonathan who then shot the grand-parents, first killing Mr. Dutcher. Mrs.Dutcher ran into the bathroom but wasshot six times through the door and leftwith her head in the toilet.

Isaac Grimes, Jonathan Matheny, andSimon Sue are all charged with murder,but Mr. Sue’s lawyers say the slightly-built young man could not possibly haveforced the boys to kill the Dutchers.They say he cannot be guilty becausehe was vacationing in Canada with hisparents at the time of the killings. Pros-ecutors point out he was in telephonecontact with Isaac and Jonathan justbefore and after the murders, and thathe told the boys he would kill their par-ents if they did not obey him. [Erin Em-ery, Motive in Slayings: Getting Rid of‘Racist,’ Denver Post, July 24, 2001.Steve Lipsher, Witness: Racial Slur Ledto Triple Killing, Denver Post, Sept. 6,2001. Steve Lipsher, Hearing Delayedin Triple-Slaying, Denver Post, Sept. 7,2001.] ΩΩΩΩΩ

Documents

200110 American Renaissance